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Time magazine's failure to choose the Tea Party as its Person or Persons of the Year surely reflects a desire that they will cease to be significant any day now. David Von Drehle's “runner-up” article in its Person of the Year issue concluded the Tea Party has already peaked and is well on its way to collapse: “The Tea Party is a hot brand, but there's no one in power to enforce the trademark. Now that the bailouts are history and Democratic hegemony is broken, what does it stand for? It's a sign of the incredible velocity of politics these days that the colossus of 2010, a movement not even two years old, is already facing an identity crisis.” Von Drehle tried to compare the Tea Party to Beatlemania — which is a goofy analogy, considering they were rock's hottest band for six years. But he was wishing and hoping for a breakup: In a sense, identifying with the Tea Party movement was like catching Beatlemania in the 1960s. People were drawn in for different reasons — the beat, the haircuts, the lyrics — and great gulfs of taste divided the John fans from the Paul fans, the George fans from the Ringo fans. read more

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2011: A Brave New Dystopia

By Chris Hedges The two greatest visions of a future dystopia were George Orwell’s “1984” and Aldous Huxley’s “Brave New World.” It turns out they were both right. Related Entries December 26, 2010 Goldman’s Massive Bonuses ‘Totally Deserved,’ Says Satan December 25, 2010 North Korea Threatens ‘Holy War’

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The Case of the Missing Murder

The murder rate in Los Angeles is shocking—shockingly low. Fewer Angelenos were killed in 2010 than any of the last 43 years and back then the city was 30 percent less crowded. Possible explanations for the drop include an easing of the drug epidemic, a gentler, more enlightened approach to gangs, and the fact that more Americans than ever are sitting in prison.

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2010 will be by far the worst ever in the 48 years records of new home sales have been kept, and there is little if any reason to believe things will get better soon. The news on existing home sales has hardly been better, given the price reductions sellers have had to make to move their homes. Graphics will follow shortly indicating just how bad the market for new and existing homes has been this year. These on-the-ground realities explains why one's jaw has to almost hit the ground when reading the headline and first few paragraphs of Julie Schmit's December 23 front-pager in USA Today's Money section : Optimism for home sales adds up Demand for existing houses continues to rise read more

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Bill Kristol Makes His Predictions for GOP 2012 Presidential Primary

Click here to view this media I guess it’s safe to assume that Sarah Palin is definitely going to run for president since Bill Kristol has predicted she won’t on this week’s Fox News Sunday. Kristol’s other predictions; Haley Barbour’s racist past won’t hurt him and neither will Newt Gingrich’s infidelity. Bloody Bill also thinks that Newt Gingrich and get this… Mike Pence are going to be formidable candidates. Yeah, that intellectual powerhouse Mike Pence. I guess Kristol thinks formidable means you’re really good at mindlessly reciting Republican talking points ad nauseum because Mike Pence doesn’t know how to do much else.

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Tom Coburn Preaches Austerity For Thee, But Not For He: Cut spending or face ‘apocalyptic pain’

Click here to view this media (h/t David at VideoCafe ) It’s the growing meme throughout the traditional media and newly “fiscally responsible” Republican Party: we must prepare for austerity. In fact, Sen. Tom Coburn is so sure that we must make deep, painful cuts (to the middle and lower classes, naturally) to protect the next generation that he warns of “apocalyptic pain” if we don’t. I told you the other evening that if we didn’t take some pain now, we’re going to experience apocalyptic pain, and it’s going to be out of our control. The idea should be that we control it.[..] I think you’ll see a 15 to 18 percent unemployment rate. I think you will see an 8 to 9 percent decline in GDP. I think you’ll see the middle class just destroyed if we don’t do this. And the people that it will harm the most will be the poorest of the poor, because we’ll print money to try to debase our currency and get out of it and what you will see is hyperinflation. So we don’t have a lot of options other than living within our means and sending the signal that creates confidence that we can repay our debt and that we’re not going to debase our currency to do it. Holy Flying Spaghetti Monster on a popsicle stick, what does Coburn think it’s like now for the 99ers (who have been forgotten by Congress) and the exponentially growing number of people are on government assistance, more now than ever before? A frickin’ picnic? There’s a whole lot of pain out there, Senator, exacerbated by you and your party’s INSISTENCE that the wealthiest 2% keep paying Bush era tax rates. Talk to me about austerity and pain when EVERYONE in this country feels it as bad as the neediest. C&L commenter Wilbur1 put it astutely in Karoli’s earlier post on Tom Friedman’s similar calls for austerity: What he is calling for is generational theft. His parents weren’t GIVEN a god damn thing. They fought for what they got and they paid much higher taxes, had far more constricted trade and finance, had more social programs handled by the government and a wider safety net than we do. They were handed a good country and made it better. When it came time to pay for that society they did. Now, Friedman and his generation comes along and when it is time for them to pay, to pass on to the next generation a good educational system, health care system, etc, they refuse. They’ve destroyed everything with their nihilistic materialism. They refuse to pay higher taxes, allow for inequitable trade, financial and tax deals, allow for economic exploitation and greed to dominate the economy and here we are. They have made every single part of our society worse and are now saying to us that we better not dare hold them accountable. We better not let billionaires who couldn’t posisbly “earn” that much money (it isn’t possible to earn that much money, you must obtain that money by monopolizing someone else’s work in some way or creating debt that adds nothing to the world) pay for money they didn’t earn. It’s not even let them eat cake. It’s denying that cake exists, that he and his parents had plenty of it when he was younger but now he’s grown, fat. and its all gone. He’s telling them to eat paper. And would it surprise you to learn that Coburn & Co. are looking at this problem completely ass-backward? I didn’t think so. Economist Dean Baker (who has been far more correct on economic issues than Tom Friedman and the rest of the Chicago School of Economics devotees have been put together) appeared on Countdown last week to warn that these austerity measures are ignoring the real problems and the deep cuts they advocate will absolutely bring on the apocalyptic pain they’re predicting: More from Dean Baker: Shared Sacrifice: Where’s Wall Street’s Sacrifice ? I’m not suggesting that we’re not in a terrible economic position and need to make changes to bring us back into recovery. But no one with an ounce of sense can suggest that reducing the incomes of those already in dire financial straits will help the economy recover. Transcripts below the fold… WALLACE: Well, let me turn to 2011 and the new Congress. How much, realistically do you think the new Congress can cut in federal spending? COBURN: I think that remains to be seen. We could certainly cut $100 to $200 billion and help ourselves. What most of America doesn’t understand is if we don’t put our house in order, we are going to look like Greece or Ireland or even Spain and Italy, which are coming, or even maybe ultimately Japan. And so, time is of the essence for us. And you’re seeing economists around the world starting to worry about whether or not we’re going to make the substantive changes to austerity that we need to make in our country to correct our course and to create the confidence that we don’t wind up like in Ireland. WALLACE: Let’s get more specific. We’ll get to the debt situation, the economic situation in a minute, but let’s talk about the job that Congress has. You just released what you called “Waste Book 2010,” in which you outline $11 billion in what you call wasteful spending, including some of those crazy earmarks like $5 billion for an neon sign museum in Las Vegas. But Senator, for all the waste, if you are going to cut spending seriously, aren’t you going to have to cut programs that Americans now rely on? Aren’t you going to be calling on Americans to make some tough sacrifices? COBURN: Absolutely. The problem that faces our country today, the last 30 years we have lived off the future, and the bill is coming due. So there cannot be anything that is not put on the table. There will not be one American that will not be called to sacrifice. Those that are more well-to-do will be called to sacrifice to a greater extent. But the fact is, if we all want a successful future for our kids, and we want to see a renewal in America’s productivity and growth, we’re going to have to make sacrifices. We’ve — both the Republican and Democratic administrations have refused to do that. And we’re at a time where we don’t have the option anymore, and we need to make those decisions ourselves, rather than have those decisions forced upon us by the international financial community. WALLACE: If I can, Senator, let’s get a little specific. Give me the idea of some p rograms, because, of course, the dirty secret is everybody is opposed to government spending in general. But when it affects them, they like government spending for the programs that actually benefit them. Give me an idea, in your mind, not necessarily Congress is going to pass of a couple of specific programs you’d have to say aren’t waste, but we simply can no longer afford? COBURN: Well, first of all, we haven’t even done the hard work of identifying all the duplications in the federal government. A year ago or two years ago, I asked the GAO to give me a report of all the government programs that are out there, so we could cross-reference which ones do the same thing. It’s taken the GAO a year-and-a-half and they refused to do it until I put it in the last debt limit extension. But for example, we could save about $50 billion a year by eliminating programs. I’ll give you a couple of examples. We have 267 job training programs across 39 different agencies. Why do we have 267 of them? We have 105 programs to encourage people to go into science and technology, engineering and math. That’s 105 sets of bureaucrats. None of them have metrics on it. We have $100 billion at a minimum of fraud in Medicare and Medicaid. The healthcare bill didn’t significantly address that. That is money that’s just being blown away. The Pentagon can’t even audit its own books. It doesn’t even know where its money is going. And we refuse to have the tough forces go on the Pentagon so that at least they are efficient with the money they’re spending. So we have a round-up of about $350 billion that will not truly impact anybody in this country that we could eliminate tomorrow. WALLACE: Now you mentioned the magic phrase, “debt limit.” The fact is that the continuing resolution, which Congress just passed, will fund the government until early March. That is about the time that we think the debt limit is going to come up. And my question is, how tough are you and do you think your fellow Republicans willing to get to say to the Obama administration, look, if you want to increase the debt limit, if you want to keep this country from defaulting on its obligations, you’re going to have to give us serious spending cuts? COBURN: I’m not sure. I have spoken with the president, and he understands where we are with some of these issues. The question will be, will he help lead in making the hard choices? And of course, most of the things that I’ve been talking about are discretionary spending. Will he help us fix the problems that have been created by new healthcare bill, and the underlying problems in healthcare is that it costs too much because there are no market forces controlling its cost? My hope is that he gets out, holds hands with us, and we make some significant cuts. Some economists say that if we cut spending, it will hurt our recovery. Well, we just set up about $1 trillion to be spent in the economy over the next few years in terms of the stimulus. So I think there is no problem that we could cut $100 or $200 billion and start making a down payment and come to an agreement. There doesn’t have to be a standoff. What there has to be is real leadership and recognizing the serious nature and the urgency of our problem. WALLACE: Let’s talk about that because I think it’s fair to say you are an alarmist about debt. You talk about a, quote, “debt triggered apocalypse.” You talk about the idea that if we don’t do it, the international community is going to do it. You raise the comparison to Greece. Do you think the U.S. is headed to be another Greece? COBURN: I do. I think within three to four years, if we have not done the critical changes that we have to make, I think the confidence in our economy and in our currency will be undermined significantly. And that may scare some folks. It’s not intended to. But the fact is we’re living off our future, and everybody else in the world that’s doing that today is getting punished. And what makes us think we can continue to do that? And so, if we send a signal to the rest of the international financial community that we are going to start down a road to austerity, we’re going to start living within our means, we’re going to decrease our spending, we are going to look at what the true role of the federal government is and try to limit our impact to that range, and we’re going to eliminate programs that are not a priority. Chris, the issue is not whether the government can do good things. It does great things. The question is what are the good things it can do and still afford to do it without doing significant harm? And what is happening in our country is we’re not taking seriously the very real and urgent threat that will undermine the standard of living in this country. And I agree. I told you the other evening that if we didn’t take some pain now, we’re going to experience apocalyptic pain, and it’s going to be out of our control. The idea should be that we control it. WALLACE: I was going to say, let’s talk about that. You say you don’t want to scare people. Go ahead and scare people, Senator. You scared me the other night when we happened to be at a dinner together. WALLACE: How bleak do you think our financial and economic picture in this country will be over the next decade if we don’t get serious about cutting spending? COBURN: I think you’ll see a 15 to 18 percent unemployment rate. I think you will see an 8 to 9 percent decline in GDP. I think you’ll see the middle class just destroyed if we don’t do this. And the people that it will harm the most will be the poorest of the poor, because we’ll print money to try to debase our currency and get out of it and what you will see is hyperinflation. So we don’t have a lot of options other than living within our means and sending the signal that creates confidence that we can repay our debt and that we’re not going to debase our currency to do it. Read more: http://www.foxnews.com/on-air/fox-news-sunday/transcript/sen-coburn-talks-debt-and-taxes-cardinal-donald-wuerl-religion-and-politics?page=1#ixzz19FzHbzt3

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By E.J. Dionne, Jr. The Civil War is about to loom very large in the popular memory. We would do well to be candid about its causes and not allow the distortions of contemporary politics or long-standing myths to cloud our understanding of why the nation fell apart. Related Entries December 23, 2010 Sept. 11 Heroes Disdained on the Right December 22, 2010 The Pride of ‘Obama’s Orphans’

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Help Stop Destruction of the Free Internet Now

By Elliot D. Cohen The recent FCC decision to “protect” the free and open Internet was long awaited by activists but it turned out to be smoke and mirrors, catering largely to service providers such as Comcast and AT&T. Related Entries December 23, 2010 Sept. 11 Heroes Disdained on the Right December 22, 2010 The Pride of ‘Obama’s Orphans’

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Peggy Noonan Opines Over Her Old Boss’ Trickle-Down Economics Finally Taking Their Toll on Americans

Click here to view this media After David Gregory does his best to try to paint all of our current economic woes on President Obama, Peggy Noonan points out that most Americans for the first time in her lifetime don’t think their children are going to be better off than they are, and after David Gregory shows a poll saying Americans think the last ten years have been the worst decade in history, even Noonan has to admit that those problems were brought about from the earlier part of that decade, but without mentioning Bush by name. If Noonan were being honest about the cause of our current economic woes, it’s her old boss Ronald Reagan’s trickle-down economics finally destroying what’s left of America’s middle class. We’ve been heading in this direction for a very long time and unless our politicians lose their fetishes for tax cuts and their refusal to do anything about outsourcing, this is just going to continue to get worse before it gets better. That pessimism Noonan’s opining over is due to the fact that people are aware that our politicians are too bought and sold by big business to do anything to reverse the trends. DAVID GREGORY: But– and Peggy’s point, I think. Whether it’s about healthcare, the government stepped up, took some big whacks at policy. Namely dealing with the economy. And a lot of people said, “Well, wait a minute. Nothing’s worked here. You know, you bailed out the banks. Started under Bush. You continued it. The auto companies. You did healthcare. You did the stimulus. And– and we’re still in the same position. I still don’t have any equity in my house anymore and I can’t find a job.” That’s a role of government issue. PEGGY NOONAN: There is also this– this growing from that but it’s part of what we’re talking about is this– the biggest political change in the United States in my lifetime is the sense grownups have that their children will not have it better. It is a– we are– a happy people. You can walk along any street in America right now and you’re gonna see people doin’ Christmas and the holidays and it’s wonderful. But there is deep down on the third level of thought a– a strain of pessimism– DAVID GREGORY: Well, and– PEGGY NOONAN: –that I’ve– DAVID GREGORY: –Peggy– PEGGY NOONAN: –seen before. DAVID GREGORY: –look at this from our recent NBC News/Wall Street Journal poll. People’s views on the last cen– but– on this last decade that it’s the worst decade in history at 54 percentile. FEMALE VOICE: Well, part of that– (OVERTALK) FEMALE VOICE: –that is being– TOM BROKAW: And part of that– FEMALE VOICE: –saying that– TOM BROKAW: –because they– FEMALE VOICE: –at the beginning. TOM BROKAW: –were living through it. They don’t have any idea what — well let me take ‘em back to 1938– DORIS KEARNS GOODWIN: Yes, exactly. TOM BROKAW: –for example, when the prospect of war and World War II and the– and the recovery wasn’t working as well as FDR had hoped it would in that year. And we still had bread lines in America and the country was on its backside at that point. PEGGY NOONAN: And we were– TOM BROKAW: And—- PEGGY NOONAN: –hopeful. TOM BROKAW: –and how about– PEGGY NOONAN: And– it was– TOM BROKAW: –the worst– PEGGY NOONAN: –dreadful. TOM BROKAW: –how about the worst decade leading up to the Civil War? DORIS KEARNS GOODWIN: Yeah. I mean– TOM BROKAW: You know? DORIS KEARNS GOODWIN: –for those of us who are historians and who’ve lived in those other decades– TOM BROKAW: Right. DORIS KEARNS GOODWIN: the 1860′s, the 1930′s, I’ll still take this one, as troubling as it is.

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On This Week with Christiane Amanpur, she interviews New York Times reporter David Rohde, who was abducted more than seven months ago into the mountains of Afghanistan and Pakistan. In June, he managed to get away and now he’s written a book with his wife Kristen Mulvihill about the experience from his point of view and hers: AMANPOUR: I actually want to ask you why you decided to write it in the he-said/she-said narrative. DAVID ROHDE, CO-AUTHOR, “A ROPE AND A PRAYER”: We thought it was important to show both sides of the story. And, you know, we got this attention, but there are thousands of families in the military. There are diplomats, aid workers, all working overseas in Iraq, Afghanistan, in so many countries. And you don’t see the other side of it. And what Kristen went through is just as important, if not more important, to what I went through. AMANPOUR: Well, David obviously got all of the attention. KRISTEN MULVIHILL, CO-AUTHOR, “A ROPE AND A PRAYER”: Yes. AMANPOUR: What was it that you wanted to say about the spouse being at home? MULVIHILL: Yes. I mean, I hope the story resonates beyond kidnapping. You know, there are military families that are separated from their loved ones for months at a time. And so I hope it resonates with anyone dealing with separation or in a position to make life and death decisions for a spouse when they’re unable to do so for themselves. And we just hope it personalizes the war, puts a personal face on the issue. AMANPOUR: As for you, you are a professional. You are a photo editor. MULVIHILL: Yes. AMANPOUR: You are here working at Cosmopolitan magazine, while your husband was in captivity. MULVIHILL: Exactly. And we kept the case out of the news, which was something the family felt very strongly about. We did not want it publicized. So I went about my daily activities at work as a photo producer. AMANPOUR: Why did you decide to keep it out of the news? Did you — why did The New York Time want to do that, David? ROHDE: There was a general consensus among sort of security experts that when you’re dealing with militants who want to defy Western opinion that sort of publicly pressuring them won’t work, it will actually raise value. If it’s a government, if it’s Iran, North Korea, go public. If it’s a young militant, it doesn’t help, it just raises the hostage’s value. AMANPOUR: And yet you recount that you did tell the militants that they could get money and prisoners released from Guantanamo. ROHDE: I did. That was after… AMANPOUR: On whose authority did you tell them that? (LAUGHTER) ROHDE: I — it was an effort, frankly, to save our lives. I was very worried about the lives of my two Afghan colleagues. In past kidnappings, the first thing they did was kill an Afghan to create the pressure. And one of the problems we saw in writing this is that some governments do pay. There have been a past case, an Italian journalist, five prisoners released. There were some Korean hostages. There were rumors of millions being paid for them. But I was told an al Jazeera film crew was on the way. Some Arab militants are coming with them, and they’re going to decapitate you. I then said, you can get money and prisoners for us. AMANPOUR: What was going through your head? You had just been married. You hadn’t told Kristen… ROHDE: Correct. AMANPOUR: … that you were going off to do something this dangerous. And was the right thing to do? ROHDE: It was the wrong thing to do. You know, I regret the decision. It was completely unfair to her. I’ll always regret it. I let competition get the best of me. Dozens of journalists have safely interviewed the Taliban. And I wanted us to be the best foot possible. But I lost my way and I shouldn’t have gotten so competitive. AMANPOUR: Well, I ask you about that because your book is called “A Rope and a Prayer.” Prayer, faith sustained you. MULVIHILL: It did actually, and family. I had a practice — I was raised Catholic, and I really sort of fell back on prayer as the way to, you know, surrender without giving up. I ultimately knew the outcome was not going to be up to me. And it really helped me maintained positivity and find that intention. Written prayer, actually, when I couldn’t find that within myself. It kept me going. AMANPOUR: You were not religious. ROHDE: No. And even from our time reporting in Bosnia, you know, we’ve seen, you know, religion taken to extremes can be a very destructive force. And I was with these young militants who had been deluded into thinking was a religious war. They despised me because I was unclean. They said because I wasn’t Muslim, they didn’t want to eat food from the same plate as me. They believed that the U.S. Army was, you know, forcibly converting Afghan Muslims to Christianity. But I, in my time in captivity did end up saying prayers myself. I don’t know, I’m still skeptical about organized religion. AMANPOUR: Let me ask you, because given that it was secret, the fact that he had been kidnapped, a lot of us knew, none of us published. It was a little James Bond-y the way you went after his release. MULVIHILL: Yes, it was. It was. And we did a bunch of things. You know, the FBI swooped in very early on to tell the family how the case might progress. But they can’t negotiate. They can’t exchange funds for prisoners. So we hired a private security team to try to negotiate on the phone with the Taliban. I also had a friend by the name of Michael Simple who was based in the region who advised me. I tried to send in notes to David through Taliban elders. I don’t know if they ever got to him or to the elders. I even, in fact, made a video at the request of a mullah close to the kidnappers that were holding him. He suggested, you know, the kidnappers have sent you several videos, why don’t you send one back, it might be a nice gesture. AMANPOUR: And you spoke to some of them on the phone. MULVIHILL: I did. I was called at home twice. It was very surreal. They would always call with a stipulation that I look at the phone number and call them back. They didn’t want to pay for the calls. So it was adding insult to injury. But it always gave me pause. It gave me a moment to catch my breath and sort of figure out what to say. Our conversations were highly scripted. Between demanding millions of dollars and prisoners, they would say, you know, we’re going to go off and pray and, Inshallah, we’ll get back to you. So it was a very strange thing. AMANPOUR: And how long did it take for them to ever get back to you? MULVIHILL: You know, it would be weeks at a time. And it wouldn’t necessarily be by telephone. It may be through an emissary. AMANPOUR: What did learn from these Taliban who had you? Are they more radical than you thought, less? What did you learn from them? ROHDE: They’re very radical. It’s very dangerous. I was held in the same place where Faisal Shahzad, the young man who tried to set off a truck bomb in Times Square, where he was trained. Nothing has changed since I escaped from captivity 17 months ago. The Obama administration has repeatedly asked the Pakistani military to remove this. It’s a mini-state. They train suicide bombers. They do whatever they want . And the problem continues today. And they’re carrying out cross-border attacks and killing American servicemen from this place. AMANPOUR: And, indeed, the Afghan review — the war review suggested that even the fragile progress that is being made in Afghanistan is threatened precisely from North Waziristan. Do you see any willingness, in your continued reporting, by the Pakistanis to really crack down on that? ROHDE: It’s all about India. And as long there’s this India-Pakistan rivalry, the Pakistanis, they continue to see the Taliban as proxies they can use to stop India from coming in and making inroads in Afghanistan. You know, Richard Holbrooke was trying to do this. He was trying to sort of reduce tensions between India and Pakistan. There are assurances that we can, you know, make to the Pakistanis, maybe ask the Indians to back off in Afghanistan. The Pakistani military is a rational actor. They don’t agree with the Taliban. They’re not secretly Islamists. So I think there is a solution. You know, I think we have to keep trying. And it’s this regional dynamic that will stabilize Afghanistan. AMANPOUR: So while he’s thinking geopolitics in his particular area of reporting, captive there… MULVIHILL: Yes, exactly. AMANPOUR: … and still, you having to go about your daily work as a photo editor at Cosmopolitan, chatting with your colleagues. How did that — I mean, how? MULVIHILL: It was very tough. I mean, actually, two weeks into the captivity… AMANPOUR: Without telling them? MULVIHILL: Yes, two weeks into the captivity I told the editor-in-chief. And she kept that secret throughout. She was tremendous. As the time dragged on, I had to tell more people. But it was very strange the first few months. You know, I would be planning shoots and in the office, and I would get a call from the FBI, you know, we have a video communication of David, can you duck out and meet us, you know, in front of Starbucks on 52nd Street? So it really was kind of like leading a double life. AMANPOUR: And you were able to call Kristen a couple of times. ROHDE: Yes. They were very technologically adept. They had throughout a satellite phone. They called on cell phones. And they even Googled me. So there was — what was so interesting was that they were kind of globalization is happening in the Tribal Areas of Pakistan. But they pick and choose whatever information sort of fits their conspiracy theories. AMANPOUR: So what information about you fit their conspiracy theories as they Googled you? ROHDE: They, you know, basically saw the West as sort of hedonistic. They said that they hated The New York Times because it supported secularism, therefore they were their enemies. They were so deluded that they thought that the — if you remember the kidnapping of the Somali pirates — I’m sorry, the American sea captain by Somali pirates, they said, oh, no, no, those three pirates weren’t shot. The United States government secretly paid a $25 million ransom. I mean, that’s completely false. But that was the expectation they had. AMANPOUR: After being there for seven months, how did you make the decision finally to decide to escape? ROHDE: Our captors’ initial demands were $25 million and 15 prisoners being released from Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. After seven months they had reduced their demands to $8 million and the release of four prisoners. They told me every day they had me they were delivering massive political blows to the American government. I mean, I said my case isn’t even public, people don’t care, I came to interview the Taliban, people are angry at me. And they were just delusional, and we just decided the only way, you know, we could end this would be to try to escape. And they moved us to this house that was very close to that Pakistani base. And we didn’t think it would work, and it did. We were so lucky. AMANPOUR: And you snuck out while they were asleep? ROHDE: We had a ceiling fan in the room where we slept with the guards and there was an old air conditioner called a “cooler,” and it made a tremendous amount of noise. And that was what made us — you know, with the power back on, we decided that that kind of covered up the sound we made. And I found the rope — it was a car tow rope, and we made it to the roof, lowered ourselves down that wall and, you know, it was just a miracle. AMANPOUR: And by the time — how did you hear he was released? MULVIHILL: David called home and my mother picked up. And she took notes on Post-It pads so when I ran home there were all of these little stickies strewn across the living room. And very quickly we got on the phone. We called The New York Times and they sent the editor over to the house. And between the three of us, you know, we contacted Hillary Clinton, we contacted Richard Holbrooke who had been fantastic throughout. And they in turn contacted the Pakistanis. They said, we know where David is, please make sure he is exited safely from the region. AMANPOUR: Meantime, as Kristen was doing that, you had barely escaped with your life. Well, the Pakistanis thought that they might need to shoot you. ROHDE: There was — we got to the edge, we went over that wall. She talked about we get to this base. We’re nearly shot because, you know, I have beard down to here, I’m in local clothes. They take us on this base — and I really to emphasize this, this very brave young Pakistani captain, he was a moderate. And he apologized to me for the kidnapping, allowed us on the base, let me make that crucial call home, because I thought other Pakistani officers might hand us back to the Taliban. There are moderates in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Most of the population opposes the Taliban. And I’m here today because a moderate Afghan and a moderate Pakistani helped me. And I think it’s vital that people know that. And we want this book to be more about moderates in a sense than about my kidnappers. AMANPOUR: And do you allow your husband to go back to Afghanistan? MULVIHILL: Well, I actually didn’t have to tell him not to go back again. He came to that conclusion on his own. AMANPOUR: And do you want to go back? ROHDE: No, I don’t. My days as a war correspondent. And I’m, you know, just so lucky to be home. And, again, we wrote this because we’re just one small story. This is kind of this hidden war that most Americans — it doesn’t really affect their daily lives. Such a small percentage of Americans serve in the military or overseas. So, you know, this is just one small story of what’s happening. There’s tens of thousands of Americans as well as, you know, average Afghans and Pakistanis. AMANPOUR: Well, thank you both very much, indeed. David, Kristen, thanks very much, indeed. And I hope people read it and get that message from you both. Thanks. MULVIHILL: Thank you. ROHDE: Thank you.

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