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At two pounds, Yoda once looked so mangy that her owner mistook her for a rat. She’s come not such a long way since, last night winning the dubious title of World’s Ugliest Dog at a Northern California Fair. Yoda is a 14-year-old Chinese Crested—a homely breed that’s nabbed…

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Ed Miliband set for collision course with unions over Labour block vote

Labour leader refuses to back planned public sector strikes – and talks of ending ‘late-night deals’ at party conference Ed Miliband is to loosen the grip of trade union leaders over Labour policy-making as part of a sweeping modernisation drive that risks serious confrontation with the party’s traditional paymasters. The move to change historic links with the unions and open policy up more to ordinary members will alarm union bosses as they prepare this week for the first in a rolling programme of strikes against public-sector cuts. Miliband, who won the leadership race against his brother David with the help of union votes, signalled the move yesterday after he refused to back Thursday’s planned strike by up to 750,000 teachers, lecturers and civil servants. In a clear reference to the power union chiefs still exercise at the party’s annual conference, where they wield 50% of the vote, he said it was time for Labour to move on from “late-night deals, thrashed out in locked meeting rooms by a handful of people”. He added: “The best policy does not come from a few people locked in a room. It comes from conversations on the doorstep, at the school gate, in our workplaces.” Although Labour reduced union dominance under the leaderships of John Smith and Tony Blair, the three biggest unions, Unite, Unison and the GMB still control 40% of voting power. Miliband is acutely aware that he is vulnerable to charges of being the unions’ man as the country heads into what may be the most prolonged period of industrial strife since the 70s and 80s. His move – also high-risk as the unions provide much of Labour funding – came as senior figures in the government indicated they would be prepared to toughen anti-union legislation if the strikes seriously disrupted services. Ministers are examining plans to make it impossible to strike unless at least 40% of their members back action – rather than allowing them to be triggered by a simple majority of those who vote. They are also looking at banning public-sector workers from being employed as full-time union reps on the public purse and at imposing a legal duty on unions to ensure a minimum level of service in the event of a strike. One idea that Miliband may consider is reducing the proportion of the block vote at conferences. A balance had to be struck, he said, between the Labour of the 80s, when deals were stitched up behind closed doors and the 90s, when policy was made by a New Labour clique and conference was powerless. “We went from six people making decisions in a smoke-filled room in the 1980s to six people making the decisions from a sofa in Whitehall,” he said. Any reforms, however, will provoke heated debate and inevitable resistance. Such changes will need to be put to the party’s national executive committee and then be voted on by the party conference under its present rules. Miliband stressed that he was looking to strengthen not weaken the influence of individual union members in the party. “Nearly three million ordinary men and women – we call them trade union levy payers – are linked to this party. Nurses, call-centre workers, engineers, shop workers. We are unique in having that relationship with working people. But for years we have done nothing to reach out to these men and women. When did any of us see substantial numbers of them involved in our party?” He confirmed his intention to end elections for the shadow cabinet and to put ideas from local communities in front of Labour’s national policy-setting body. Conference would also be thrown open to non-members and wider civil society. Acknowledging the shortcomings and in-fighting of the Blair and Brown governments of which he was a member, Miliband said: “Old Labour forgot about the public. New Labour forgot about the party. And, by the time we left office, we had lost touch with both. “That wasn’t all. We talked about the importance of solidarity and respect, but too often looked inwards, distracting us from the task of serving the country. The internal squabbles damaged our reputation and distracted us from the task of serving the country.” Michael Fallon, the Tory deputy chairman, rejected the idea that union influence would be diluted. “These trivial proposals today offer little real change and won’t reconnect Labour with the public. Ed Miliband cannot go on like this – failing to break the union hold over his party, failing to provide real change within his party, and failing to say sorry for the economic mess Labour left the country. “The unions elected Ed Miliband, are bankrolling his party, and he clearly doesn’t have the guts to stand up to them.” Ed Miliband Trade unions Labour Public sector cuts Public sector pay Public sector careers Public sector pensions Toby Helm guardian.co.uk

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Ed Miliband set for collision course with unions over Labour block vote

Labour leader refuses to back planned public sector strikes – and talks of ending ‘late-night deals’ at party conference Ed Miliband is to loosen the grip of trade union leaders over Labour policy-making as part of a sweeping modernisation drive that risks serious confrontation with the party’s traditional paymasters. The move to change historic links with the unions and open policy up more to ordinary members will alarm union bosses as they prepare this week for the first in a rolling programme of strikes against public-sector cuts. Miliband, who won the leadership race against his brother David with the help of union votes, signalled the move yesterday after he refused to back Thursday’s planned strike by up to 750,000 teachers, lecturers and civil servants. In a clear reference to the power union chiefs still exercise at the party’s annual conference, where they wield 50% of the vote, he said it was time for Labour to move on from “late-night deals, thrashed out in locked meeting rooms by a handful of people”. He added: “The best policy does not come from a few people locked in a room. It comes from conversations on the doorstep, at the school gate, in our workplaces.” Although Labour reduced union dominance under the leaderships of John Smith and Tony Blair, the three biggest unions, Unite, Unison and the GMB still control 40% of voting power. Miliband is acutely aware that he is vulnerable to charges of being the unions’ man as the country heads into what may be the most prolonged period of industrial strife since the 70s and 80s. His move – also high-risk as the unions provide much of Labour funding – came as senior figures in the government indicated they would be prepared to toughen anti-union legislation if the strikes seriously disrupted services. Ministers are examining plans to make it impossible to strike unless at least 40% of their members back action – rather than allowing them to be triggered by a simple majority of those who vote. They are also looking at banning public-sector workers from being employed as full-time union reps on the public purse and at imposing a legal duty on unions to ensure a minimum level of service in the event of a strike. One idea that Miliband may consider is reducing the proportion of the block vote at conferences. A balance had to be struck, he said, between the Labour of the 80s, when deals were stitched up behind closed doors and the 90s, when policy was made by a New Labour clique and conference was powerless. “We went from six people making decisions in a smoke-filled room in the 1980s to six people making the decisions from a sofa in Whitehall,” he said. Any reforms, however, will provoke heated debate and inevitable resistance. Such changes will need to be put to the party’s national executive committee and then be voted on by the party conference under its present rules. Miliband stressed that he was looking to strengthen not weaken the influence of individual union members in the party. “Nearly three million ordinary men and women – we call them trade union levy payers – are linked to this party. Nurses, call-centre workers, engineers, shop workers. We are unique in having that relationship with working people. But for years we have done nothing to reach out to these men and women. When did any of us see substantial numbers of them involved in our party?” He confirmed his intention to end elections for the shadow cabinet and to put ideas from local communities in front of Labour’s national policy-setting body. Conference would also be thrown open to non-members and wider civil society. Acknowledging the shortcomings and in-fighting of the Blair and Brown governments of which he was a member, Miliband said: “Old Labour forgot about the public. New Labour forgot about the party. And, by the time we left office, we had lost touch with both. “That wasn’t all. We talked about the importance of solidarity and respect, but too often looked inwards, distracting us from the task of serving the country. The internal squabbles damaged our reputation and distracted us from the task of serving the country.” Michael Fallon, the Tory deputy chairman, rejected the idea that union influence would be diluted. “These trivial proposals today offer little real change and won’t reconnect Labour with the public. Ed Miliband cannot go on like this – failing to break the union hold over his party, failing to provide real change within his party, and failing to say sorry for the economic mess Labour left the country. “The unions elected Ed Miliband, are bankrolling his party, and he clearly doesn’t have the guts to stand up to them.” Ed Miliband Trade unions Labour Public sector cuts Public sector pay Public sector careers Public sector pensions Toby Helm guardian.co.uk

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A suicide attacker blew up his explosives-laden SUV outside of a small medical clinic about 25 miles east of Kabul today, killing at least 25 people, Afghan authorities said. The Afghan Health Ministry initially said in a statement that some 60 people were killed and 120 wounded. But at a…

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Milly Dowler case: Victims’ tsar to act following family’s court ordeal

Commissioner calls for changes in way witnesses are handled by judicial system as parents recover from ‘shocking’ treatment Britain’s courts will see sweeping changes in favour of the victims of serious crime in the light of the Milly Dowler murder trial, the victims’ commissioner has vowed. Louise Casey said she will put forward a report to the justice secretary Kenneth Clarke within the next two weeks which will conclude that the “shocking” treatment of the Dowler family during the trial of their daughter’s murderer is just part of a wider picture that has seen dozens of relatives devastated by experiences with the justice system. Casey, the commissioner for victims and witnesses, said: “My report’s recommendations for change will be taken seriously and acted upon at the highest levels.” She welcomed yesterday’s comments from Mark Rowley, the chief constable of Surrey police, who said he was “shocked” by the way Milly’s family were cross-examined and their personal lives thrown into the spotlight during the trial of serial killer Levi Bellfield, who was jailed for life on Thursday at the Old Bailey. Rowley also called for changes in the way the courts treated witnesses and said it was a “most bizarre and distressing coincidence” that the Dowler family had their privacy “destroyed” at the same time as celebrities were granted super-injunctions to protect details of their personal lives. “Here is someone who doesn’t want celebrity, whose daughter has been killed, but is being vilified and humiliated. It is completely incongruous and unnecessary.” He said that victims and witnesses were the “lifeblood” of the justice system. “Unless we treat them carefully and thoughtfully, fundamentally it undermines the system in the long term. Somehow we need to find a different way into the system that looks at, with equal vigour: how can we care for the victims and witnesses in these cases, while testing the evidence, and how do we protect privacy as well? “I’m not saying, ‘Never go personal,’ but if you go personal then, for goodness sake, think about the dignity of the people involved. There needs to be stronger practice advice so judges are not worried about appeal by restricting defence questioning.” The director of public prosecutions, Keir Starmer QC, said the Bellfield trial had raised “fundamental questions” about the treatment of witnesses in the courtroom. Casey said she welcomed the comments of both Starmer and Rowley. “I very much hope that the shock and anger that many people feel about the lack of dignity, respect and protection that the Criminal Justice System afforded to the Dowlers will mean that, when my report into the treatment of those bereaved by murder, manslaughter and culpable road death is published in the next couple of weeks, its recommendations for change will be taken seriously and acted upon at the highest level,” she said yesterday. Insiders said Casey had been moved by the families she had met over the past year and shocked by some of their experiences, and was in no mood to accept compromises on her recommendations. Both Milly’s parents had broken down in court after being cross-examined by a defence trying to prove she was unhappy and alienated from her family. But many legal experts are wary of change restricting every person’s right to a full and vigorous defence. John Cooper, QC, an elected member of the Bar Council and visiting Professor of Law at Cardiff University, defended the rigour of British justice system: “We should not let Levi Bellfield hijack the criminal justice system. The system and the process works well, day in day out, up and down the country. It is there to ensure there are no miscarriages of justice and the prosecution case is tested in accordance with the defendant’s instructions, whether those instructions are palatable or not. “It is important in any democratic society for a defendant’s case, however repulsive it may seem, to be put at trial to be accepted or, as was in this case, rejected by a jury.” Mark Leech, editor of the national prisoners’ newspaper ConVerse , said calls for reform were unnecessary: “The judge already acts as a safeguard to unnecessary and intrusive questioning which falls outside what is legitimate to the defence.” Milly Dowler Judiciary UK criminal justice Crime Tracy McVeigh Jamie Doward guardian.co.uk

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Treasury urges British banks to take big losses to help Greece avoid meltdown

Effort to persuade banks to take hit comes despite David Cameron’s assurance that UK taxpayers will not foot the bill Britain’s banks will be urged by the Treasury to take multimillion pound losses as part of Europe-wide plans to prevent a catastrophic meltdown of the Greek financial system. Despite the assurance of prime minister David Cameron that the UK taxpayer will not pay towards the latest EU bailout of Greece, Treasury officials are working behind the scenes to persuade British banks holding Greek bonds to take a “haircut” now as the best way to avert a potential global crisis. Britain’s banks hold about £2.5bn of Greek bonds. One idea, proposed by Germany, is that the banks would be persuaded to swap Greek bonds for loans on less favourable terms when they expire – a so-called “soft restructuring” that would help ease the pain for Athens. Politicians across the EU are battling to secure “private sector involvement” in the Greek rescue alongside government and IMF help in the hope of preventing Athens from defaulting on its debts, a move they fear could start a ripple effect in world markets. Analysts say even a debt swap, under which Athens would pay its debts over a longer period, would leave bondholders facing a reduction in the value of their investment. But officials argue that only if private banks take a hit now can the damage be limited. The Treasury so far has been on the sidelines of EU discussions about how to ensure private sector creditors play their part, partly because of Cameron’s insistence that UK taxpayers will not help to finance a second Greek bailout. Cameron’s refusal to put money into the latest rescue led to criticism of the UK’s stance behind the scenes at a summit in Brussels last week. Senior European figures said London needed to focus more urgently on the potential effect of a Greek default on the UK’s banking sector and economy. “The UK has the third largest exposure after France and Germany,” said a high-level EU source. “It should be aware of the effect of standing aside from discussions.” But Whitehall insiders have confirmed that chancellor George Osborne’s staff are on the case, working on ways to involve British bondholders in rescue moves that will almost certainly involve a short-term hit. Another worry is that Britain’s banks and hedge funds have written multibillion-pound insurance contracts – in the form of credit default swaps – that would be triggered if Greece defaults. Erik Britton, director of City consultancy Fathom, said: “It’s not the direct exposure, it’s the indirect exposure and the implications of an unruly default that I would be worried about. French and German banks bought Greek bonds, and they took out insurance against default. Who did they take out that insurance with? The US and UK banks. There has to be a loser – who’s the loser?” A fresh bailout for Greece will go ahead on condition that its parliament votes for new austerity and reform programmes on Tuesday. It is expected to total about €110bn, with about €30bn coming from bondholders, €30bn from privatisations, and the rest from eurozone members and the International Monetary Fund. Persuading the private sector to play a part is seen as crucial to the chances of averting a Greek disaster and was a key part of German chancellor Angela Merkel’s pitch in Brussels. Without this, EU leaders fear Greece will default, triggering payouts on a web of complex financial insurance products and creating chaos in world markets as investors struggle to work out who owes what to whom. Some analysts fear default could create a “Lehman moment”, like the aftermath of the collapse of the giant US investment bank in 2008, when investors lost confidence in each other and the world financial system froze up. At the inaugural press conference for the Bank of England’s new financial policy committee on Friday, governor Sir Mervyn King described the deteriorating situation in the eurozone as a “mess” and warned that, although Britain’s banks own a relatively small number of Greek bonds – about £3bn worth – there could be dramatic knock-on effects if a default resulted in a loss of confidence throughout the global financial system. That gives Treasury officials a strong incentive to ensure that the banks sign up. Without a voluntary agreement from investors, the powerful credit ratings agencies will declare that Greece has defaulted, spreading chaos through financial markets. US Federal Reserve governor Ben Bernanke last week urged European governments to resolve the Greek crisis or risk threatening “the European financial system, global financial system, and European political unity”. Treasury insiders admit that, by staying out of the Greek rescue talks, the City’s voice has been lost so far. European debt crisis Greece Euro Banking Europe Heather Stewart Toby Helm guardian.co.uk

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Saudi Arabian torment of migrant workers at mercy of abusive ‘madams’

Foreign workers in Saudi Arabia send £17bn to families back home annually. But for some, the cost in physical and mental abuse is too high, writes Jason Burke Shortly after dawn, as the sun rises over the hills behind the city, tens of thousands of women will wake in the Saudi Arabian port of Jeddah and go to work. Maybe 14 or 16 hours later, their day will be over. They are maids, almost all from the Philippines or Indonesia, working for £100-£200 a month. There are more than 500,000 of them in Saudi Arabia, among nearly nine million foreign workers who sweep roads, clean offices, staff coffee shops, drive the cars that women are banned from driving and provide the manpower on the vast construction projects. The story of the maids rarely receives attention, except when a new shocking incident reveals once again the problems many of them face. Last weekend a 54-year-old Indonesian maid was beheaded by sword for killing her female boss with a cleaver. Ruyati binti Sapubi had, an Islamic court heard, endured years of abuse before finally attacking her “madam”, as the maids call their employers, when denied permission to return home. Another Indonesian maid also faces execution for killing her boss whom she alleges tried to rape her. Other recent incidents include a Sri Lankan maid who had nails driven into her legs and arms by her employers, and another who was scalded with a hot iron. Every year, thousands of the maids run away from their employers in Saudi Arabia. Often physically or mentally scarred, they find themselves in a legal limbo. In Saudi Arabia, the consent of employers or “sponsors” is needed before any worker can leave the country. Last week the Observer was able to visit a secret shelter in Jeddah – there are others elsewhere in Saudi Arabia – where 50 women are being looked after by well-wishers. The shelter is tolerated by local authorities, but the women who stay there, often for months on end, are not allowed to leave once they have entered and cannot use mobile phones. Sixteen sleep in a single room. The maids say, however, that it is better than what they left behind. Most tell of fleeing employers who did not pay their wages; many talk of physical, mental or sexual abuse. Rose, a 40-year-old from the island of Leyte, in the far south of the Phillipines, has spent five months in the shelter after fleeing from her employers after her “madam” threw keys into her face, narrowly missing an eye. “I don’t know why she did it. She lost her temper,” said Rose, whose wages were consistently in arrears. Many exist in an illegal netherworld in the sprawling city itself. Muneera, a 33-year-old from the Muslim south of the Philippines – from where many of the maids in deeply conservative Saudi Arabia come – told the Observer that she was sleeping on friends’ floors after fleeing her employers. The family she worked for was “kind”, Muneera said, but the hours were unbearable. “I worked from 5am to 1am, almost every day. I got up to make the children breakfast and get them ready to go to school and then cleaned the house all day, and in the evening my employers would go out and come back at midnight and want dinner. Finally it was just too much,” she said. Beth Medina, a 46-year-old maid, said she ran away after two months. “I had no idea what it was going to be like. If there was a single hair on the floor, madam was angry at me. The only food I got was leftovers from their dinner. If there wasn’t any, I got bread,” she told the Observer . Few of the maids, who are often recruited by agencies in the Philippines, have much idea about where they are going or what will be expected of them. Terms of employment are also variable. As domestic workers, they are not protected by Saudi labour law. Riyadh recently rejected demands from Manila for medical insurance for maids and for information on employers to be supplied before their departure. For their part, Philippine officials refused to accept a cut in the minimum wage for maids from $400 a month to $200. The result is a moratorium on the hiring of maids. Indonesia has also stopped its citizens travelling to Saudi Arabia following the execution last week. Yet the governments are likely to come to some arrangement. There have been such standoffs before, and in relative terms the foreign workers generate huge sums of cash, most of which is sent to needy families at home and provides important revenues for developing nations. Saudi Arabia was the source of £17bn of such “remittances” last year, second only to the US. Entire states in some countries depend on the funds flowing in. Money from the Gulf has transformed parts of India, particularly the Keralan coast, where many Muslims who work in Saudi Arabia live, for example. With such huge sums at stake, the plight of the odd “camel shepherd who dies unnoticed in the desert for a wage of $50 per week” is seen as unimportant, said Mohammed Iftikar, an Indian who works on behalf of foreign workers in Jeddah. But the problems are growing. The number of foreign workers in the kingdom has been edging up, from a quarter of the total population a decade ago to nearly a third today. At the same time, youth unemployment in Saudi Arabia is approaching 30%. The Saudi government is now trying to impose tight restrictions on the number of foreigners any company can hire and clamping down on long-term overseas workers. “We have a young population. We need to generate 6.5 million jobs. At the moment we have jobs that people don’t like to do. So either we create jobs that people like, or we try to convince people to accept the jobs that are available,” Dr Abdul Wahid bin Khalid al-Humaid, the vice-minister of labour, told the Observer in an interview in Riyadh last week. Analysts say it is unlikely, however, that Saudis will replace the foreigners soon. Many foreign workers arrive illegally, smuggled in from Qatar, Kuwait or Yemen. There are estimated to be tens of thousands of “absconders” – as those who have run away from the jobs for which their residence permits were issued are called – from Nepal alone. And the wealth of Saudi Arabia, where the per capita GDP is more than £15,000, continues to attract more people. Many workers both enjoy their time in Saudi Arabia and are grateful for the opportunity employment there gives them. Their example encourages others to travel too. Eileen, a 44-year-old maid from Iloilo in the Philippines, said her employers always paid her monthly wage of £400 on time and even “invited [her] to eat with them sometimes”. Though she gets up at 5.30am and works until late in the evening, she has some time off in the day and each summer travels with the family on holiday to Europe. With the money she earns, Eileen supports the four children of her brother, who died in a car accident last year. “Maybe I am lucky,” she said. One result of the huge foreign population is a cosmopolitanism that lightens the otherwise severe and puritanical atmosphere in Saudi Arabia. Every major city has its “immigrant quarter”, where people from a score or more countries fill cheap restaurants serving food from across Asia and further afield or simply sit on street corners where a dozen different languages can be heard. In Jeddah, it is the old city, Balad. On a Friday night, its car-choked streets were full of Filipino care workers in embroidered headscarves bringing colour to their obligatory black, Saudi-style, abbaya gowns; Indian labourers smoking enthusiastically; Sudanese teenagers earning a few riyals by washing windscreens; and Afghan children begging. Recent arrivals from central Africa collected cardboard packaging to sell for recycling. In the Selamat Datang cafe, Indonesian hotel workers downed traditional dishes from home – with rice, a bowl of soup and a Pepsi – for 14 riyal (£2.30). For Rose, the maid stuck in the secret shelter, and Muneera, the runaway sleeping on friend’s floors, such scenes hold little attraction. Their needs, they say, are simple. Muneera just needs a way out of the trap she has fallen into. She says she will go to the Philippine consulate and seek help. Rose just wants an exit visa, the money for a flight home and enough cash left over to allow her three children to go back to school. “I hope I will go soon,” she said. Saudi Arabia Domestic violence Middle East Philippines Indonesia India Kerala Jason Burke guardian.co.uk

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Saudi Arabian torment of migrant workers at mercy of abusive ‘madams’

Foreign workers in Saudi Arabia send £17bn to families back home annually. But for some, the cost in physical and mental abuse is too high, writes Jason Burke Shortly after dawn, as the sun rises over the hills behind the city, tens of thousands of women will wake in the Saudi Arabian port of Jeddah and go to work. Maybe 14 or 16 hours later, their day will be over. They are maids, almost all from the Philippines or Indonesia, working for £100-£200 a month. There are more than 500,000 of them in Saudi Arabia, among nearly nine million foreign workers who sweep roads, clean offices, staff coffee shops, drive the cars that women are banned from driving and provide the manpower on the vast construction projects. The story of the maids rarely receives attention, except when a new shocking incident reveals once again the problems many of them face. Last weekend a 54-year-old Indonesian maid was beheaded by sword for killing her female boss with a cleaver. Ruyati binti Sapubi had, an Islamic court heard, endured years of abuse before finally attacking her “madam”, as the maids call their employers, when denied permission to return home. Another Indonesian maid also faces execution for killing her boss whom she alleges tried to rape her. Other recent incidents include a Sri Lankan maid who had nails driven into her legs and arms by her employers, and another who was scalded with a hot iron. Every year, thousands of the maids run away from their employers in Saudi Arabia. Often physically or mentally scarred, they find themselves in a legal limbo. In Saudi Arabia, the consent of employers or “sponsors” is needed before any worker can leave the country. Last week the Observer was able to visit a secret shelter in Jeddah – there are others elsewhere in Saudi Arabia – where 50 women are being looked after by well-wishers. The shelter is tolerated by local authorities, but the women who stay there, often for months on end, are not allowed to leave once they have entered and cannot use mobile phones. Sixteen sleep in a single room. The maids say, however, that it is better than what they left behind. Most tell of fleeing employers who did not pay their wages; many talk of physical, mental or sexual abuse. Rose, a 40-year-old from the island of Leyte, in the far south of the Phillipines, has spent five months in the shelter after fleeing from her employers after her “madam” threw keys into her face, narrowly missing an eye. “I don’t know why she did it. She lost her temper,” said Rose, whose wages were consistently in arrears. Many exist in an illegal netherworld in the sprawling city itself. Muneera, a 33-year-old from the Muslim south of the Philippines – from where many of the maids in deeply conservative Saudi Arabia come – told the Observer that she was sleeping on friends’ floors after fleeing her employers. The family she worked for was “kind”, Muneera said, but the hours were unbearable. “I worked from 5am to 1am, almost every day. I got up to make the children breakfast and get them ready to go to school and then cleaned the house all day, and in the evening my employers would go out and come back at midnight and want dinner. Finally it was just too much,” she said. Beth Medina, a 46-year-old maid, said she ran away after two months. “I had no idea what it was going to be like. If there was a single hair on the floor, madam was angry at me. The only food I got was leftovers from their dinner. If there wasn’t any, I got bread,” she told the Observer . Few of the maids, who are often recruited by agencies in the Philippines, have much idea about where they are going or what will be expected of them. Terms of employment are also variable. As domestic workers, they are not protected by Saudi labour law. Riyadh recently rejected demands from Manila for medical insurance for maids and for information on employers to be supplied before their departure. For their part, Philippine officials refused to accept a cut in the minimum wage for maids from $400 a month to $200. The result is a moratorium on the hiring of maids. Indonesia has also stopped its citizens travelling to Saudi Arabia following the execution last week. Yet the governments are likely to come to some arrangement. There have been such standoffs before, and in relative terms the foreign workers generate huge sums of cash, most of which is sent to needy families at home and provides important revenues for developing nations. Saudi Arabia was the source of £17bn of such “remittances” last year, second only to the US. Entire states in some countries depend on the funds flowing in. Money from the Gulf has transformed parts of India, particularly the Keralan coast, where many Muslims who work in Saudi Arabia live, for example. With such huge sums at stake, the plight of the odd “camel shepherd who dies unnoticed in the desert for a wage of $50 per week” is seen as unimportant, said Mohammed Iftikar, an Indian who works on behalf of foreign workers in Jeddah. But the problems are growing. The number of foreign workers in the kingdom has been edging up, from a quarter of the total population a decade ago to nearly a third today. At the same time, youth unemployment in Saudi Arabia is approaching 30%. The Saudi government is now trying to impose tight restrictions on the number of foreigners any company can hire and clamping down on long-term overseas workers. “We have a young population. We need to generate 6.5 million jobs. At the moment we have jobs that people don’t like to do. So either we create jobs that people like, or we try to convince people to accept the jobs that are available,” Dr Abdul Wahid bin Khalid al-Humaid, the vice-minister of labour, told the Observer in an interview in Riyadh last week. Analysts say it is unlikely, however, that Saudis will replace the foreigners soon. Many foreign workers arrive illegally, smuggled in from Qatar, Kuwait or Yemen. There are estimated to be tens of thousands of “absconders” – as those who have run away from the jobs for which their residence permits were issued are called – from Nepal alone. And the wealth of Saudi Arabia, where the per capita GDP is more than £15,000, continues to attract more people. Many workers both enjoy their time in Saudi Arabia and are grateful for the opportunity employment there gives them. Their example encourages others to travel too. Eileen, a 44-year-old maid from Iloilo in the Philippines, said her employers always paid her monthly wage of £400 on time and even “invited [her] to eat with them sometimes”. Though she gets up at 5.30am and works until late in the evening, she has some time off in the day and each summer travels with the family on holiday to Europe. With the money she earns, Eileen supports the four children of her brother, who died in a car accident last year. “Maybe I am lucky,” she said. One result of the huge foreign population is a cosmopolitanism that lightens the otherwise severe and puritanical atmosphere in Saudi Arabia. Every major city has its “immigrant quarter”, where people from a score or more countries fill cheap restaurants serving food from across Asia and further afield or simply sit on street corners where a dozen different languages can be heard. In Jeddah, it is the old city, Balad. On a Friday night, its car-choked streets were full of Filipino care workers in embroidered headscarves bringing colour to their obligatory black, Saudi-style, abbaya gowns; Indian labourers smoking enthusiastically; Sudanese teenagers earning a few riyals by washing windscreens; and Afghan children begging. Recent arrivals from central Africa collected cardboard packaging to sell for recycling. In the Selamat Datang cafe, Indonesian hotel workers downed traditional dishes from home – with rice, a bowl of soup and a Pepsi – for 14 riyal (£2.30). For Rose, the maid stuck in the secret shelter, and Muneera, the runaway sleeping on friend’s floors, such scenes hold little attraction. Their needs, they say, are simple. Muneera just needs a way out of the trap she has fallen into. She says she will go to the Philippine consulate and seek help. Rose just wants an exit visa, the money for a flight home and enough cash left over to allow her three children to go back to school. “I hope I will go soon,” she said. Saudi Arabia Domestic violence Middle East Philippines Indonesia India Kerala Jason Burke guardian.co.uk

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Suspected mobster and longtime flight risk James “Whitey” Bulger will be cooling his heels in lockup after a federal judge denied him bail in his first court appearance yesterday. Bulger, who had $800,000 stashed in his Santa Monica apartment, asked to be declared indigent so that he could get…

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Syria reinforces northern border as Turkey loses patience with Assad

Advance on Khirbet al-Jouz seen as a warning after Ankara seeks reforms and end to crackdown on Syrian protesters Syrian officials have ordered military units to step up patrolling near the Turkish border in a warning to its increasingly irate northern neighbour not to establish a buffer zone inside Syria. Diplomats in Ankara and Beirut believe the Syrian advance on the border village of Khirbet al-Jouz, initially portrayed as a sweep against dissidents, was a veiled threat to Turkey, which is steadily turning on President Bashar al-Assad as his regime’s crackdown on dissent continues. In the wake of Assad’s speech last week, Turkish officials gave him one week to start reforms and stop the violent suppression of protests, which is estimated to have killed more than 1,400 people in less than four months. At least 18 were killed and dozens more wounded during nationwide protests on Friday – a relatively low toll compared with the past few Fridays. But the pattern of activists being attacked by the security forces remains the same. British government officials travelled during the week to the south of Turkey to interview Syrian refugees. A Foreign Office official told the Observer that diplomats are compiling accounts of what happened in Jisr al-Shughour and the villages around it during the first two weeks of this month, when the Syrian army mounted a series of raids, followed by an assault that led almost every resident of the 41,000-strong town to flee, first for the nearby hills, then to Turkey. Among the allegations being investigated are claims that Iranian soldiers operated alongside Syrian units – especially the Fourth Division of the army, which is led by Assad’s brother Maher and has a reputation for ruthlessness. The European Union last week adopted sanctions against three leading officers of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps, among them Qassem Suleimani, commander of the elite Al-Quds force, who is widely regarded as the leader of all the Iranian military’s clandestine missions abroad. A senior diplomat in Beirut said on Friday that intelligence agencies had evidence that Iran sent weapons to Syria, but had not yet determined whether there had been an actual Iranian presence at demonstrations. In a further sign of Turkish unease with Damascus, officials from the country’s Red Crescent who run the five refugee camps along the border no longer seem to be banned from talking to reporters. Embarrassment to Syria has clearly become less of a concern. Refugee accounts are being used to compile a referral to the international criminal court, which will be asked to prosecute Assad and key regime officials for crimes against humanity. The referral is being prepared by several rights groups, including Insan, which is also compiling testimonies from defecting Syrian soldiers. Turkey’s growing diplomatic anger at Syria has made Istanbul an attractive hub for the Syrian opposition movement, which has received scores of defectors in recent weeks. Beirut, which is less than three hours’ drive from Damascus and offers easy access to Syrian citizens, is now considered too dangerous for anti-regime dissidents. “It is a clearing house only,” said one Syrian activist who directs a network of dissidents across the border. “There are many ways that the regime can get to people here – they don’t even have to be here themselves. They just use their proxies.” One Syrian journalist who fled to Beirut has told the rights group Avaaz of his capture by Lebanese military intelligence officers. The journalist says he was seized from a coffee shop in Jounieh, 25km north of Beirut. He said he was first asked by a stranger to step outside for a conversation, then seized and taken to a fetid barracks where he was interrogated for several days. “During the days I spent in Beirut, some other Syrian activists were kidnapped and extradited to the Syrian security police,” he said. “The Lebanese authorities have also captured the few fugitive Syrian soldiers who had fled Syria through the borders, and then turned them in to Syria, claiming that it had to because of the security agreement signed between the two countries.” At least 1,000 refugees crossed into Lebanon at the Wadi Khalled border point on Friday, including five men with gunshot wounds, after an assault on the Syrian city of Homs, according to Lebanese officials. A resident of the border village told the Observer that Syrian army units had opened fire towards the wounded as they attempted to enter Lebanon. Syria Turkey Bashar Al-Assad Lebanon Arab and Middle East unrest Iran Middle East Europe Martin Chulov guardian.co.uk

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