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Is money worth the same online?

The web is a world of plenty, yet we still try to put a price on everything Ever since human beings first began to organise into social groups there has been some kind of exchange market. Filthy lucre in one form or another has insisted on creeping in to dominate our social fabric. The reality is that our modern capitalist metropolises based on physical money are simply the concrete evolutions of our Cro-Magnon days, when the currency was fish, wives or finely crafted stone, with an unexpected detour through Holland during the tulip-mania economic bubble of the 1630s. Georg Simmel, the early-20th-century German sociologist, described money this way: humans have a natural tendency to create unnatural hierarchies that predicate the need for haves and have-nots because, ironically, they serve a very useful role in social cohesion. They force us to interact with one another, and give us insight into who we’re dealing with and how the exchange process will play out. The tokens of our economic systems, Simmel continued, define cultural value both tangibly – with metal discs and pieces of paper – and intangibly: through the exchange of skills and information. Rocks, tulip bulbs and over-priced apartments have also served as tokens in other times. So, regardless of its physical or non-physical properties, the function of money has always been the same: to represent the ideological exchange of value and the attribution of social worth upon something someone else wants. Money is also a physical hallmark of trust: the banknote that we often incorrectly think of as cash is nothing but an IOU. The bank will “give to the bearer” the value written on the piece of paper when asked. In other words, money is already removed from the realm of the physical: it is a historical and philosophical construct that holds society together. And it has not changed in millennia. So it’s unsurprising that money – as a representative of social value – remains enormously important in the web age, despite our rapid uptake of a technology that has the potential to eradicate the scarcity that defines the rates of exchange. Online, “our property can be infinitely reproduced and instantaneously distributed all over the planet without cost, without our knowledge, without its even leaving our possession,” as the internet writer John Perry Barlow put it in a 1992 essay, Selling Wine Without Bottles: The Economy of Mind on the Global Net. But this plenty has not dissolved value; it has shifted it into something more intangible. Still, human nature gets in the way. We continue to impose worth online, even though we are able to operate and trade an infinite amount for free (once we have satisfied our basic offline needs, like food and shelter). Even in an environment where we don’t need to satisfy basic human needs, we insist on imposing calculable value so we can make a buck. For example, in this system defined by plenty, we seek out impossible rarity and price it accordingly. In virtual communities such as online games, where our online personas have no hunger and no exhaustion, people sell character accounts, piles of virtual currency, game items that have been built up through “click-labour”, and even bits of broken code that somehow slipped through the software testing phase, for real money on auction sites such as eBay. There is nothing new in this economic model except the asset that’s being exchanged. But there is a difference. The exchange economies of the web are based upon the actions and relationships that make up our online reputations. Risk is high online due to the potential number of new strangers that we can meet, and the anonymity of the web means that the heuristics we use to figure out if someone is trustworthy or not – including reports from friends, brand recognition, clothing and facial expressions – are virtually impossible to identify in this new digital wild west. Trust has become the pinnacle of virtual currency. It’s what people depend upon to function online. It is the source of our reputations in the virtual space. But there is no cash to create the tangible IOU, so we create recommendations engines and ratings systems, and rely on links from friends to get worthwhile information. Trust is money online: it’s what we have, and what we have not. The web really has done very little to transform our social concept of money – if anything, it’s made us more aware of its true philosophical underpinnings, and has divorced it from the paper stuff in our wallets. It puts the pound sterling, the dollar and the yen into perspective if people can make a real-life living from buying and selling virtual items for digital platinum pieces. And the idea that people will ascribe worth to things in an environment that doesn’t demand it suggests that Simmel’s philosophy of money itself has value. The web offers an extraordinary opportunity to figure it out. Internet Second Life eBay Games Aleks Krotoski guardian.co.uk

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Joan Miró: A life in paintings

Miró’s work is loved for its joyful celebration of life and colour. But it also contains ideas of freedom which, in Franco’s Spain, were very dear to the Catalan painter. We look again at the man, and trace his personal journey through six great paintings On the death of General Franco in 1975, Joan Miró was asked what he had done to promote opposition to the dictator, who had ruled Spain for nearly 40 years. The artist answered simply: “Free and violent things.” The first major Miró exhibition in this country for nearly 50 years, which opens at Tate Modern next month, will cast light on that answer. Miró is not always thought of as a political painter, in the broad or the narrow sense. He was not a creator of manifestos, or a signer of petitions; he was not given to provocative gesture like his contemporary Salvador Dali, nor did he pursue his passions at all costs, like his sometime mentor Picasso. For most of the second half of his long life (he died in 1983 at the age of 90), Miró painted in his studio in Palma, Mallorca, charting a unique course among the movements in postwar painting, and always looking very much his own man. Politics was for Miró, however, unavoidable, an accident of birth. He was the son of a blacksmith and jeweller who lived on the harbourside in Barcelona. He came of age with the Catalan independence movement, and shared its deep-rooted sense of the possibilities of liberty. To begin with, he identified this freedom with internationalism; he longed to be in Paris. But once he had escaped, he held on to his identity as a Catalan, as a freedom fighter, all the more devoutly and from it developed an intimate visual language, which sustained him all of his working life. The Tate show will concentrate on three periods of Miro’s constantly reimagined career: his formative years in Catalonia; his exile in Paris in the years of the Spanish civil war and the outbreak of the second world war; and his enthusiasm for the radicalism of the 60s, when he was approaching the late period of his work. Marko Daniel, the co-curator of the exhibition, which will bring together more than 150 works in collaboration with the Miró Foundation in Barcelona, hopes that it will be “a perspective not just on Miró but on the turbulence of the 20th century, the way an artist’s life might be shaped by proximity to these great political upheavals”. The title of the show, Joan Miró: The Ladder of Escape , comes from a painting, one of a series, that Miró began in 1939 as the Nazi forces were advancing into France. He was living in Normandy at that time and had begun the works as a kind of personal defence against what he knew to be the horrors to come. The series of paintings dwelt on his profound internal sense of connections between things, an entirely singular private universe that he called the Constellations. When he eventually fled with his wife and daughter on the last train out of Paris for Spain, the paintings were rolled under his arm. As the exhibition will make clear, Miró’s instinct for political engagement, though heartfelt and full of risk, often lay in these gestures of withdrawal, of self-defence. André Breton, the surrealist, once referred to Miró, for good and bad, as a case of “arrested development”, a childlike artist. The label stuck for a long time but this exhibition should go a long way to revealing how hard-won Miro’s apparent playfulness was. The ladder in that borrowed exhibition title had long been for him an emergency exit to the safe house of his imagination. In a 1936 interview, with the Spanish civil war a looming reality, he spoke of the need to “resist all societies… if the aim is to impose their demands on us”. The word “freedom has meaning for me,” he said, “and I will defend it at any cost.” Though he was capable of making propaganda images for the Catalan and republican causes, this sense of absolute individual liberty was as much about a sense of wonder at the world; you could find it, he believed, “wherever you see the sun, a blade of grass, the spirals of the dragonfly. Courage consists sometimes of staying close to nature, which could not care less about our disasters”. In this spirit Miró created for himself the alter ego of a Catalan peasant, indefatigable and ribald, wild bearded under a barretina , the red cap of the rural radical. The surface of his life, despite the great fractures of the times in which he lived, was relatively orderly and measured, but you do not have to look for long at his work, including the pictures on these pages, to see that he reserved all of his formidable energies for his painting. NORD-SUD, 1917 Aged 24, Miró longs to leave Barcelona for Paris Miró made this painting in 1917, when he was living in his native Barcelona and dreaming of moving to Paris. He was in the final year of his national service as a soldier; Spain was not involved in the first world war, and he was frustrated that the fighting in France had put his ambitions to enlist in the Parisian avant garde on hold. After a period of depression, he had given up on the career in business that his father had planned for him, and had spent the previous four years, when not in uniform, painting full-time; he had that premature, 24-year-old’s sense that life was already passing him by. The presence in his painting of the journal Nord-Sud – founded in Paris that year by the poet Guillaume Apollinaire among others – hints both at this anxiety, and at a solidarity with the ideals of freedom the magazine represented. The caged bird behind it is faced with an open door, but has not yet flown: “I must tell you,” Miró wrote to his friend and fellow painter EC Ricart in 1917, “that if I have to live much longer in Barcelona I will be asphyxiated by the atmosphere – so stingy and such a backwater (artistically speaking).” Miró was, above all, desperate, in the spirit of the moment, to be part of an -ism, or, better, to create one. Impressionism was dead, he suggested: “Down with weeping sunsets in canary yellow… Down with all that, made by crybabies!” He was already anticipating the demise of cubism, futurism and fauvism (though the latter in particular has a strong influence on his painting here). The scissors are open ready for him to cut ties with the past and present, with Catalonia (represented in the characteristic vase), and with Goethe-esque rites of passage. But his hopes of finding that new style, that new way of painting seemed to be beyond him, and to the north. Two years later Miró still found himself maddeningly caught in this limbo, and finding new torments in his friends’ departures: “Ricart must have told you,” he wrote to JF Rafols in August 1919, “that he is determined to go to Paris for a few months. I am afraid that he will get a fright unless he realises that life in Paris is expensive if he does not manage to go there with a good monthly allowance… I am definitely going at the end of November. You have to go there as a fighter and not as a spectator of the fight if you want to do anything…” When Miró eventually did make it to Paris, in 1920, he called on Picasso, whom he had never met, but whose mother was a family friend in Barcelona. Picasso looked out for him, bought a painting that Miró showed him, and helped him into the radical society he had dreamt of. Within a year, Miró’s tiny studio at rue Blomet received regular visits from his new friends: the poet Paul Éluard, the playwright Antonin Artaud and the artist Tristan Tzara. Sud had found his way Nord. THE FARM, 1921 Broke in Paris, he reflects on his roots “When I first knew Miró,” Ernest Hemingway wrote in 1934, “he had very

Continue reading …
Joan Miró: A life in paintings

Miró’s work is loved for its joyful celebration of life and colour. But it also contains ideas of freedom which, in Franco’s Spain, were very dear to the Catalan painter. We look again at the man, and trace his personal journey through six great paintings On the death of General Franco in 1975, Joan Miró was asked what he had done to promote opposition to the dictator, who had ruled Spain for nearly 40 years. The artist answered simply: “Free and violent things.” The first major Miró exhibition in this country for nearly 50 years, which opens at Tate Modern next month, will cast light on that answer. Miró is not always thought of as a political painter, in the broad or the narrow sense. He was not a creator of manifestos, or a signer of petitions; he was not given to provocative gesture like his contemporary Salvador Dali, nor did he pursue his passions at all costs, like his sometime mentor Picasso. For most of the second half of his long life (he died in 1983 at the age of 90), Miró painted in his studio in Palma, Mallorca, charting a unique course among the movements in postwar painting, and always looking very much his own man. Politics was for Miró, however, unavoidable, an accident of birth. He was the son of a blacksmith and jeweller who lived on the harbourside in Barcelona. He came of age with the Catalan independence movement, and shared its deep-rooted sense of the possibilities of liberty. To begin with, he identified this freedom with internationalism; he longed to be in Paris. But once he had escaped, he held on to his identity as a Catalan, as a freedom fighter, all the more devoutly and from it developed an intimate visual language, which sustained him all of his working life. The Tate show will concentrate on three periods of Miro’s constantly reimagined career: his formative years in Catalonia; his exile in Paris in the years of the Spanish civil war and the outbreak of the second world war; and his enthusiasm for the radicalism of the 60s, when he was approaching the late period of his work. Marko Daniel, the co-curator of the exhibition, which will bring together more than 150 works in collaboration with the Miró Foundation in Barcelona, hopes that it will be “a perspective not just on Miró but on the turbulence of the 20th century, the way an artist’s life might be shaped by proximity to these great political upheavals”. The title of the show, Joan Miró: The Ladder of Escape , comes from a painting, one of a series, that Miró began in 1939 as the Nazi forces were advancing into France. He was living in Normandy at that time and had begun the works as a kind of personal defence against what he knew to be the horrors to come. The series of paintings dwelt on his profound internal sense of connections between things, an entirely singular private universe that he called the Constellations. When he eventually fled with his wife and daughter on the last train out of Paris for Spain, the paintings were rolled under his arm. As the exhibition will make clear, Miró’s instinct for political engagement, though heartfelt and full of risk, often lay in these gestures of withdrawal, of self-defence. André Breton, the surrealist, once referred to Miró, for good and bad, as a case of “arrested development”, a childlike artist. The label stuck for a long time but this exhibition should go a long way to revealing how hard-won Miro’s apparent playfulness was. The ladder in that borrowed exhibition title had long been for him an emergency exit to the safe house of his imagination. In a 1936 interview, with the Spanish civil war a looming reality, he spoke of the need to “resist all societies… if the aim is to impose their demands on us”. The word “freedom has meaning for me,” he said, “and I will defend it at any cost.” Though he was capable of making propaganda images for the Catalan and republican causes, this sense of absolute individual liberty was as much about a sense of wonder at the world; you could find it, he believed, “wherever you see the sun, a blade of grass, the spirals of the dragonfly. Courage consists sometimes of staying close to nature, which could not care less about our disasters”. In this spirit Miró created for himself the alter ego of a Catalan peasant, indefatigable and ribald, wild bearded under a barretina , the red cap of the rural radical. The surface of his life, despite the great fractures of the times in which he lived, was relatively orderly and measured, but you do not have to look for long at his work, including the pictures on these pages, to see that he reserved all of his formidable energies for his painting. NORD-SUD, 1917 Aged 24, Miró longs to leave Barcelona for Paris Miró made this painting in 1917, when he was living in his native Barcelona and dreaming of moving to Paris. He was in the final year of his national service as a soldier; Spain was not involved in the first world war, and he was frustrated that the fighting in France had put his ambitions to enlist in the Parisian avant garde on hold. After a period of depression, he had given up on the career in business that his father had planned for him, and had spent the previous four years, when not in uniform, painting full-time; he had that premature, 24-year-old’s sense that life was already passing him by. The presence in his painting of the journal Nord-Sud – founded in Paris that year by the poet Guillaume Apollinaire among others – hints both at this anxiety, and at a solidarity with the ideals of freedom the magazine represented. The caged bird behind it is faced with an open door, but has not yet flown: “I must tell you,” Miró wrote to his friend and fellow painter EC Ricart in 1917, “that if I have to live much longer in Barcelona I will be asphyxiated by the atmosphere – so stingy and such a backwater (artistically speaking).” Miró was, above all, desperate, in the spirit of the moment, to be part of an -ism, or, better, to create one. Impressionism was dead, he suggested: “Down with weeping sunsets in canary yellow… Down with all that, made by crybabies!” He was already anticipating the demise of cubism, futurism and fauvism (though the latter in particular has a strong influence on his painting here). The scissors are open ready for him to cut ties with the past and present, with Catalonia (represented in the characteristic vase), and with Goethe-esque rites of passage. But his hopes of finding that new style, that new way of painting seemed to be beyond him, and to the north. Two years later Miró still found himself maddeningly caught in this limbo, and finding new torments in his friends’ departures: “Ricart must have told you,” he wrote to JF Rafols in August 1919, “that he is determined to go to Paris for a few months. I am afraid that he will get a fright unless he realises that life in Paris is expensive if he does not manage to go there with a good monthly allowance… I am definitely going at the end of November. You have to go there as a fighter and not as a spectator of the fight if you want to do anything…” When Miró eventually did make it to Paris, in 1920, he called on Picasso, whom he had never met, but whose mother was a family friend in Barcelona. Picasso looked out for him, bought a painting that Miró showed him, and helped him into the radical society he had dreamt of. Within a year, Miró’s tiny studio at rue Blomet received regular visits from his new friends: the poet Paul Éluard, the playwright Antonin Artaud and the artist Tristan Tzara. Sud had found his way Nord. THE FARM, 1921 Broke in Paris, he reflects on his roots “When I first knew Miró,” Ernest Hemingway wrote in 1934, “he had very

Continue reading …
Saving the missing Iberian lynx

Ten years ago, there were barely 100 Iberian lynx left. But an innovative Spanish conservation programme is rescuing them from the edge of extinction It took a very short time for Dactil the Iberian lynx to prepare his dinner. The four-year-old male clamped his jaws on a rabbit’s throat, there were a few twitches of his prey’s legs and it was all over. Within minutes, the rabbit had been consumed. Then Dactil wandered off to rejoin his mate, Castanuela, inside their enclosure at the Olivilla breeding centre, near Santa Elena in Andalucía. Such behaviour is difficult to observe in the wild. For a start, Lynx pardinus is a reclusive hunter that leads its life as far as possible from humans. The lynx, with its distinctive large, tufted ears and woolly side whiskers that grow thicker with age, is also extremely rare. Its territory across Spain and Portugal had already started shrinking in the 19th century, before numbers plunged drastically in the 20th. Habitat destruction, loss of prey and indiscriminate trapping by landowners brought this beautiful predator to the brink of extinction. Ten years ago, there were only around a 100 of them, making the Iberian lynx the world’s most endangered species of cat. But at Olivilla, an ambitious attempt is being made to transform the animal’s fortunes. Here 32 lynxes – a substantial percentage of their total population – are provided with shelter with each cat’s behaviour being monitored by more than 100 cameras dotted round the centre’s 20 enclosures. These images are studied by staff working in a control room that has enough TV monitors to do justice to a particle accelerator. “We can see everything they do, which is crucial when the lynx reaches its breeding season in March,” says Olivilla’s director, María José Pérez. “We can help if a mother gets into trouble, for example.” The high-tech surveillance and assiduous zoological care performed at Olivilla are critical to the work of the Lynx Life project, which was launched in 2003 and has since raised the animal’s population, through carefully orchestrated reintroductions, to more than 300. Zoologists are even talking of moving Lynx

Continue reading …
Saving the missing Iberian lynx

Ten years ago, there were barely 100 Iberian lynx left. But an innovative Spanish conservation programme is rescuing them from the edge of extinction It took a very short time for Dactil the Iberian lynx to prepare his dinner. The four-year-old male clamped his jaws on a rabbit’s throat, there were a few twitches of his prey’s legs and it was all over. Within minutes, the rabbit had been consumed. Then Dactil wandered off to rejoin his mate, Castanuela, inside their enclosure at the Olivilla breeding centre, near Santa Elena in Andalucía. Such behaviour is difficult to observe in the wild. For a start, Lynx pardinus is a reclusive hunter that leads its life as far as possible from humans. The lynx, with its distinctive large, tufted ears and woolly side whiskers that grow thicker with age, is also extremely rare. Its territory across Spain and Portugal had already started shrinking in the 19th century, before numbers plunged drastically in the 20th. Habitat destruction, loss of prey and indiscriminate trapping by landowners brought this beautiful predator to the brink of extinction. Ten years ago, there were only around a 100 of them, making the Iberian lynx the world’s most endangered species of cat. But at Olivilla, an ambitious attempt is being made to transform the animal’s fortunes. Here 32 lynxes – a substantial percentage of their total population – are provided with shelter with each cat’s behaviour being monitored by more than 100 cameras dotted round the centre’s 20 enclosures. These images are studied by staff working in a control room that has enough TV monitors to do justice to a particle accelerator. “We can see everything they do, which is crucial when the lynx reaches its breeding season in March,” says Olivilla’s director, María José Pérez. “We can help if a mother gets into trouble, for example.” The high-tech surveillance and assiduous zoological care performed at Olivilla are critical to the work of the Lynx Life project, which was launched in 2003 and has since raised the animal’s population, through carefully orchestrated reintroductions, to more than 300. Zoologists are even talking of moving Lynx

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Looking down on creation

Yann Arthus-Bertrand isn’t just an aerial photographer: he’s on a mission to save mankind by teaching us to love our beautiful planet. To many, he is France’s answer to Al Gore, but why do some think he’s an “enormous idiot”? In 2005, while filming the devastation of Hurricane Katrina, Yann Arthus-Bertrand fell to earth in a helicopter accident. On the way down, he says, he had no fear of dying, but he was filled with thoughts of “home”. When he discovered he’d survived, this feeling crystallised into two separate imperatives. He had an urgent need to phone his wife: “I’m alive!” he announced breathlessly. “Why are you phoning me at three in the morning to tell me that?” she wondered, unamused. And he had a longing for a glass of wine. “Wine is France, it is alive, it is love! I

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Chechnya’s leader hires football stars

Ramzan Kadyrov hopes former international players and Ruud Gullit as coach can help improve his country’s image Russian football – and international sport – is about to be confronted with one of its most unlikely success stories. FC Terek Grozny, the newly energised team based in the troubled Caucasus republic of Chechnya, is hoping a slew of high-profile international acquisitions will help it make waves in the Russian premier league, which kicked off last weekend. The ambitions of Ramzan Kadyrov, the republic’s leader, however, do not stop there. He is optimistic that the club’s footballing glory will help the world forget about his country’s bloody past. Chief among the names crucial to Terek’s success is Ruud Gullit, the Dutch football legend who signed on for an 18-month contract as coach earlier this year. “The team has started to play more offensively,” said club spokesman Kazbek Khadzhiyev. “Gullit likes discipline on the pitch, and for every player to know what he has to do.” Last week, in spite of a putting up a decent fight, Terek lost its season opener against league champions Zenit St Petersburg 1-0. But Gullit’s role is seen as key. “I’d like to believe that I can bring joy into the lives of the Chechen people through football,” the former Dutch national team captain told Soviet Sport . “Of course, I won’t deny that I’m getting lots of money from Terek.” The money is new. Last year, Kadyrov enlisted the help – and plentiful funds – of Bulat Chagayev, a wealthy Chechen based in Switzerland, who is now club vice-president. Yet Kadyrov would rather not talk about the money. For him, football is a natural outgrowth of the “stability” he has brought to Chechnya, a republic ravaged by two separatist wars since the fall of the Soviet Union. Grozny is rebuilt. But there is an eerie calm – and ubiquitous posters praising Kadyrov and his father, Akhmad Kadyrov, the former leader killed at a stadium bombing in May 2004. Kadyrov rules the republic with an iron fist, regularly leading so-called “anti-terrorist operations” against the families of men suspected of having joined the continuing Islamist opposition that violently opposes his rule. He is also known for his expensive tastes, with a fleet of luxury cars, a private zoo and a collection of gold-plated guns among his many possessions. Now that he has turned his attention to football, he is going all out. “He hasn’t missed one match,” his spokesman, Alvi Kerimov, said. “And he trains every day – even if he works until midnight, he’ll go and play football anyway.” Kadyrov is not content with spectating. The world got to witness his skills on 9 March, when he captained a team of Chechen ragtag players in a friendly against a team featuring stars from Brazil’s 2002 World Cup winning line-up, including Romário, Cafu and Dunga. Now Terek is focused on acquisitions, club spokesman Kazbek Khadzhiyev said, with Gullit expected to start acting on a wish-list this summer. In this, the club is already learning the hard way that it cannot always get its own way. Recent talks with Diego Forlan of Atletico Madrid fell apart, Khadzhiyev said, because the Uruguayan player’s price was too high. Terek looks likely to have competition for players from the Premier League Club of Dagestan, the volatile republic that lies to the east of Chechnya. FC Anzhi Makhachkala was bought in January by Suleiman Kerimov, a Dagestani estimated to be worth $7.8bn by Forbes, making him the 19th richest man in Russia and 118th richest in the world. He has already brought in two major names – former Real Madrid defender Roberto Carlos (whose two-and-a-half year contract is a reported €10m) and one-time Chelsea midfielder Mbark Boussoufa (for reportedly the same sum). Carlos made his debut with Anzhi earlier this month – in Grozny, where the game was held because the Dagestani capital was deemed too dangerous. Terek’s men are undeterred by security fears. Maurício, a 22-year-old Brazilian midfielder, said: “We have no problems in Grozny.” Yet, he admits, players don’t live or train in the Chechen capital, and are based instead in the once fashionable spa town of Kislovodsk, 150 miles west. “When we’re in Grozny, we don’t go around town,” he said in heavily accented Russian. On 9 May, Kadyrov will open a new stadium which is named after his father – officially it is known as the A. A. Kadyrov Republican Football Club Terek Grozny. Invitations to the opening of the 30,000-seat stadium are said to have gone out to Fifa head Sepp Blatter and Uefa chief Michel Platini – Kadyrov wants to hold a match when Russia hosts the World Cup in 2018 – although the Foreign Office and the US State Department advise against travel to Chechnya or the other Caucasus republics. “I do not understand those people who say that Kadyrov is trying to show, through football, that Chechnya is stable,” said Kerimov. “We play football in Chechnya because it is stable.” Not so the manager’s job, however. Gullit’s predecessor, Victor Munoz, lasted less than a month before he quit. Chechnya Miriam Elder guardian.co.uk

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Hypocrisy, O’Keefe is thy middle name : Conservative activist James O’Keefe, who has gained notoriety for his hidden-camera stings of NPR executives, ACORN employees, teacher unions, and CNN reporters, gave a speech to a New Jersey Tea Party group today. The Asbury Park Press reports that O’Keefe had only one condition: that his speech not be videotaped in any way. A representative for the Tea Party group told a photojournalist from the Press that she didn’t agree with O’Keefe’s order, but explained that “This is a guy that’s in trouble with the law, he’s got lawsuits up the gazoo for trying to help you with your freedom.” ThinkProgress’ George Zornick quotes O’Keefe’s speech, wherein he says: “It all goes back to one fundamental principle — and that is to make (the media and public officials) live up to their own book of rules. If you want to call out a hypocrite, the best way to do that is look at how he lives his life.” Quoth the guy who tried to lure a CNN reporter onto his Loooove Boat .

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Palin fuels White House rumours

US politician refuses to rule out standing in 2012 presidential race during trip aimed at boosting foreign policy credentials Sarah Palin, the controversial conservative US politician, fuelled speculation that she is preparing for a presidential bid in 2012 by refusing to rule out her candidacy in a high-profile appearance in Delhi. In a question and answer session following a speech entitled “My Vision for America”, Palin, the former governor of Alaska and Republican vice-presidential candidate in 2008, said she had yet to make up her mind about running. “I don’t think there needs to be a rush to get out there as a declared candidate. It’s a life-changing decision,” Palin told Aroon Purie, editor in chief of India Today magazine, citing her concern about potential effects on her family. Palin, who described herself as “a busy mom”, has only ever made a handful of trips abroad and has limited public appearances to Fox television and statements to social networking sites. During the 2008 campaign, she revealed a deep ignorance of international affairs, famously saying that Russia could be seen from Alaska. An on-air slip that confused North and South Korea last year didn’t help matters. Political analysts in the US and India have said that Palin is seeking to bolster shaky foreign policy credentials before a new campaign. From India, the mother of five will fly to Israel. Palin had been invited to India to deliver the keynote speech at a conference organised by a domestic media group. Her usual fee for a similar appearance is reported to be up to $100,000. She travelled with her husband Todd. In her speech, she described how India was following America’s “rags to riches story” thanks to a pioneering spirit, free markets and the universal dream of individual liberty. She criticised President Barack Obama’s “dithering” over recent violence in Libya and the Middle East. In a speech carefully worked to appeal to a local audience as well as public opinion at home, Palin told her audience that the US and India shared many things, including religious tolerance, democratic traditions, a common struggle for freedom from the British empire, a commitment to “see terrorism defeated” and a concern over the rise of China. “It is the largest democracies, not the world’s largest autocracy, [who] will lead the next century,” Palin said. “I want peace on earth. That peacefulness and that prosperity comes with more freedoms.” Palin’s trip follows only three months after the brief but highly successful tour of India by Obama, who won over audiences with repeated references to how India was “no longer an emerging power but had emerged”. Palin, too, praised India’s dynamism, stressing the similarities between people in Alaska and India’s Andhra Pradesh state. Before Palin’s speech, Professor Mahesh Rangarajan of Delhi University said the US politician had “nothing to offer India”. “It’s more about what India has to offer her. She is a very effective communicator who will no doubt try to reach out to India as an emerging power. But we’ve had a series of presidents here who have already done that,” Rangarajan told the Observer . President George Bush visited in 2007 and overcame the legacy of decades of mutual suspicion to conclude a landmark civil nuclear deal. However, Palin’s repeated attacks on the “central planning” of economies, the “top-down way of making decisions” and her insistence on the importance of empowering individuals and entrepreneurs will strike a chord in an India still suffering from an inefficient and often corrupt bureaucracy. “She was very good. She’s very American but a lot of what she says makes sense here too,” said one major industrialist at the conference. Palin joined speakers ranging from feminist thinker and writer Germaine Greer to Bollywood superstar Amitabh Bachchan at the conference. On Monday, Palin is scheduled to meet the rightwing Israeli prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu. She has consistently supported many of the Israeli government’s more controversial policies. Sarah Palin US elections 2012 Republicans Tea Party movement India United States US politics US foreign policy Jason Burke guardian.co.uk

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Lansley accused of burying NHS poll

Ministers are said to be withholding survey results that undermine health secretary’s case for urgent radical reforms Ministers have been accused of “burying good news” about the NHS because it will undermine their case for sweeping reforms, after it emerged that they are withholding unpublished polling data that shows record levels of satisfaction with healthcare. The Observer has learned that the polling organisation Ipsos MORI submitted the results last autumn to the Department of Health for inclusion in a government survey of public perceptions of the NHS. The data, commissioned by the department, shows that more members of the public than ever believe the NHS is doing a good job – a finding contrary to health secretary Andrew Lansley’s insistence that it is falling short and needs urgent change. The department has had the findings for six months, but has yet to make them public – the most recent information on its website relates to 2007. The decision to “sit on” the positive information has fuelled a row over the way in which the government is rooting out negative statistics about the NHS to justify reforms. Under the plans – rejected by the Liberal Democrats at their spring conference last weekend and opposed by a small band of Tory MPs, as well as by the Labour party – GPs will be handed control of £80bn of the NHS budget, tiers of management will be swept away and the private sector will play a greater role. The department was unable to say yesterday when it would publish the new data, but sources confirmed that the information shows public satisfaction at a record level. In January, John Appleby, chief economist at the King’s Fund thinktank, questioned the way in which ministers were unfavourably comparing the NHS with France. Appleby’s article for the British Medical Journal attracted support from several academics and doctors. Professor Raj Bhopal, of the University of Edinburgh, said: “Justifying NHS reforms by picking a few statistics that cast doubts on the UK’s renowned healthcare system is worrying, but choosing statistics that are widely questioned reminds me of previous government briefings that led to dodgy dossiers.” Labour’s health spokesman, John Healey, said that it was clear the department did not want to put out good news because it would embarrass ministers trying to stem criticism of the Lansley plans. Shirley Williams, the Lib Dem peer, said she was angry that the department had “cherry-picked” information – much of it from 2006 – before the extra billions poured into the health service by Labour had begun to take effect. In its 2007 public perception survey, also compiled from Ipsos MORI data, the department reported satisfaction levels at 63%. Then, last December, the British Social Attitudes survey found satisfaction at a record high of 64%. NHS Andrew Lansley Healthcare industry Doctors Health Toby Helm guardian.co.uk

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