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(h/t TPM) You want proof we’re living in Idiocracy ? Look no further than Fox & Friends, which I swear kills braincells each and every time I’m masochistic enough to tune in. Libertarian John Stossel does his best to contribute to the dumbing down of the populace with this little gem. Quick, name the group that has gotten more government handouts than anyone else: Millionaires? Financial institutions? Big Pharma? Big Oil? The Military Industrial Complex? Surely, you jest. No, no, no….according to John Stossel, the group that has gotten more government handouts than anyone are Native Americans with their deficit-busting Bureau of Indian Affairs : Stossel was on Fox & Friends this morning to discuss some high-paying government jobs recently reported in The Daily Caller . The report found that the “Assistant Secretary for Indian Affairs needs someone to run the Facebook page for the Dept. of the Interior and they’ll pay up to $115,000 a year.” Stossel took that as an opportunity to wonder about the entire concept of a Bureau of Indian Affairs. “Why is there a Bureau of Indian Affairs?” he said. “There is no Bureau of Puerto Rican Affairs or Black Affairs or Irish Affairs. And no group in America has been more helped by the government than the American Indians, because we have the treaties, we stole their land. But 200 years later, no group does worse.” Established in 1824, Indian Affairs is the oldest bureau of the United States Department of the Interior. Among other responsibilities, the Bureau is charged with “maintaining the federal government-to-government relationship with the federally recognized Indian tribes,” according to its website. What a stunning ignorance of history, economics, the Constitution, Native Americans, tribal sovereignty and let’s face it, reality. Maybe that hit Stossel took from that wrestler knocked sense out of him.

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(h/t TPM) You want proof we’re living in Idiocracy ? Look no further than Fox & Friends, which I swear kills braincells each and every time I’m masochistic enough to tune in. Libertarian John Stossel does his best to contribute to the dumbing down of the populace with this little gem. Quick, name the group that has gotten more government handouts than anyone else: Millionaires? Financial institutions? Big Pharma? Big Oil? The Military Industrial Complex? Surely, you jest. No, no, no….according to John Stossel, the group that has gotten more government handouts than anyone are Native Americans with their deficit-busting Bureau of Indian Affairs : Stossel was on Fox & Friends this morning to discuss some high-paying government jobs recently reported in The Daily Caller . The report found that the “Assistant Secretary for Indian Affairs needs someone to run the Facebook page for the Dept. of the Interior and they’ll pay up to $115,000 a year.” Stossel took that as an opportunity to wonder about the entire concept of a Bureau of Indian Affairs. “Why is there a Bureau of Indian Affairs?” he said. “There is no Bureau of Puerto Rican Affairs or Black Affairs or Irish Affairs. And no group in America has been more helped by the government than the American Indians, because we have the treaties, we stole their land. But 200 years later, no group does worse.” Established in 1824, Indian Affairs is the oldest bureau of the United States Department of the Interior. Among other responsibilities, the Bureau is charged with “maintaining the federal government-to-government relationship with the federally recognized Indian tribes,” according to its website. What a stunning ignorance of history, economics, the Constitution, Native Americans, tribal sovereignty and let’s face it, reality. Maybe that hit Stossel took from that wrestler knocked sense out of him.

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Millions at flu risk were unvaccinated

Chief medical officer for England demands big increase in take-up for 2011-12 ‘flu season’, warning health authorities to order enough supplies now More than five million people potentially at risk of health complications from flu went unvaccinated in England over the winter. Hundreds of thousands of frontline health workers also had no jab, leaving them open to infecting vulnerable patients. The chief medical officer for England, Dame Sally Davies has demanded big increases in take-up for the 2011-12 “flu season” , warning GPs and health authorities that they should be ordering enough supplies of vaccine now. There were problems with stocks over the winter, even though vaccination rates often fell well short of those recommended by international bodies. Figures suggest that while the vaccine uptake for people aged 65 and over was nearly 73%, for all those with chronic diseases, except babies under six months, it was barely over 50%, 37% for pregnant women and just short of 35% for health and social careworkers. Davies said: “It is important that GPs place their orders with manufacturers as soon as possible if they have not done so already.” Local practices and their NHS primary care trusts should also compile registers of patients vulnerable to flu and have robust “call and reminder” systems to “maximise uptakes” and meet public health targets, she wrote in a letter to the health service. A total of 560 deaths in the UK were associated with confirmed influeza infection in the 2010-11 season. The most recent figures show vaccination of over-65s in England fell short of the 75% target set by the World Health Organisation – a figure last reached in England in 2005-06. It is thought only 6.1 million of the almost 9.1 million in this group in England have been innoculated. For under-65s with conditions such as heart, kidney and liver disease and those with diabetes, the 50.2% vaccine rate fell well short of the 75% target recommended by the European Union, with only 2.8 million of an estimated 5.6 million people in this category getting a jab. The EU recommends that at least 75% of pregnant women should be given the flu vaccine, leaving England well short in this category. Of more than 1 million frontline health and social care staff, only 360,000 were vaccinated. Davies told local trusts they must reach or exceed the targets in all the non-staff categories by 2013-14. “In addition to those patients who can attend a surgery or clinic to receive a vaccination, primary care trusts (PCTs) will want to assure themselves that appropriate plans are in place to offer vaccination to those who require home visits; those who are in long term care; and those who are not registered with a GP practice,” she said. “GPs will not be able to identify all pregnant women on a register at this stage. Therefore, PCTs will want to ensure the involvement of maternity services so that GPs and midwives are working together to identify existing pregnant women and any newly pregnant women throughout the flu season so that no eligible patients are missed out.” NHS employers should have sufficient vaccine for their staff as they would not – apart from their own practice staff – be included in GP calculations for the vaccine. Although the low take-up figure in 2010-11 was an improvement on the previous year, “there is still significant room for improvement”, Davies said. In January, the government revealed it was considering removing the responsibility for flu vaccine orders from GPs and relying on central purchases instead, even though that would have gone against the thrust of plans to give GPs more power over the NHS budget. Davies’s letter demonstrates there will be no change, this year at least. Flu Health GPs NHS Doctors James Meikle guardian.co.uk

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Network Rail faces Potters Bar fine

• Track operator prepares to enter formal guilty plea in criminal case • Contractor Jarvis is in administration and has not been prosecuted Network Rail could be hit with a multimillion-pound fine over the fatal Potters Bar crash as it prepares to enter a formal guilty plea in a criminal case related to the accident this week. The owner of Britain’s rail tracks and stations is pleading guilty to safety lapses in the run-up to the 2002 crash after inheriting the liability from Railtrack, the privatised business that ran the rail system at the time. Network Rail could be sentenced as soon as Wednesday when lawyers enter a formal plea at St Albans crown court. The government-backed company is expected to argue in mitigation that the engineering group Jarvis was in charge of maintaining the set of points that derailed a West Anglia Great Northern train outside Potters Bar station, Hertfordshire, on 10 May 2002, killing six passengers and one passerby. Nonetheless, Network Rail has been told by legal advisers to expect a fine that could run into seven figures, based on the £3.5m fine imposed on Network Rail – also in Railtrack’s stead – for the 2000 Hatfield crash that killed four people and left 102 injured. Balfour Beatty, the contractor responsible for maintaining a section of track that broke at Hatfield, saw its initial £10m fine reduced to £7.5m. Because of Network Rail’s extensive mitigation plea, the judge could take some months to hand down a formal sentence. However, a large fine is likely to renew complaints from victims’ families over true accountability for the crash, because Network Rail is largely funded by the taxpayer and received a £3.7bn annual government grant last year. Its other source of income is £2bn a year in track usage fees, to which the farepayer is a significant contributor. Louise Christian, a lawyer who represented victims’ families at the Potters Bar inquest, has labelled the legal situation a “farce”, with the state effectively underwriting any punishment under the Health and Safety at Work Act. Jarvis has escaped prosecution for its role in the Potters Bar crash because it is in administration and its administrators have declined to take part in proceedings. After consultation with victims’ families, the Office of Rail Regulation, the industry’s safety watchdog, decided not to push ahead with a prosecution of Jarvis this month. Six passengers on the train – Austen Kark, Emma Knights, Jonael Schickler, Alexander Ogunwusi, Chia Hsin Lin and Chia Chin Wu – were killed in the accident. A pedestrian, Agnes Quinlivan, died after she was hit by falling debris. A Network Rail spokesman said that the railway was now “almost unrecognisable” since the company took over Railtrack’s responsibilities in October 2002, later bringing all maintenance work in-house. The last serious accident involving a passenger service was at Grayrigg in Cumbria in 2007, when a Virgin Pendolino train derailed, killing one passenger. Network Rail Travel & leisure Transport Potters Bar train crash Balfour Beatty Hatfield train crash Rail transport Dan Milmo guardian.co.uk

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Business secretary Vince Cable says huge turnout at TUC march in London will not knock government’s cuts strategy off-course Labour has defended Ed Miliband’s part in Saturday’s peaceful TUC march and rally in London against government spending cuts as the cleanup continued of symbols of wealth damaged by a minority of anarchists. Senior opposition figures condemned the “unrepresentative hooligans” whose behaviour threatened to overshadow the protests of hundreds of thousands of others. Michael Fallon, the deputy Conservative party chairman, accused Labour of “the laughable fiction” that it had “left the country some sort of golden economic legacy” while the business secretary, Vince Cable, told the BBC that while the government was listening to the trade unions, it would not change its strategy because of yesterday’s march. Just over 200 people were arrested and 84 people injured, including 31 police officers, as trouble flared in Oxford Street, Regent Street, Piccadily and Trafalgar Square, with banks, the Ritz Hotel and upmarket food store Fortnum and Mason among the targets. Attempts were made to damage the Olympic clock in the square and police said they were attacked by missiles including water bottles, coins and lightbulbs filled with ammonia. Alleged offences included criminal damage, aggravated trespass and violent disorder. Eleven police officers required hospital treatment. Injuries were said to be relatively minor, including cuts and bruises, suspected whiplash and a possible broken collar bone. London’s deputy mayor Kit Malthouse condemned those involved in the violence as “fascist agitators”. Miliband told the crowds on Saturday: “We come in the traditions that have marched in peaceful but powerful protest for justice, fairness and political change. “The suffragettes who fought for votes for women and won. The civil rights movement in America that fought against racism and won. The anti-apartheid movement that fought the horror of that system and won.” Speaking on the BBC’s The Politics Show, shadow defence secretary Jim Murphy condemned those involved in the separate clashes in the West End as a “tiny minority of violent, parasitic unrepresentative hooligans”. Asked if Miliband should have associated himself with the rally, he said: “You can’t get to a point where a prominent politician, the leader of the Labour party, isn’t able to go on a demonstration against government cuts.” Pressed over the language surrounding apartheid and the civil rights movement, Murphy said: “Ed has said these were different causes at different times. The size of the demonstration yesterday was enormous and it was a reflection of the comparison of scale.” Tory deputy chairman Fallon claimed Labour had “once again” shown “breathtaking levels of deceit over the economy” and that the party’s plans would mean “spending reductions of just over £2bn less than the coalition’s in the financial year starting in just over a week”. TUC general secretary Brendan Barber said the march – the biggest union-organised protest in a generation – exceeded expectations. “It now looks like close to half a million people came to London to express their peaceful but powerful opposition to the government’s deep, rapid and unfair spending cuts. “We are proud of the way that we organised our march and the way that our stewards helped ensure a good-natured and friendly event. Of course we condemn the small numbers who came looking for violence but we will not allow their actions away from our event to detract from our campaign. “With the budget a damp squib, the economy faltering and the NHS reforms becoming more unpopular each and every day, marchers will have returned home determined to step up their democratic campaign against policies that neither government party put before the electorate at the last election.” Malthouse, who chairs the Metropolitan Police Authority, said the police had a “difficult balance” to strike, claiming anarchists – “a nasty bunch of black-shirted thugs” – were intent on “rampaging” around London’s West End. He told BBC Radio 4′s The World this Weekend: “We should all be angry that what was a peaceful and legitimate protest was hijacked by about 250 criminals, many of whom I am pleased to say have now been arrested, for violent insurrection means.” Asked about criticisms over police intelligence, Malthouse said: “I think that would be unfair. I realise in these situations that the armchair generals tend to come out but the truth is the police did a huge amount of work with businesses in the West End, and indeed preparing for the event. We put 4,500 police officers out there … but it was a very, very fast-moving afternoon. “I counted these anarchists myself. They were a nasty bunch of black-shirted thugs on Piccadilly and it was pretty obvious that they were intent on rampaging around and would be very difficult to control. “In the end they were contained … there is a difficult balance because they were intermingling with, and were in amongst, getting on for 400,000 TUC protesters. “Without disrupting the march it would have been very difficult to isolate them and take them out. The truth is the police had to respond to when criminal damage was done and they did so.” He added: “We need to learn the lessons to make sure it doesn’t happen again but also recognise that when you get a group of fascist agitators who want a fight there is not a lot you can do about it other than confront them.” Public sector cuts Protest Public services policy Public finance London TUC Trade unions Ed Miliband Labour James Meikle guardian.co.uk

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500K Join In Massive Rally Against Government Austerity Cuts In London
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Pakistan’s artists respond to strife

Exhibition at Karachi’s Mohatta Palace documents in art Pakistan’s modern political, economic and religious conflicts In pictures: The Rising Tide exhibition After Islamist militants killed Nausheen Saeed’s father last year during an assault on the minority Ahmadi community that left 86 people dead, the Pakistani sculptor worked through her grief in an unusual way. She baked bread. The result was Baked Delicacies – an artwork featuring loaves in the shape of limbs, scattered on a giant tray like pieces of freshly butchered meat. “His death changed everything for me,” said the 41-year-old art college lecturer. “I realised these things have become routine in Pakistan; you forget if it’s a piece of bread or a human.” Saeed’s striking sculpture is part of The Rising Tide, an ambitious exhibition of contemporary art in Karachi that showcases the rich store of Pakistani artists who are thriving despite – and in some cases, because of – their country’s troubles. Spanning 20 years, the collection is located at Mohatta Palace , an ornate Raj-era mansion turned museum. Over the winter 45,000 visitors have traipsed through its halls to see work by more than 40 artists, including Imran Qureshi, who won the top prize at last week’s Sharjah Biennale. “Pakistani art is really coming into focus,” said the museum’s director, Nasreen Askari. “Art thrives on stimulus, and strife and religious conflict are very important catalysts for artistic creation.” Other art forms are also flourishing. Last month crowds flocked to Karachi’s second literature festival, many to see local literary stars such as Mohammed Hanif, Daniyal Mueenuddin and the Man Booker prize contender Mohsin Hamid. The turbulence rocking Pakistan loomed large over many of the discussions, as it does over the art on display at Mohatta. A giant canvas is splattered with blood stains that, on closer inspection, reveal flowers; a fleet of model American drones, fashioned from razor blades, hangs from the ceiling, making ominous tinkling noises. There is a comic book depiction of AQ Khan, the disgraced father of Pakistan’s nuclear bomb, wearing a Zorro-style mask, and a shiny monument to the victims of suicide bombs. As the exhibition took place, stark reminders of the limits on free expression in Pakistan came with the assassination of the governer of Pakistan’s Punjab province, Salmaan Taseer, and the minorities minister, Shahbaz Bhatti, over the country’s blasphemy law. Few artists, however, are as directly affected as Saeed. After her father died, she said, “even some people I thought were educated and liberal didn’t condole with us. Then you hear people saying ‘they were only Ahmadis’”. While some art draws on Pakistan’s stormy politics, not all artists want to be defined by it. “If you’re from Pakistan, there’s something relentless about the way your country gets talked about, like a sort of cardboard cut-out villain. It gets frustrating,” said Kamila Shamsie, author of several novels set in Karachi. “It gets frustrating, and all of us feel that. “Many artists are looking at other

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‘Why was I born gay in Africa?’

Elizabeth Day listens to the experience of two gay refugees from Uganda, where violent homophobia is state policy As a child in Uganda, John Bosco remembers hearing an old wives’ tale that if a man fell asleep in the sun and it crossed over him, he would wake up as a woman. “I used to try that as a kid,” says John now, some 30 years later. He sits at a table in a busy cafe across the road from the railway station in Southampton, his fingers playing with the handle of a glass of hot chocolate. “I’d spend all day lying under the sun. From childhood, I wanted to be a girl. I wanted dolls. At school, I played netball. I wanted to dress up like a girl … I rubbed herbs into my chest that were meant to make your breasts grow. I tried everything but it didn’t work.” He tells me that there was not one single moment when he realised he was gay; that the knowledge of it had always been there, unexpressed until he found the right words. As he grew older, John started being attracted to men. On the radio, he heard stories of gay couples being beaten and killed by police. He says that if he could have changed himself, he would because he so desperately wanted to be considered “normal”, to fit in, to make his family proud. When he went to university to study for a business administration degree, his relatives and neighbours in Kampala would ask why he never had a girlfriend. “I used lots of excuses – I’m not yet ready, or I have a girlfriend who doesn’t live in the same area,” he says. “It was difficult because you cannot be open [about your sexuality]. You can’t socialise like any other person. A lot of the time, you have to keep your distance. You feel you’re not yourself. It makes things really hard.” This is the reality of being gay in modern Uganda, a place where homosexuality is criminalised under the penal code, punishable by life imprisonment. According to human rights organisations, about 500,000 homosexuals live in the country, unable to admit their sexuality for fear of violent retribution either from the police or their own communities. Anti-gay legislation is a relic of British colonialism, designed to punish what the imperial authorities thought of as “unnatural sex” – thinking that was subsequently reinforced by wave upon wave of Catholic missionaries. Although much of that legacy has been dismantled as Uganda modernises, homophobia is as entrenched as ever. An anti-homosexuality bill, due to be discussed by parliament before June, advocates the death penalty for “aggravated homosexuality” –ie for gay people with HIV practising sex, or gay people who have sex with someone under 18. Known colloquially as the “kill the gays” bill, it would also make it a crime not to report someone you know to be a practising homosexual, thereby putting parents, siblings and friends at risk. “One of the things the Ugandans say is that being gay is European culture, that it is un-African,” explains John, 31. “There is this idea that Europeans and Americans are recruiting people to be gay, giving them money to do it.” Last October, the now defunct anti-gay Ugandan tabloid Rolling Stone published a list of the country’s “top 100″ homosexuals under the headline “Hang Them”. In January, the prominent gay-rights activist David Kato was murdered – beaten to death in his home by a hammer-wielding thug. Gays, lesbians and transgendered people in Uganda face harassment, extortion, vandalism, death threats and violence on a daily basis. They can be sacked from employment if they are outed, forced to enter into heterosexual marriage and detained by the authorities without charge or access to legal defence. In some of the worst cases, they can be subjected to so-called “correctional rape”. It is not only Uganda – for years, the developed world has turned a blind eye to the state-sanctioned persecution of homosexuals that exists in 38 out of 53 African nations, according to Human Rights Watch. Now, a new feature-length documentary film seeks to redress the balance. Getting Out , directed by film-maker Alexandra Chapman in conjunction with Christian Aid, tells the story of the gay refugees who are forced to flee discrimination in their own countries. “It is very important for people in the west to understand that legalised and state-sanctioned homophobia is a reality in many parts of Africa,” says Dr Chris Dolan, director of the Refugee Law Project at Makerere University in Kampala, who was instrumental in the making of the film. Dolan, who campaigns extensively to protect the rights of beleaguered minorities in this corner of Africa, says that the political climate in Uganda “enables a wide range of abuses and violations that seriously diminish the quality of life of all lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex persons, most of whom seek to stay under the public radar. It also places many such persons in serious and extreme danger.” For John, the danger soon became too great to ignore. At his university freshers’ ball, he met and fell in love with a man called Aziz. The two of them were discreet, taking care not to be seen acting too intimately in public. In this way – never quite being honest, living in the half-shadows, always looking over their shoulders – their relationship continued after graduation when John took a well-paid job in a bank. When John first took Aziz home to visit his family, he was introduced as “my best friend. He became like another son to my mum. That was the way it was until 2001.” Then everything changed. A group of John’s gay friends were arrested in a police crackdown. They were beaten and forced to give the names of other gay people they knew. John realised he had to get out. “I had to disappear,” he says. “I had some money saved up so I paid a private agency to get me a visa, a passport … I didn’t tell anybody I was leaving, not even my family. At first, I didn’t know where I was going. But then, luckily, the guy gave me a visa to the UK.” John Bosco did not know it then, but his problems were only just beginning. Florence Kizza smiles a lot. She has a sharp, pretty face with slanted eyes and straight, white teeth. When she talks, she does so in an even, clear voice, her faint Ugandan accent lending the words an irregular rhythm. We meet in a cafe in Richmond, Surrey, near to where she works as a bank clerk. Although the story she tells me is a horrific one, Florence does not show emotion as she recounts it, beyond a slight narrowing of the eyes, a glance to one side, a short pause in her narrative. She explains that to break down and cry would be to give into something she needs to resist. Because Florence is a woman who defines herself by her survival. Florence is 32, Ugandan and a lesbian. She grew up in Najjanankumbi, on the southern edge of Kampala, the daughter of a prosperous businessman who sent Florence and her sister to a prestigious girls’ boarding school. “I kind of knew [about my sexuality] at school, but those things you don’t talk about,” she says. “It’s something you never breathe out loud. I was brought up a Catholic. Every day, these pastors are preaching that a gay person should be stoned to death, that they should die. If you heard that, would you be open?” When Florence was 16, both of her parents died of Aids within a year of each other. Florence was taken out of school and raised by relatives. The older she got, the more certain she became that she was gay. Lonely and increasingly isolated, she craved companionship. And then, buying food at the market one day, she met a woman called Susan, from the west of the country. “She spoke a different language,” says Florence, “but we just connected. We went for coffee, we talked and then we met up five more times.” Gradually, the two of them became closer but, like John Bosco, they were careful about how they acted together in public. Florence continued to live alone. Still, the fact that she was a woman of marriageable age without a husband aroused the suspicion of the local community. In December 2000, neighbours broke into her house and found her in bed with Susan. The villagers stripped the two women naked, paraded them through the streets and then beat them in front of a baying crowd. “To say it was painful is an understatement,” says Florence now. “You can take being hit but being humiliated around God knows how many people – you lose your dignity. I felt, I wish I could die now.” Banished from her village, Florence was forced to find somewhere else to stay. She spent the nights at Susan’s home, waking up early each morning to sneak out under cover of darkness. But however cautious she tried to be, it was never enough. In March 2001, Florence was arrested and, over a three-day period, was beaten and raped by three policemen at gunpoint. The assault was so ferocious that, 10 years on, Florence still bears the scars. It is cold when we meet and Florence is wearing a long-sleeved zip-up sweatshirt but, even in the milder weather, she does not like to show the twisted ridges of skin that snake all the way up her arms. “Looking back, I think the police officers found me very challenging,” Florence says, and she half-closes her eyelids, as though squinting to make out a murky, distant shape. “There was a time when one of them hit me on the second day and I looked at him and I didn’t cry. I looked very, very calm. I told him: ‘Have you finished? It doesn’t hurt,’ and I laughed.” She looks up, meeting my gaze. “And he stopped.” On the third day, Florence escaped when one of the policemen fell into a drunken stupor and she was able to steal the keys to her cell. She ran out into the streets and got a taxi to a friend’s house. She knew she had to get out of the country before the police tracked her down. She and Susan fled across the border to the Democratic Republic of the Congo. There, they paid a human trafficker to take them to the UK. “He said, OK, you have to pay a very big price. He asked for £20,000. I had to give up one of my dad’s plots of land as security.” At the last minute, the trafficker said it was too dangerous for both Florence and Susan to travel at the same time. “He said, it’s one person, you choose. I said Susan should go because I was feeling ill, I didn’t have the energy. But they said I should go because my health was bad and I was the worst off.” In September 2001, Florence flew to the UK and was taken by the trafficker to a B&B in Wembley, north London. He gave her a £50 note and left her there. At the age of 22, Florence was on her own in a sprawling foreign city with little money and no prospects. For days, she walked the streets, unsure of what to do or who to turn to. After her experiences in Uganda, she looked at everyone with mistrust and suspicion. She had to beg for money for food. A man from a local church group eventually took her to the Home Office to seek refugee status but Florence was deeply intimidated by the interview process. “Basically, I didn’t trust authorities because of the bad experiences I had with them in Uganda,” says Florence. “The interviews were degrading. They would ask me to talk about my personal life, to explain how I had sex. The way they looked at me, I just thought, Jesus Christ, am I this disgusting? Honestly, I was so angry. They just had no idea.” Already suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder and depression, Florence’s symptoms got worse the further she travelled through the UK appeals system. Her initial application to stay was refused, on the grounds that she would be safe if she returned to Uganda, relocated to a different area of the country and acted “discreetly”. According to Erin Power, the group manager of the UK Lesbian and Gay Immigration Group, a large part of the problem for gay Ugandan refugees is an unwillingness to talk openly about a sexual identity that they have had to keep secret all their lives, often even from themselves. “If they do what they’re supposed to do and approach the Home Office as soon as they land in the UK, you’re asking them to go up to a figure of authority in a uniform and tell them they’re gay,” says Power. “But that is the person who, in their country, will persecute them for speaking openly. “We have clients who have never said they’re gay before. The idea that they can identify themselves is problematic because often they have kept it secret all their lives … Some clients have never had sex, but we argue that being LGBT is not about who you have sex with, it’s about who you are and what your identity is. We’ve struggled to get the Home Office not to focus on sex. Up till now you’ve had to prove two things: one, that you’re gay or lesbian and two, that your country’s dangerous.” How do you prove you’re gay? Power laughs. “Everyone always asks that.” John Bosco was facing similar problems in a different part of town. Having arrived in London with £600, John found a room to rent in Manor Park, north London. “I thought, if I can get to an English-speaking country, I’ll be OK. As soon as I get there, I can get a job because I have qualifications. I didn’t know the asylum system at all.” When he tried to apply for jobs, he was told he needed a national insurance number. “I didn’t know what it was,” says John. Eventually, a group of Jamaicans he met on the street directed him to the UK Border Agency offices in Croydon. But instead of what he thought would be a straightforward interview, John says he was stripped naked, asked for his fingerprints, bundled into a van and taken to the Oakington immigration detention centre in Cambridgeshire. Here, he spoke to the authorities through a translator, but the interpreter was from a different part of Uganda and did not speak the same tribal language so John’s statement was littered with inconsistencies. John, terrified as to how the UK authorities might react, did not tell them that he was gay and that this was the real reason he had fled Uganda. “They asked me if I wanted a solicitor,” he says now, shaking his head. “I didn’t know what this word meant.” Failing to make himself understood or to provide a consistent story to explain his refugee status ended up costing John dearly. From Oakington, he was taken to Haslar, an immigration removal centre run by the prison service in Portsmouth. For the first few weeks, he had no change of clothes and had to wash his single pair of underpants every day. When a local volunteer visited him to ask if he needed any help, John finally confessed everything. “When she asked me, ‘Why did you leave?’ I said because of my sexuality. She said: ‘That’s OK, that’s not a problem.’ I had to sit back like this.” He leans back in his cafe chair, crossing his arms over his chest with an expression of shock in his eyes. “I was shivering. I’d never had anyone talk to me like that. She was the first person I’d ever told about my sexuality and she was nice to me.” He breaks off, bows his head and rapidly wipes his eyes. After four months in Haslar, John was given leave to stay in the UK but the Home Office appealed against the decision. For the next six years, from 2002 to 2008, John’s life became an exhausting cycle of legal battles. He got a job working at a mental health charity in Southampton and poured £21,000 of his own money into solicitors’ fees. In 2008, during a routine visit to the police station (the terms of his leave to remain in the country required that he report to the police once a month), he was manhandled into a van, taken to the airport and put on a flight back to Uganda. “I was thinking, just kill me. I have no friends, no relatives, nothing. How long is this going to go on? I’m not going to change myself to be accepted.” As with Florence Kizza, the judge in charge of his case had decided that John would face no immediate danger if he returned to Uganda, changed his behaviour and moved to a different part of the country to live “discreetly”. This was in spite of the fact that John’s photograph had been printed on the front page of a national newspaper in Uganda only a few weeks before he was deported. Living discreetly was just about the last thing he could do. Within days of touching down in Kampala, John was arrested. The police threw him into a cell with several other inmates and subjected him to regular beatings. “The beatings are not something you can say you get used to,” he says now. “It’s something you expect.” He bribed the police to release him with the little money he had left and went into hiding for six months. In the end, his solicitors won him refugee status for five years and he was flown back to the UK. But the leave expires in 2014 and John still lives in a state of anxious uncertainty, isolated from his family, friends and his former boyfriend Aziz, all of whom he has found it impossible to trace. “I have bad dreams still: people chasing me, being beaten up,” he says. “Sometimes I sleep and then I think, what will happen after 2014? All I want is freedom, where I can be who I am.” Florence was granted permanent refugee status last year. Since leaving Uganda, she has completed a degree in business management at Kingston University. For a while she worked for a supermarket; now she has a job in the offices of a high-street bank in Twickenham, London. She never heard from her girlfriend Susan again. “We tried really hard to locate her,” she says, her voice drained of emotion. “I think I’m getting used to it.” In July 2010, the UK’s Supreme Court categorically denounced the “discretion reasoning” that had been central to the rejection of both Florence’s and John’s refugee claims, ruling that the decision failed to recognise the human rights of homosexuals and breached the UN refugee convention. The Home Office has since produced a set of guidelines, in consultation with asylum groups, on how to assess the validity of such claims, and all senior case-workers have been put through a one-day training session on the connected issues. “That process finished at the end of February,” says Erin Power, “so we don’t know what the outcome will be. Obviously we hope there will be some improvement because some of the interviewing was horrific, quite honestly.” Back in the cafe in Southampton, John’s hot chocolate has gone cold. He says he misses his family “all the time” and does not have much of a social life, feeling too black to be fully welcomed by the predominantly white gay community in this part of the world, and too gay to be fully accepted by the straight people he meets. He spends most of his evenings and weekends in a rented room watching TV soaps. “Calling the memories back stresses me out,” he says, at the end of our conversation. “But the reason I do it is because if I don’t, people won’t understand what is happening, especially the people in Uganda who do not have a voice. The only way they will understand is for me to tell you about it.” As he pushes his chair neatly under the table, he says that he is plagued by two questions. “I ask myself all the time, why was I born gay? And if I was born gay, why was I born in Africa?” He leaves, letting the cafe door slide silently shut behind him, turning back to give me a wave and a smile through the window as he goes. Perhaps there will never be an answer. But for now, at least, John Bosco is free to pose the questions out loud. Getting Out will be shown on Friday 15 April at 7pm at The Frontline Club, 13 Norfolk Place, London W2 1QJ. Tickets are free but space is limited. To reserve a seat email admin@uklgig.org.uk Gay rights Uganda Immigration and asylum Elizabeth Day guardian.co.uk

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The X-rated Woody Allen

He’s depressed, insecure and is crippled by anxiety. He’s going bald, has battled with booze and boasts of his sexual inadequacy. He’s also the creator of the hottest new show on American TV. So when did it all start to go right for Jonathan Ames? The man tucked away in a smart office in the gigantic New York film studio complex does not look like someone who has hit the big time. He wears a blue beanie hat and sips cautiously on a cup of coffee through a close-cut golden beard. His face bears an expression similar to a rabbit transfixed by the lights of an oncoming car: a mix of fear, surprise and the certainty of onrushing doom. “I

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The X-rated Woody Allen

He’s depressed, insecure and is crippled by anxiety. He’s going bald, has battled with booze and boasts of his sexual inadequacy. He’s also the creator of the hottest new show on American TV. So when did it all start to go right for Jonathan Ames? The man tucked away in a smart office in the gigantic New York film studio complex does not look like someone who has hit the big time. He wears a blue beanie hat and sips cautiously on a cup of coffee through a close-cut golden beard. His face bears an expression similar to a rabbit transfixed by the lights of an oncoming car: a mix of fear, surprise and the certainty of onrushing doom. “I

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