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Cable confirms ending 50p tax rate

Business secretary in agreement with the chancellor over tax rate, but says the wealthy have to ‘pay their share’ The business secretary, Vince Cable, has confirmed the 50p rate on tax will be abolished – and revealed the government would consider bringing in a ‘mansions tax’ to ensure the wealthiest pay their way. The chancellor, George Osborne, ordered a review of tax on top earners in the budget last week, restating that the 50p rate on those who earn above £150,000 was only temporary, and triggering speculation that the rate could be wound down as soon as 2013. Cable in two interviews raised the issue of the rate and alternatives to it. The move would leave the government exposed to accusations that it is softening taxes for the rich, amid intense public anxiety about the fairness of the cuts. The business secretary’s intervention comes just a day after up to 500,000 people took to the streets to demonstrate against the government’s economic plans. Labour pointed out that the coalition would be reducing the tax for the richest while forcing the poorest to lose the largest proportion of their pay packets through the VAT hike. Cable, who argued in opposition for a 0.5% levy on properties worth more than £1m, told the BBC’s Politics Show: “I and George Osborne agree that we have to move away from extremely high marginal rates of tax on income, including that [the 50p rate of tax].” He told BBC Radio 5 Live: “It moved up to 50p in an emergency because we had to have a sense of solidarity that everybody was bearing some of the pain, and the chancellor said in the budget that we’re going to have to move away from that. I agree with him. The Liberal Democrats agree with him. “But it needs to be a change which is fair overall and does take account of the fact that the wealthy have got to pay their share. The emphasis may well have to shift from high marginal rates of tax on income which are undesirable, to taxation of wealth, including property, and the chancellor said that, as much as that, in his budget.” Asked if he was advocating a mansion tax, he said: “Well, there is a very strong argument … that you need to have a proper base for taxing property and I’m sure that’s one of the things we’re going to have to look at as we change away from these very high marginal rates.” Labour originally introduced the tax rate last year, and the Tories promised to keep it temporarily. Osborne said at the budget: “I am clear that the 50p tax rate would do lasting damage to our economy if it were to become permanent. That is why I regard it as a temporary measure.” The Treasury expressed concern about how much revenue the higher rate was bringing in. The Office for Budget Responsibility later revealed that it expected £2bn of the revenue to go uncollected amid evidence that companies had paid large bonuses prior to its introduction to avoid paying part of the costs. A Treasury spokesman said last week’s budget set out all existing tax plans. Treasury sources also distanced it from Cable’s proposals, saying there was “no detailed planning” on taxes for top earners currently being developed by officials. Cable has raised the possibility of a new mansion tax amid increasing nervousness in the coalition over the AV referendum in May. The issue will prove the biggest test for the coalition, as a totemic policy for the Lib Dems and a test of David Cameron’s leadership to his backbenchers, all of whom oppose AV. If the Lib Dems lose, the leadership will need to prove to the rank and file that it is making serious gains elsewhere. A mansions tax would appeal to the disillusioned left of the party. Asked about the effect the referendum could have on the coalition, Cable said he was “pretty sure” the government would survive it, even if the Lib Dems fail to secure AV: “I am pretty sure it would [survive]. But there is a lot at stake and that is why we are fighting hard for it.” He added: “We are a grown-up party, we have not thrown our toys out of the pram because things happen we disagree with. I think you will find the approach to this whole thing is a very mature one.” The competing campaigns for the referendum step up a gear on Monday when the No to AV group launch a national advertising campaign appealing to people to keep the one person one vote system. Matthew Elliott, director of the No campaign, said: “One person, one vote is the cornerstone of our democracy. It represents our most profound political belief. It is a statement that when it comes to electing those who lead us, we each have an equal say and an equal voice. That is why we are clear in our aim: Keep One Person, One Vote and stop supporters of extremist, fringe parties getting more than one vote.” The Yes to Fairer Votes campaign Monday publishes the names of all its funders, demanding that the No campaign does the same. It has received £951,000 from the Joseph Rowntree Reform Trust, £909,517 from the Electoral Reform Society and £114,000 from the Electoral Commission. Vince Cable George Osborne Tax and spending Economic policy Liberal Democrats AV Electoral reform Tax Polly Curtis guardian.co.uk

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Syria cracks down on protesters

• At least 12 people killed in Latakia as unrest spreads • State news agency blames violence on outside forces The Syrian army has been deployed in force in the port city of Latakia after two days of fierce anti-government protests in which at least 12 people were killed. A government source blamed the deaths on “attacks by armed elements on the families and districts of Latakia”, according to the official Sana news agency. But activists accused the military of opening fire on protesters in the city, where they say the offices of the ruling Ba’ath party have been torched. Latakia is a majority Sunni town 220 miles north of the capital, and also home to the minority Alawite sect of President Bashar al-Assad, making unrest there particularly sensitive. In a move to placate protesters, authorities said they had decided to lift the emergency laws. But the absence of a timetable has been widely viewed in Damascus as delaying tactics by the government. The emergency laws restrict public gatherings and authorise arrests on the basis of threats to national security. Observers said significant changes were needed immediately to quell the spreading unrest. Until Friday, protesters had been concentrated in the southern Hauran region around the city of Deraa. “This is a meaningless pledge to remove the emergency law when people can be detained by other laws,” said Rime Allaf, a Syrian analyst at London’s Chatham House. “Everybody is waiting for the president to speak and take some steps to tell the people he is in control.” A Syrian spokesman said Assad, who has not addressed the nation since turmoil started to sweep the region two months ago, was expected to speak soon. His silence has angered many Syrians, who feel he has not acknowledged the seriousness of the crisis facing the regime’s 43-year rule. “During the whole turmoil in the Middle East, he has not come out and spoken to us,” said one resident in Damascus. “Now, many people have been killed here and he has still not personally said a word.” In further moves to quell unrest, Syria’s government is this week expected to resign, announce an amendment to article 8 of the constitution which defines the Ba’ath party as the “leading party in the society and the state”, and a law preventing the detention of reporters. But that promise came in the wake of a crackdown on the media. On Friday the Reuters bureau chief was deported, while scores of local journalists have reported being intimidated or detained. The lack of information is causing confusion in the country, with state media broadcasting the government line that has repeatedly blamed the past 10 days of unrest on outside forces. “They are waging a war of propaganda,” said a 32-year-old Syrian. “I am scared that many will choose to believe it. Meanwhile it makes those who realise just angrier and less willing to accept anything they say.” Syria, which has a Sunni majority, is ruled by the minority Alawite sect. Fears of sectarian strife are one of the main stabilising factors for Christians, Druze and other minority groups. Despite the government’s claims, largely nationalist slogans have been heard. Meanwhile, reports said around 100 lawyers had marched in the southern Druze town of Sweida, calling for an investigation into the deaths of Syrians and an end to the crackdown in Deraa. Local human rights activists say more than 100 people may have been killed since the start of protests on 18 March, and scores more injured. Analysts say that time is running out for Assad to announce reforms to redeem a regime which is looking increasingly weak and confused. “People were not calling for revolution at first. They were calling for more freedom, something which the president can still deliver,” said Allaf. But others say there may be no soft landing. “There are many who perhaps rightly believe that if you give an inch, demands will grow and soon there will be nothing left,” said Joshua Landis, a Syria expert at Oklahoma University. Meanwhile Iran, troubled by protests in an ally country, has portrayed Syrian pro-democracy protesters as “agitators” in the state media. Iran has spoken out in support of demonstrators in Bahrain and Yemen and praised Tunisians, Egyptians and Libyans for their democracy-seeking movements, but has found itself in a peculiar situation with the unrest in Syria. Iran’s Irna state news agency reported from Damascus that a group of “agitators” had confessed on Syrian state television that they had been hired by Israel to create disturbance and insecurity in Syria. Irna quoted the Syrian Sana state news agency as saying: “This group of people travelled a while ago to Israel and have been paid to send photos and videos taken from the unrest in Syria to foreigners.” Iran’s opposition says the reaction of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s government to the protests in Syria showed the hypocrisy of the Iranian regime, which has praised the pro-democracy movements abroad, except Syria, while refusing to allow a peaceful demonstration at home. At the same time, Israel said on Sunday it was worried that Iran might be participating in the suppression of protesters in Syria. Katherine Marsh is a pseudonym for a journalist living in Damascus Syria Protest Middle East Saeed Kamali Dehghan guardian.co.uk

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This was a truly horrifying thing to watch , and even more upsetting to wonder what’s happening to this woman now as a result of telling foreign journalists of her ordeal. And of course, there’s always the possibility that this is an attempt to draw the United States deeper into war in Libya: It was just another breakfast time at Tripoli’s smart Rixos Al Nasr hotel, sleepy foreign journalists helping themselves to cereals, rolls and terrible coffee in the restaurant, looking out over a neat garden unusual in the dour capital city. But the Groundhog Day conversations – more overnight coalition air strikes against Muammar Gaddafi’s forces, rebel advances in the east, how to escape the minders – were suddenly interrupted when a distraught woman burst in to describe how she had been repeatedly raped by government militiamen. Iman al-Obeidi was quickly manhandled and arrested by security officials – an extraordinary spectacle for the journalists staying in the luxurious hotel-cum-media centre, hemmed in by severe restrictions on their movements and fed barely credible information. The scene – filmed by several of those present – unfolded when Obeidi entered the Ocaliptus dining room and lifted up her abaya (dress) to show a slash and bruises on her right leg. “Look what Gaddafi’s men have done to me,” she screamed. “Look what they did, they violated my honour.” Distraught and weeping, she was surrounded by reporters and cameramen. Libyan minders pushed and lashed out at the journalists, one of them drawing a gun, another smashing a CNN camera. Two waitresses grabbed knives and threatened Obeidi, calling her “a traitor to Gaddafi”. Obeidi said she had been arrested at a checkpoint in the capital because she is from Benghazi, stronghold of the anti-Gaddafi rebellion in the east. “They swore at me and they filmed me. I was alone. There was whisky. I was tied up. They peed on me.” She said she had been raped by 15 men and held for two days. Charles Clover of the Financial Times, who tried to protect her, was pushed, thrown to the floor and kicked, and Channel 4 correspondent Jonathan Miller was punched. Obeidi was frogmarched, struggling, into the lobby and driven away, shouting: “They say they are taking me to hospital but they are taking me to jail.” Minders again tried to stop journalists taking pictures. It was impossible to verify her account. Musa Ibrahim, a government spokesman, said he had been told Obeidi, apparently in her 30s, was drunk and suffered from “mental problems”. The incident made a powerful impression on journalists who have heard of, and occasionally seen, brutality but are subject to stringent controls to prevent them reporting independently and have a frustrating sense of being manipulated for crude propaganda purposes by the authorities. “There was a desperate sense of our failure to prevent the thugs taking her away,” C4′s Miller said afterwards. “There was nothing more that we could have done as we were overtly threatened by considerable physical force.” An American TV cameraman said: “I think she probably was raped, otherwise I can’t see her having the courage to put herself at such risk to let us know what the regime is doing. We see the fear in people all the time. But this is the most blatant example of the vicious way the regime treats the Libyan people.”

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Reports in Spanish media say man’s throat was slashed with broken bottle after argument broke out on cricket tour A British tourist has been killed in the Spanish island resort of Magaluf in what was reported to be a bar brawl. Gary Vigors reportedly got into an argument with a fellow Briton with whom he was on a cricket tour. His throat was slashed with a broken bottle and he bled to death following the fracas, according to reports in the Spanish press. The Spanish authorities are investigating the incident. A Foreign Office spokeswoman said: “We can confirm the death of a British national in Magaluf, in Spain. Consular staff are in contact with the next of kin and providing consular assistance.” Spain Europe Crime guardian.co.uk

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Monica Crowley Laughs at Eleanor Clift’s Foolish Comment About Obama, Reagan and Libya

Eleanor Clift on this weekend's “McLaughlin Group” made a truly absurd comment about the disparate ways Barack Obama and Ronald Reagan handled Libya during their respective presidencies that left Monica Crowley in stitches. After Clift mocked Reagan by saying, “You don’t need leadership that goes into a Muslim country all alone,” Monica laughed loudly before replying, “American presidential leadership, Eleanor, never goes out of style” (video follows with transcript and commentary): MONICA CROWLEY, WASHINGTON TIMES: By the way, we've done these no-fly zones over the former Yugoslavia, over Iraq. It doesn't necessarily prevent the kind of humanitarian slaughter that we're trying to prevent here. Look, two differences between Reagan and Obama. Number one, American leadership. Reagan didn't wait for any kind of international stamp of approval to move. And number two, with Reagan, there was a clear mission, a clear strategy, and clear American presidential leadership. ELEANOR CLIFT, NEWSWEEK: That was before 9/11. CROWLEY: We've had none of that in this case. CLIFT: That was before 9/11, before George W. Bush… CROWLEY: It doesn't matter! You know what, you can argue, Eleanor, that post-9/11 you need it even more.

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Remember “Lynn Greer explains it all for you?” Well, the Democrats of Alabama took some video from a TV station’s camera and did a very clever mash-up of his highlights. My video for comparison, and some news from the southern battlefront of the culture wars, after the jump: Apologies for this week’s update being what it is. Spinal problems prevented me from getting to Montgomery while the legislature was in session. Nevertheless, a voter ID bill which passed the House this week drew this reaction from the Alabama Democratic Party: Though the state is currently slashing funding for critical departments and programs in the face of severe budget shortfalls, Republicans are steamrolling over Democrats to pass a bill that will cost millions of dollars that the state doesn’t have. The GOP claims this bill will reduce voter fraud, but there has been no evidence nor any case in Alabama that supports their assertion. Representative Kerry Rich (R – Albertville) could identify only three cases of voter fraud in the state since 2008, all of which dealt with absentee ballots and not voters misrepresenting themselves at the ballot box. If Republicans are able to pass this unnecessary legislation they will be putting the state on the hook for millions of dollars needed to implement a law that will only serve to suppress voter turnout. This is Chairman of the ADP Mark Kennedy speaking to a room full of Democrats: Also this week: Republicans failed to pass their Death To Obamacare Act . The new governor is paying his Chief of Staff, Chief legal advisor, and his Transportation chief with Homeland Security money (really!) and defending the state’s new anti-teacher law in federal courts ( decision ; .PDF). The law would have prohibited teachers from deducting union dues from their paychecks. and was at the top of the Republican “emergency ethics session” agenda just after the election last year. However, Governor Bentley signed the repeal of DROP , a state pension plan designed to reward longer careers.

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Obituary: Diana Wynne Jones

Renowned children’s fantasy and science-fiction author with a dedicated following Like many good writers, Diana Wynne Jones, who has died aged 76 of cancer, worked for long years in relative obscurity, in her case sustained as a children’s fantasy author by a modestly sized but devoted young readership. That obscurity provided the freedom to develop her own voice without the distractions of having to build on perceived success. By the time real success found her, in Jones’s case almost by chance, she was a mature writer with a solid and varied body of work that was ready to be appreciated by a much bigger new audience. Her intelligent and beautifully written fantasies are of seminal importance for their bridging of the gap between “traditional” children’s fantasy, as written by CS Lewis or E Nesbit, and the more politically and socially aware children’s literature of the modern period, where authors such as Jacqueline Wilson or Melvyn Burgess explicitly confront problems of divorce, drugs and delinquency. Jones’s fiction is relevant, subversive, witty and highly enjoyable, while also having a distinctly dark streak and a constant awareness of how unreliable the real world can seem. Disguises and deceptions abound. Though avoiding criminally dysfunctional families or unwanted pregnancies, her cleverly plotted and amusing adventures deal frankly with emotional clumsiness, parental neglect, jealousy between siblings and a general sense of being an outcast. Rather than a deliberately cruel stepmother, a Jones protagonist might have a real mother far more wrapped up in her own career than in the discoveries and feelings of her child. The child protagonist would realise this, but get on with the adventure anyway. Jones wrote from experience: her parents were neglectful of her needs, and those of her two younger sisters. The sisters often went hungry, and for years were banished to sleep in an unheated lean-to shed, to make room in case of visitors. Both parents were intellectuals and progressive educators, but were stingy not only with money but also with warmth and attention. The skinflint father bought the children a complete set of Arthur Ransome books as Christmas presents, but doled them out at a rate of one a year. In self-defence Jones began to write stories for her sisters and herself. When the second world war broke out Jones and her family were evacuated to the Lake District, eventually living in the house once inhabited by the Altounyan children, on whom Ransome had based his Swallows and Amazons series. The great children’s author was still around, one day complaining angrily that the children were making too much noise. On another occasion, Diana’s younger sister and a friend had their faces slapped by a second Lakeland author who hated children but who was rich and famous because of them: Beatrix Potter. Jones’s distinctive scepticism about conventional children’s fiction must have started to set in early. Later, when she went to St Anne’s college, Oxford, two of her lecturers were JRR Tolkien and CS Lewis. Both were then engaged on their famous works of fantasy, but at that time fantasy was distinctly de trop at Oxford. The two professors were tolerated because they were also excellent scholars. Lewis boomed excitingly to crowded halls, while Tolkien muttered inaudibly to Jones and three other students. Years later, just as she was starting to write and publish professionally, and was taking bed-rest because of pregnancy, Jones read Tolkien’s Lord of the Rings for the first time. This made her realise that a fantasy novel could be not only long, but seriously intended too. As she became more certain of her own writing, she also grew more sceptical of the conventional tropes of fantasy, including those of Tolkien. This questioning became overt with the publication of The Tough Guide to Fantasyland (1996). Presenting her book as a tourist guide to a foreign land, Jones, with affectionate but deadly effect, spoofed or parodied the numerous cliches that riddle those hordes of three-volume sagas about elves and quests. Jones, of course, knew that her novels too were not immune from lampoon, but this book declared her self-awareness, the likeable distance so relished by her audience. Her growing band of readers also knew that Jones’s own novels easily transcended the routine stuff of rings and magic and ancient runes. The first of the Harry Potter books by JK Rowling appeared in 1997, and by the turn of the century had become a sensational success. Other publishers were looking around for books they could market to the same vast audience, and were quick to realise that Jones had been fruitfully engaged in fantasy for nearly 30 years. Superficial similarities may be a double-edged sword; one of her series of books features a wizards’ university. Among her most popular creations is the Chrestomanci series (novels and short stories – the first appeared in 1977), in which a nine-lived enchanter operates across multiple realities as a civil servant in charge of preventing the abuse of magic; the series includes an idiosyncratic school story, Witch Week (1982). Of the apparent coincidences, Jones said generously to this newspaper in 2003: “I think that she [Rowling] read my books as a young person and remembered lots of stuff; there are so many striking similarities.” Her career began as a playwright, with three plays produced in London between 1967 and 1970; her first novel, Change- over (1970), was adult humour; since then her work has been written for younger readers. Besides the two series already mentioned, she wrote the Howl books, beginning with Howl’s Moving Castle (1986; filmed in 2004 by Hayao Miyazaki), and two sequels, and the Dalemark sequence (1975-2003), dark-tinged fantasies set in that eponymous country. Some of her best and most enjoyable books are stand-alones, in particular The Ogre Downstairs (1974), The Time of the Ghost (1981) and Fire and Hemlock (1985), each a remarkable blend of pathos and genuinely funny writing. Archer’s Goon (1984), extravagantly mixing fantasy with science fiction, was serialised for television by the BBC in 1992. Her most recent novel, the light-hearted Enchanted Glass, appeared last year. Jones won innumerable awards for her writing, including three Carnegie commendations, the Guardian award and a lifetime achievement World Fantasy award. In 2006 she was made an Honorary DLitt by the University of Bristol. She was amused by the considerable academic attention her work attracted; reading in one paper that her work was “rooted in fluidity”, she remarked: “Obviously hydroponic, probably a lettuce, possibly a cabbage.” Jones was born in London of Welsh parents; she met her husband-to-be, the Chaucerian scholar John A Burrow, just before she went up to Oxford; they married in 1956 and had three sons, Richard, Michael and Colin, all of whom survive her, as do five grandchildren. • Diana Wynne Jones, writer, born 16 August 1934; died 26 March 2011 Diana Wynne Jones Children and teenagers Fantasy Fiction Science fiction CS Lewis JRR Tolkien JK Rowling Harry Potter guardian.co.uk

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Obituary: Diana Wynne Jones

Renowned children’s fantasy and science-fiction author with a dedicated following Like many good writers, Diana Wynne Jones, who has died aged 76 of cancer, worked for long years in relative obscurity, in her case sustained as a children’s fantasy author by a modestly sized but devoted young readership. That obscurity provided the freedom to develop her own voice without the distractions of having to build on perceived success. By the time real success found her, in Jones’s case almost by chance, she was a mature writer with a solid and varied body of work that was ready to be appreciated by a much bigger new audience. Her intelligent and beautifully written fantasies are of seminal importance for their bridging of the gap between “traditional” children’s fantasy, as written by CS Lewis or E Nesbit, and the more politically and socially aware children’s literature of the modern period, where authors such as Jacqueline Wilson or Melvyn Burgess explicitly confront problems of divorce, drugs and delinquency. Jones’s fiction is relevant, subversive, witty and highly enjoyable, while also having a distinctly dark streak and a constant awareness of how unreliable the real world can seem. Disguises and deceptions abound. Though avoiding criminally dysfunctional families or unwanted pregnancies, her cleverly plotted and amusing adventures deal frankly with emotional clumsiness, parental neglect, jealousy between siblings and a general sense of being an outcast. Rather than a deliberately cruel stepmother, a Jones protagonist might have a real mother far more wrapped up in her own career than in the discoveries and feelings of her child. The child protagonist would realise this, but get on with the adventure anyway. Jones wrote from experience: her parents were neglectful of her needs, and those of her two younger sisters. The sisters often went hungry, and for years were banished to sleep in an unheated lean-to shed, to make room in case of visitors. Both parents were intellectuals and progressive educators, but were stingy not only with money but also with warmth and attention. The skinflint father bought the children a complete set of Arthur Ransome books as Christmas presents, but doled them out at a rate of one a year. In self-defence Jones began to write stories for her sisters and herself. When the second world war broke out Jones and her family were evacuated to the Lake District, eventually living in the house once inhabited by the Altounyan children, on whom Ransome had based his Swallows and Amazons series. The great children’s author was still around, one day complaining angrily that the children were making too much noise. On another occasion, Diana’s younger sister and a friend had their faces slapped by a second Lakeland author who hated children but who was rich and famous because of them: Beatrix Potter. Jones’s distinctive scepticism about conventional children’s fiction must have started to set in early. Later, when she went to St Anne’s college, Oxford, two of her lecturers were JRR Tolkien and CS Lewis. Both were then engaged on their famous works of fantasy, but at that time fantasy was distinctly de trop at Oxford. The two professors were tolerated because they were also excellent scholars. Lewis boomed excitingly to crowded halls, while Tolkien muttered inaudibly to Jones and three other students. Years later, just as she was starting to write and publish professionally, and was taking bed-rest because of pregnancy, Jones read Tolkien’s Lord of the Rings for the first time. This made her realise that a fantasy novel could be not only long, but seriously intended too. As she became more certain of her own writing, she also grew more sceptical of the conventional tropes of fantasy, including those of Tolkien. This questioning became overt with the publication of The Tough Guide to Fantasyland (1996). Presenting her book as a tourist guide to a foreign land, Jones, with affectionate but deadly effect, spoofed or parodied the numerous cliches that riddle those hordes of three-volume sagas about elves and quests. Jones, of course, knew that her novels too were not immune from lampoon, but this book declared her self-awareness, the likeable distance so relished by her audience. Her growing band of readers also knew that Jones’s own novels easily transcended the routine stuff of rings and magic and ancient runes. The first of the Harry Potter books by JK Rowling appeared in 1997, and by the turn of the century had become a sensational success. Other publishers were looking around for books they could market to the same vast audience, and were quick to realise that Jones had been fruitfully engaged in fantasy for nearly 30 years. Superficial similarities may be a double-edged sword; one of her series of books features a wizards’ university. Among her most popular creations is the Chrestomanci series (novels and short stories – the first appeared in 1977), in which a nine-lived enchanter operates across multiple realities as a civil servant in charge of preventing the abuse of magic; the series includes an idiosyncratic school story, Witch Week (1982). Of the apparent coincidences, Jones said generously to this newspaper in 2003: “I think that she [Rowling] read my books as a young person and remembered lots of stuff; there are so many striking similarities.” Her career began as a playwright, with three plays produced in London between 1967 and 1970; her first novel, Change- over (1970), was adult humour; since then her work has been written for younger readers. Besides the two series already mentioned, she wrote the Howl books, beginning with Howl’s Moving Castle (1986; filmed in 2004 by Hayao Miyazaki), and two sequels, and the Dalemark sequence (1975-2003), dark-tinged fantasies set in that eponymous country. Some of her best and most enjoyable books are stand-alones, in particular The Ogre Downstairs (1974), The Time of the Ghost (1981) and Fire and Hemlock (1985), each a remarkable blend of pathos and genuinely funny writing. Archer’s Goon (1984), extravagantly mixing fantasy with science fiction, was serialised for television by the BBC in 1992. Her most recent novel, the light-hearted Enchanted Glass, appeared last year. Jones won innumerable awards for her writing, including three Carnegie commendations, the Guardian award and a lifetime achievement World Fantasy award. In 2006 she was made an Honorary DLitt by the University of Bristol. She was amused by the considerable academic attention her work attracted; reading in one paper that her work was “rooted in fluidity”, she remarked: “Obviously hydroponic, probably a lettuce, possibly a cabbage.” Jones was born in London of Welsh parents; she met her husband-to-be, the Chaucerian scholar John A Burrow, just before she went up to Oxford; they married in 1956 and had three sons, Richard, Michael and Colin, all of whom survive her, as do five grandchildren. • Diana Wynne Jones, writer, born 16 August 1934; died 26 March 2011 Diana Wynne Jones Children and teenagers Fantasy Fiction Science fiction CS Lewis JRR Tolkien JK Rowling Harry Potter guardian.co.uk

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Libyan rebels advance on Gaddafi’s home town

Revolutionary forces move more west along Libya’s coastal road, seizing several towns without resistance, as they get closer to Sirte Libyan rebels are advancing on Muammar Gaddafi’s home town, Sirte, after retaking all the ground lost in earlier fighting as government forces broke and fled under western air strikes. Revolutionary forces rapidly moved more than 150 miles west along Libya’s coastal road, seizing several towns without resistance, as the first witness accounts emerged of the devastating effect on Gaddafi’s army and militia of the aerial bombardment that broke their resistance at Ajdabiya on Saturday. A doctor treating wounded government soldiers described hundreds of deaths, terrible injuries and collapsing morale. Today, rebels retook the important oil towns of Brega, Ras Lanuf and Ben Jawad, and continued on the open desert road toward Sirte, about 95 miles away. But they are likely to face a challenge in seizing the town, which holds political significance as Gaddafi’s birthplace and is seen as important to his defence of Tripoli, the capital, which is now less than 300 miles from the rebels’ front line. However, control of the oil terminals at Brega and Ras Lanuf is in itself a major gain for the rebels because it could bring in significant amounts of revenue from exports for their administration if production resumes after the uprising and conflict shut much of it down. Rebels moved unchallenged along a road littered with evidence of the air campaign and the speed of their enemies’ retreat. The blackened carcasses of destroyed tanks, armoured vehicles and military trucks were pushed to the side of the tarmac. In their hurried retreat from Ras Lanuf, government forces abandoned piles of ammunition. They included grey wooden boxes containing rockets but stamped as holding “parts of bulldozer” manufactured in North Korea. In Ben Jawad, residents said a destroyed municipal building had been hit by an air strike. The rebels forced captured Gaddafi fighters on to buses and drove them to Benghazi. As the insurgents seized control of towns that had been under Gaddafi’s military occupation for nearly a fortnight, witnesses described the bombing’s devastating effects on his forces. A doctor at the hospital in Ras Lanuf, which handled most of the government soldiers wounded in the coalition air raids on Ajdabiya and the road from Benghazi, described the raids as causing hundreds of casualties, breaking morale and leaving many soldiers faking injuries to escape the assault. The doctor – who wished to be identified only by his first name, Abdullah – had responded to a call from Gaddafi’s government for medical personnel to go to the front two weeks ago. Today, he accidentally found himself on the rebel side of the line. “The first days, Gaddafi’s forces had very high morale and they came in large numbers, thousands. There were the army soldiers and then the volunteers in the militia,” he said. “They were fighting the rebels, no problem, and winning. But then came the bombing [by coalition air strikes]. The first day we had 56 seriously wounded. To the head, the brain, lost arms and legs. Soldiers with a lot of shrapnel in them. It was like that every day after.” Abdullah said all the wounded were fighters for Gaddafi, with about two-thirds injured in the bombing of Ajdabiya where there were days of fighting as government forces blocked the rebel advance. The doctor said he did not know how many soldiers were killed in the air strikes because the bodies were taken from the battlefield for burial. “The soldiers who came to the hospital told me there were 150 dead just on the first day of the bombing. After that, there were fewer because they hid,” he said. “It started to have a big effect on their morale. They said they could fight the rebels but not the planes. In recent days, many of the soldiers were trying to find excuses to leave the front. Ten to 20 a day came to the hospital pretending they were injured, asking for a medical certificate. They didn’t have any physical injuries, but I gave it [a certificate] to them.” Abdullah was sceptical about rebel accusations that many of those fighting for government forces were foreign mercenaries. He said he did not see any among the wounded, but added it was possible that some of the soldiers were not Libyan. But he did say that Gaddafi’s forces had systematically maltreated the civilian population, particularly those suspected of coming from the de facto rebel capital of Benghazi and other towns in the east of the country under the revolutionaries’ control. “There was bad treatment of the civilians. One patient came here who had been trying to escape Ajdabiya with his family. The government army shot him in the leg,” he added. “The idea I got from civilians who came to the hospital is that things were very bad for them. They were beaten. Some said their family members had disappeared. They didn’t know if they were killed.” Some of Gaddafi’s forces were billeted in the el-Adeel hotel, in Ras Lanuf, which they comprehensively looted as they fled, taking mattresses and televisions and levering open cash machines in the lobby. On walls across the town they sprayed in green paint three words: “God, Gaddafi, Libya.” Beyond Sirte lies the large town of Misrata, most of which is in rebel hands after an attempt by Gaddafi to retake it was driven off by air strikes. Government forces kept up their shelling of the town, although residents said it was considerably less intense than a week ago after 12 hours of aerial bombardment by western planes destroyed more than 20 tanks and drove Gaddafi’s forces to the edge of the town. Libya Muammar Gaddafi Middle East Arab and Middle East unrest Chris McGreal guardian.co.uk

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Libyan rebels advance on Gaddafi’s home town

Revolutionary forces move more west along Libya’s coastal road, seizing several towns without resistance, as they get closer to Sirte Libyan rebels are advancing on Muammar Gaddafi’s home town, Sirte, after retaking all the ground lost in earlier fighting as government forces broke and fled under western air strikes. Revolutionary forces rapidly moved more than 150 miles west along Libya’s coastal road, seizing several towns without resistance, as the first witness accounts emerged of the devastating effect on Gaddafi’s army and militia of the aerial bombardment that broke their resistance at Ajdabiya on Saturday. A doctor treating wounded government soldiers described hundreds of deaths, terrible injuries and collapsing morale. Today, rebels retook the important oil towns of Brega, Ras Lanuf and Ben Jawad, and continued on the open desert road toward Sirte, about 95 miles away. But they are likely to face a challenge in seizing the town, which holds political significance as Gaddafi’s birthplace and is seen as important to his defence of Tripoli, the capital, which is now less than 300 miles from the rebels’ front line. However, control of the oil terminals at Brega and Ras Lanuf is in itself a major gain for the rebels because it could bring in significant amounts of revenue from exports for their administration if production resumes after the uprising and conflict shut much of it down. Rebels moved unchallenged along a road littered with evidence of the air campaign and the speed of their enemies’ retreat. The blackened carcasses of destroyed tanks, armoured vehicles and military trucks were pushed to the side of the tarmac. In their hurried retreat from Ras Lanuf, government forces abandoned piles of ammunition. They included grey wooden boxes containing rockets but stamped as holding “parts of bulldozer” manufactured in North Korea. In Ben Jawad, residents said a destroyed municipal building had been hit by an air strike. The rebels forced captured Gaddafi fighters on to buses and drove them to Benghazi. As the insurgents seized control of towns that had been under Gaddafi’s military occupation for nearly a fortnight, witnesses described the bombing’s devastating effects on his forces. A doctor at the hospital in Ras Lanuf, which handled most of the government soldiers wounded in the coalition air raids on Ajdabiya and the road from Benghazi, described the raids as causing hundreds of casualties, breaking morale and leaving many soldiers faking injuries to escape the assault. The doctor – who wished to be identified only by his first name, Abdullah – had responded to a call from Gaddafi’s government for medical personnel to go to the front two weeks ago. Today, he accidentally found himself on the rebel side of the line. “The first days, Gaddafi’s forces had very high morale and they came in large numbers, thousands. There were the army soldiers and then the volunteers in the militia,” he said. “They were fighting the rebels, no problem, and winning. But then came the bombing [by coalition air strikes]. The first day we had 56 seriously wounded. To the head, the brain, lost arms and legs. Soldiers with a lot of shrapnel in them. It was like that every day after.” Abdullah said all the wounded were fighters for Gaddafi, with about two-thirds injured in the bombing of Ajdabiya where there were days of fighting as government forces blocked the rebel advance. The doctor said he did not know how many soldiers were killed in the air strikes because the bodies were taken from the battlefield for burial. “The soldiers who came to the hospital told me there were 150 dead just on the first day of the bombing. After that, there were fewer because they hid,” he said. “It started to have a big effect on their morale. They said they could fight the rebels but not the planes. In recent days, many of the soldiers were trying to find excuses to leave the front. Ten to 20 a day came to the hospital pretending they were injured, asking for a medical certificate. They didn’t have any physical injuries, but I gave it [a certificate] to them.” Abdullah was sceptical about rebel accusations that many of those fighting for government forces were foreign mercenaries. He said he did not see any among the wounded, but added it was possible that some of the soldiers were not Libyan. But he did say that Gaddafi’s forces had systematically maltreated the civilian population, particularly those suspected of coming from the de facto rebel capital of Benghazi and other towns in the east of the country under the revolutionaries’ control. “There was bad treatment of the civilians. One patient came here who had been trying to escape Ajdabiya with his family. The government army shot him in the leg,” he added. “The idea I got from civilians who came to the hospital is that things were very bad for them. They were beaten. Some said their family members had disappeared. They didn’t know if they were killed.” Some of Gaddafi’s forces were billeted in the el-Adeel hotel, in Ras Lanuf, which they comprehensively looted as they fled, taking mattresses and televisions and levering open cash machines in the lobby. On walls across the town they sprayed in green paint three words: “God, Gaddafi, Libya.” Beyond Sirte lies the large town of Misrata, most of which is in rebel hands after an attempt by Gaddafi to retake it was driven off by air strikes. Government forces kept up their shelling of the town, although residents said it was considerably less intense than a week ago after 12 hours of aerial bombardment by western planes destroyed more than 20 tanks and drove Gaddafi’s forces to the edge of the town. Libya Muammar Gaddafi Middle East Arab and Middle East unrest Chris McGreal guardian.co.uk

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