Announcement comes ahead of London conference on fundraising for global immunisation programmes A promise to reduce the prices of vaccines in developing countries has been announced by a number of big drug companies, ahead of a conference in London at which political leaders will consider how to raise funds for immunisation. The Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunisation (Gavi), set up by Microsoft founder Bill Gates, said yesterday that Serum Institute of India and Panacea Biotec had agreed to reduce the prices of their pentavalent vaccine, which protects against five fatal diseases. And GlaxoSmithKline has agreed to sell a vaccine against diarrhoeal disease in the poorest countries for £1.50 a dose, a twentieth of its £30 price in developed countries. “I hope this will enable millions of children to receive this vaccine,” alliance chief executive, Andrew Witty, wrote in the Times. “Importantly, this offer is sustainable, because we are recouping the cost of goods and manufacture.” Calling on drug companies to be “in step with society”, Witty said they should construct their goals around business models that address the world’s urgent health needs. Merck & Co has also pledged to offer its rotavirus vaccine at discounted prices, said the alliance. The various offers are in response to a tender by United Nations Children’s Fund, which takes most of the vaccines funded by the alliance. Gavi donors meet in London on 13 June, where David Cameron will promote a plan to raise a further £2.25bn in global aid. Aid Vaccines and immunisation Health Pharmaceuticals industry United Nations Ben Quinn guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Prime minister supports Mothers’ Union report, but insists change comes through ‘social responsibility, not state control’ David Cameron has given strong backing to proposals to shield children from sexualised imagery across the media and tackle the commercialisation of childhood, but insisted that the way to bring about change is through “social responsibility, not state control”. An independent report by Reg Bailey, the chief executive of the Mothers’ Union , a Christian charity, will today set out a range of proposals to tackle the sexualisation and commercialisation of childhood. Retailers will be asked to sell “lad’s mags” in brown sleeves, the Advertising Standards Authority will look at ways to discourage billboards near schools and music videos will be given age-appropriate ratings under the plans , which were first revealed by the Guardian at the weekend. But Cameron appears to have rejected a recommendation to enforce the proposals with legislation if they were not voluntarily embarked on by retailers and publishers within 18 months. The prime minister today wrote to Bailey thanking him for his report. “I very much agree with the central approach you set out,” the letter says. “As you say, we should not try and wrap children up in cotton wool or simply throw our hands up and accept the world as it is. Instead, we should look to put ‘the brakes on an unthinking drift towards ever-greater commercialisation and sexualisation’.” But he does not commit to legislation with any of the recommendations, including toughening up the TV watershed. Bailey’s report asks for government and business to work together to tackle the problem – for example, by ending the sale of inappropriately “sexy” clothing for young children, such as underwired bras and T-shirts with suggestive slogans. But Bailey recommends that if progress is not made the government should force retailers to make the changes in 18 months. Cameron’s letter says: “I note that many of the actions you suggest are for business and regulators to follow rather than for government. I support this emphasis, as it consistent with this government’s overall approach and my long-held belief that the leading force for progress should be social responsibility, not state control.” Cameron highlights recommendations to reduce on-street advertising containing sexualised imagery near schools, moves to make it easier for parents to block adult and age-restricted material across all media, and a crackdown on companies paying children to promote their products in “peer-to-peer marketing”. He has called a meeting at Downing Street, to which retailers, advertisers, broadcasters, magazine editors, video games manufacturers, music producers, internet and phone companies and regulators will be invited to discuss progress on specific recommendations. In the meantime, a “whistleblowing” website for parents will be set up to inform them what they can do if they feel a programme, advertisement, product or service is inappropriate for their children. Children Child protection David Cameron Magazines Advertising Family Parents and parenting Polly Curtis guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Passwords stolen from 180 members of non-profit organisation InfraGard, including military users and cybersecurity companies A US private sector affiliate of the FBI has become the latest target of a hackers’ collective, which recently penetrated the online security defences of Nintendo and Sony. Nearly 180 passwords belonging to members of the Atlanta chapter of InfraGard were stolen, according to the non-profit organisation, which connects businesses with law enforcement authorities. Copies of the passwords – which appeared to include users from the US military, cybersecurity organisations and major communications companies – were posted online by the anonymous hacking collective, Lulz Security . “Someone did compromise the website,” the Associated Press was told by InfraGard Atlanta president, Paul Farley. “We do not at this time know how the attack occurred or the method used to reveal the passwords.” InfraGard started out as an FBI programme and now works with the bureau in the exchange of information concerning terrorism, intelligence, criminal and security matters. Lulz Security claimed, in a statement, to have used one of the passwords to steal nearly 1,000 work and personal emails from the chief executive of Unveillance LLC , a data leak intelligence company based in Delaware. The group claimed it was responding to a recent report that said the Pentagon was considering whether to classify some cyberattacks as acts of war. The FBI said on Sunday it was aware of the incident and that steps were being taken to mitigate the damage. Details of the attack on InfraGard came after Nintendo said it had been targeted by Lulz Security , which describes itself as a collective of hackers who attack weakly protected websites for fun. The group published a server configuration file purportedly from a Nintendo secure server on the internet after a separate security breach. A Nintendo spokesman said on Sunday: “We are always working to make sure our systems are secure.” Nintendo is preparing to launch a new online service this week at E3, the annual video games conference in Los Angeles. On Thursday, Lulz Security boasted of a major breach in which tens of thousands of Sony users’ details were posted to the internet. Sony has contacted the FBI . The incidents are the latest in a series of high-profile hacking attacks. The military firm Lockheed Martin and the US public news service PBS have also come under attack recently. Hackers thought to be based in China last week broke into Gmail accounts used by US government officials while Anonymous, the hackers’ collective that launched a series of attacks against financial institutions, recently made public more than 10,000 emails it stole from Iran’s ministry of foreign affairs. Hacking Data and computer security Internet Anonymous FBI United States Ben Quinn guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Click here to view this media Now that Minnesota Rep. Michele Bachmann has thrown her hat in and said she’s participating in the GOP New Hampshire debate coming up this month, I guess we can expect more of this sort of lying demagoguery from her once those debates get started. Bachmann made an appearance at Ralph Reed’s event, the Faith and Freedom Coalition where apparently not just Bachmann, but just about every one of their party leaders showed up to kiss the feet of someone that I keep wondering why isn’t in prison right now due to his associations with Jack Abramoff. Bachmann decided to push the already discredited talking point that Planned Parenthood was involved in sex trafficking to throw some red meat to the crowd there, and apparently neither Bachmann or her audience have much use for the truth in this matter. If Bachmann thinks trafficking in lies such as this is a way to lead her to winning the GOP’s nomination for president, all I can say to her is good luck because I don’t think this sort of blatant lie will even make it past our sorry excuse for a corporate media once she enters the Republican debates or has the unfortunate incident of finding at least a few honest people in that corporate media willing to report on her lie here. That didn’t stop her from throwing this red meat to the audience there, added commentary mine. BACHMANN: And recently, this also I think has given rise to the steam that’s behind the issue of defunding Planned Parenthood. In a time when President Obama is calling on the Congress to give him authority to increase borrowing money that we don’t have, so borrow another, raise the debt ceiling by borrowing another 2.4 trillion, and we’re giving money to corrupt organizations like Planned Parenthood, that are committing crimes and enabling young minor girls and covering up issues I don’t even want to talk about it because it’s so distressing. (But of course she’s going to talk about the lie anyway, as “distressing” as it may be to her.) But this organization has by their own record performed 324,008 abortions in 2008 and 2009. And that’s in addition to the trafficking of under age girls that have gone on under Planned Parenthood’s nose. You think maybe we could start here by defunding this organization? I think so too. It couldn’t come soon enough. They’re a billion dollar a year organization. They need to stand on their own. Media Matters has more on why her attack on Planned Parenthood is bogus — HOAX VIDEO EXPOSED: Planned Parenthood Already Reported “Sex Trafficking” To FBI Of course what’s really disgusting about the GOP’s attack on Planned Parenthood is what they’re really attacking is the largest organization in the country that makes sure poor women have access to basic health care services and birth control. Every time I hear someone like Bachmann ranting on as she did here, I’m reminded of Al Franken’s statement that Republicans believe life begins at conception and ends at birth. Or as Randi Rhodes puts it, love the fetus, hate the child. These immoral Republicans who proclaim themselves to be “pro-life” like Bachmann have no care whatsoever for anyone in the working class after they’re born when you take a good look at their policies which do nothing at all but serve the will of their wealthy corporate campaign donors at the expense of the rest of us.
Continue reading …Click here to view this media A Senate page in Canada made her own protest after Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s Conservatives won a majority government in May for the first time, effectively giving the opposition no real means of preventing the Conservatives from enacting their policies DePape later released a statement: “Harper’s agenda is disastrous for this country and for my generation,” DePape said in the release. “We have to stop him from wasting billions on fighter jets, military bases, and corporate tax cuts while cutting social programs and destroying the climate. Most people in this country know what we need are green jobs, better medicare, and a healthy environment for future generations.” From the CBC : A 21-year-old page lost her job Friday after walking onto the Senate floor during the speech from the throne to protest against Prime Minister Stephen Harper. Brigette DePape, a recent University of Ottawa graduate, carried a sign reading “Stop Harper” and walked out in front of Gov. Gen. David Johnston as he read the afternoon speech. Senate pages are hired for one to two years to work in the upper chamber, providing basic support to the senators during sittings and in committee meetings, which generally means fetching water, photocopying documents and passing messages. They tend to be politically engaged, but this type of protest is unprecedented. enlarge
Continue reading …The Booker prize-winning novelist on her political activism in India, why she no longer condemns violent resistance – and why it doesn’t matter if she never writes a second novel This is not an ideal beginning. I bump into Arundhati Roy as we are both heading for the loo in the foyer of the large building that houses her publisher Penguin’s offices. There are some authors, V S Naipaul say, with whom this could be awkward. But not Roy, who makes me feel instantly at ease. A few minutes later, her publicist settles us in a small, bare room. As we take our positions on either side of a narrow desk I liken it to an interrogation suite. But she says that in India, interrogation rooms are a good deal less salubrious than this. Roy, who is 50 this year, is best known for her 1997 Booker prize-winning novel The God of Small Things , but for the past decade has been an increasingly vocal critic of the Indian state, attacking its policy towards Kashmir, the environmental destruction wrought by rapid development, the country’s nuclear weapons programme and corruption. As a prominent opponent of everything connected with globalisation, she is seeking to construct a “new modernity” based on sustainability and a defence of traditional ways of life. Her new book, Broken Republic, brings together three essays about the Maoist guerrilla movement in the forests of central India that is resisting the government’s attempts to develop and mine land on which tribal people live. The central essay, Walking with the Comrades, is a brilliant piece of reportage, recounting three weeks she spent with the guerrillas in the forest. She must, I suggest, have been in great personal danger. “Everybody’s in great danger there, so you can’t go round feeling you are specially in danger,” she says in her pleasant, high-pitched voice. In any case, she says, the violence of bullets and torture are no greater than the violence of hunger and malnutrition, of vulnerable people feeling they’re under siege. Her time with the guerrillas made a profound impression. She describes spending nights sleeping on the forest floor in a “thousand-star hotel”, applauds “the ferocity and grandeur of these poor people fighting back”, and says “being in the forest made me feel like there was enough space in my body for all my organs”. She detests glitzy, corporate, growth-obsessed modern Indian, and there in the forest she found a brief peace. There is intense anger in the book, I say, implying that if she toned it down she might find a readier audience. “The anger is calibrated,” she insists. “It’s less than I actually feel.” But even so, her critics call her shrill. “That word ‘shrill’ is reserved for any expression of feeling. It’s all right for the establishment to be as shrill as it likes about annihilating people.” Is her political engagement derived from her mother, Mary Roy, who set up a school for girls in Kerala and has a reputation as a women’s rights activist? “She’s not an activist,” says Roy. “I don’t know why people keep saying that. My mother is like a character who escaped from the set of a Fellini film.” She laughs at her own description. “She’s a whole performing universe of her own. Activists would run a mile from her because they could not deal with what she is.” I want to talk more about Mary Roy – and eventually we do – but there’s one important point to clear up first. Guerrillas use violence, generally directed against the police and army, but sometimes causing injury and death to civilians caught in the crossfire. Does she condemn that violence? “I don’t condemn it any more,” she says. “If you’re an adivasi [tribal Indian] living in a forest village and 800 CRP [Central Reserve Police] come and surround your village and start burning it, what are you supposed to do? Are you supposed to go on hunger strike? Can the hungry go on a hunger strike? Non-violence is a piece of theatre. You need an audience. What can you do when you have no audience? People have the right to resist annihilation.” Her critics label her a Maoist sympathiser. Is she? “I am a Maoist sympathiser,” she says. “I’m not a Maoist ideologue, because the communist movements in history have been just as destructive as capitalism. But right now, when the assault is on, I feel they are very much part of the resistance that I support.” Roy talks about the resistance as an “insurrection”; she makes India sound as if it’s ripe for a Chinese or Russian-style revolution. So how come we in the west don’t hear about these mini-wars? “I have been told quite openly by several correspondents of international newspapers,” she says, “that they have instructions – ‘No negative news from India’ – because it’s an investment destination. So you don’t hear about it. But there is an insurrection, and it’s not just a Maoist insurrection. Everywhere in the country, people are fighting.” I find the suggestion that such an injunction exists – or that self-respecting journalists would accept it – ridiculous. Foreign reporting of India might well be lazy or myopic, but I don’t believe it’s corrupt. She sounds like a member of a religious sect, I say, as if she has seen the light. “It’s a way of life, a way of thinking,” she replies without taking offence. “I know people in India, even the modern young people, understand that here is something that’s alive.” So why not give up the plush home in Delhi and the media appearances, and return to the forest? “I’d be more than happy to if I had to, but I would be a liability to them in the forest. The battles have to be fought in different ways. The military side is just one part of it. What I do is another part of the battle.” I question her absolutism, her Manichaean view of the world, but I admire her courage. Her home has been pelted with stones; the Indian launch of Broken Republic was interrupted by pro-government demonstrators who stormed the stage; she may be charged with sedition for saying that Kashmiris should be given the right of self-determination. “They are trying to keep me destabilised,” she says. Does she feel threatened? “Anybody who says anything is in danger. Hundreds of people are in jail.” Roy has likened writing fiction and polemic to the difference between dancing and walking. Does she not want to dance again? “Of course I do.” Is she working on a new novel? “I have been,” she says with a laugh, “but I don’t get much time to do it.” Does it bother her that the followup to The God of Small Things has been so long in coming? “I’m a highly unambitious person,” she says. “What does it matter if there is or isn’t a novel? I really don’t look at it that way. For me, nothing would have been worth not going into that forest.” It’s hard to judge whether there will be a second novel. The God of Small Things drew so much on her own life – her charismatic but overbearing mother; a drunken tea-planter father whom her mother left when Roy was very young; her own departure from home in her late teens – that it may be a one-off, a book as much lived as written. She gives ambiguous answers about whether she expects a second novel to appear. On the one hand, she says she is engaged with the resistance movement and that it dominates her thoughts. But almost in the same breath she says others have “picked up the baton” and she would like to return to fiction, to dance again. What is certain is that little of the second novel has so far been written. She prefers not to tell me what it is about; indeed, she says it would not be possible to pinpoint the theme. “I don’t have subjects. It’s not like I’m trying to write an anti-dam novel. Fiction is too beautiful to be about just one thing. It should be about everything.” Has she been blocked by the pressure of having to follow up a Booker winner? “No,” she says. “We’re not children all wanting to come first in class and win prizes. It’s the pleasure of doing it. I don’t know whether it will be a good book, but I’m curious about how and what I will write after these journeys.” Are her agent and publisher disappointed still to be waiting for the second novel? “They always knew there wasn’t going to be some novel-producing factory,” she says. “I was very clear about that. I don’t see the point. I did something. I enjoyed doing it. I’m doing something now. I’m living to the edges of my fingernails, using everything I have. It’s impossible for me to look at things politically or in any way as a project, to further my career. You’re injected directly into the blood of the places in which you’re living and what’s going on there.” She has no financial need to write another novel. The God of Small Things, which sold more than 6m copies around the world, set her up for life, even though she has given much of the money away. She even spurned offers for the film rights, because she didn’t want anyone interpreting her book for the screen. “Every reader has a vision of it in their head,” she says, “and I didn’t want it to be one film.” She is strong-willed. Back in 1996, when The God of Small Things was being prepared for publication, she insisted on having control of the cover image because she didn’t want “a jacket with tigers and ladies in saris”. She is her indomitable mother’s daughter. I insist she tell me more about her Fellini-esque mother. She is, says Roy, like an empress. She has a number of buttons beside her bed which, when you press them, emit different bird calls. Each call signals to one of her retinue what she requires. Has she been the centre of her daughter’s life? “No, she has been the centre of a lot of conflict in my life. She’s an extraordinary women, and when we are together I feel like we are two nuclear-armed states.” She laughs loudly. “We have to be a bit careful.” To defuse the family tensions, Roy left home when she was 16 to study architecture in Delhi – even then she wanted to build a new world. She married a fellow student at the age of 17. “He was a very nice guy, but I didn’t take it seriously,” she says. In 1984 she met and married film-maker Pradip Krishen, and helped him bring up his two daughters by an earlier marriage. They now live separately, though she still refers to him as her “sweetheart”. So why separate? “My life is so crazy. There’s so much pressure and idiosyncrasy. I don’t have any establishment. I don’t have anyone to mediate between me and the world. It’s just based on instinct.” I think what she’s saying is that freedom matters more to her than anything else. She chose not to have children because it would have impinged on that freedom. “For a long time I didn’t have the means to support them,” she says, “and once I did I thought I was too unreliable. So many of the women in India who are fighting these battles don’t have children, because anything can happen. You have to be light on your feet and light in your head. I like to be a mobile republic.” Roy has in the past described herself as “a natural-born feminist”. What did she mean by that? “Because of my mother and the way I grew up without a father to look after me, you learned early on that rule number one was look out for yourself. Much of what I can do and say now comes from being independent at an early age.” Her mother was born into a wealthy, conservative Christian community in Kerala, but put herself outside the pale by marrying Ranjit Roy, a Hindu from West Bengal. When she returned to her home state after her divorce she had little money and was thus doubly marginalised. The mother eventually triumphed over all these obstacles and made a success of the school she founded, but growing up an outsider has left its mark on her daughter. Roy says she has always been polemical, and points to her run-in with director Shekhar Kapur in the mid-1990s over his film Bandit Queen – she questioned whether he had the right to portray the rape of a living person on screen without that woman’s consent. It may be that the novel is the exception in a life of agitation, rather than the agitation an odd outcrop in a life of fiction-writing. But has she sacrificed too much for the struggle – the chance to dance, children, perhaps even her second marriage? “I don’t see any of these things as sacrifices,” she says. “They are positive choices. I feel surrounded by love, by excitement. They are not being done in some martyr-like way. When I was walking through the forest with the comrades, we were laughing all the time.” Arundhati Roy India Protest Cultural trips Stephen Moss guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …The Booker prize-winning novelist on her political activism in India, why she no longer condemns violent resistance – and why it doesn’t matter if she never writes a second novel This is not an ideal beginning. I bump into Arundhati Roy as we are both heading for the loo in the foyer of the large building that houses her publisher Penguin’s offices. There are some authors, V S Naipaul say, with whom this could be awkward. But not Roy, who makes me feel instantly at ease. A few minutes later, her publicist settles us in a small, bare room. As we take our positions on either side of a narrow desk I liken it to an interrogation suite. But she says that in India, interrogation rooms are a good deal less salubrious than this. Roy, who is 50 this year, is best known for her 1997 Booker prize-winning novel The God of Small Things , but for the past decade has been an increasingly vocal critic of the Indian state, attacking its policy towards Kashmir, the environmental destruction wrought by rapid development, the country’s nuclear weapons programme and corruption. As a prominent opponent of everything connected with globalisation, she is seeking to construct a “new modernity” based on sustainability and a defence of traditional ways of life. Her new book, Broken Republic, brings together three essays about the Maoist guerrilla movement in the forests of central India that is resisting the government’s attempts to develop and mine land on which tribal people live. The central essay, Walking with the Comrades, is a brilliant piece of reportage, recounting three weeks she spent with the guerrillas in the forest. She must, I suggest, have been in great personal danger. “Everybody’s in great danger there, so you can’t go round feeling you are specially in danger,” she says in her pleasant, high-pitched voice. In any case, she says, the violence of bullets and torture are no greater than the violence of hunger and malnutrition, of vulnerable people feeling they’re under siege. Her time with the guerrillas made a profound impression. She describes spending nights sleeping on the forest floor in a “thousand-star hotel”, applauds “the ferocity and grandeur of these poor people fighting back”, and says “being in the forest made me feel like there was enough space in my body for all my organs”. She detests glitzy, corporate, growth-obsessed modern Indian, and there in the forest she found a brief peace. There is intense anger in the book, I say, implying that if she toned it down she might find a readier audience. “The anger is calibrated,” she insists. “It’s less than I actually feel.” But even so, her critics call her shrill. “That word ‘shrill’ is reserved for any expression of feeling. It’s all right for the establishment to be as shrill as it likes about annihilating people.” Is her political engagement derived from her mother, Mary Roy, who set up a school for girls in Kerala and has a reputation as a women’s rights activist? “She’s not an activist,” says Roy. “I don’t know why people keep saying that. My mother is like a character who escaped from the set of a Fellini film.” She laughs at her own description. “She’s a whole performing universe of her own. Activists would run a mile from her because they could not deal with what she is.” I want to talk more about Mary Roy – and eventually we do – but there’s one important point to clear up first. Guerrillas use violence, generally directed against the police and army, but sometimes causing injury and death to civilians caught in the crossfire. Does she condemn that violence? “I don’t condemn it any more,” she says. “If you’re an adivasi [tribal Indian] living in a forest village and 800 CRP [Central Reserve Police] come and surround your village and start burning it, what are you supposed to do? Are you supposed to go on hunger strike? Can the hungry go on a hunger strike? Non-violence is a piece of theatre. You need an audience. What can you do when you have no audience? People have the right to resist annihilation.” Her critics label her a Maoist sympathiser. Is she? “I am a Maoist sympathiser,” she says. “I’m not a Maoist ideologue, because the communist movements in history have been just as destructive as capitalism. But right now, when the assault is on, I feel they are very much part of the resistance that I support.” Roy talks about the resistance as an “insurrection”; she makes India sound as if it’s ripe for a Chinese or Russian-style revolution. So how come we in the west don’t hear about these mini-wars? “I have been told quite openly by several correspondents of international newspapers,” she says, “that they have instructions – ‘No negative news from India’ – because it’s an investment destination. So you don’t hear about it. But there is an insurrection, and it’s not just a Maoist insurrection. Everywhere in the country, people are fighting.” I find the suggestion that such an injunction exists – or that self-respecting journalists would accept it – ridiculous. Foreign reporting of India might well be lazy or myopic, but I don’t believe it’s corrupt. She sounds like a member of a religious sect, I say, as if she has seen the light. “It’s a way of life, a way of thinking,” she replies without taking offence. “I know people in India, even the modern young people, understand that here is something that’s alive.” So why not give up the plush home in Delhi and the media appearances, and return to the forest? “I’d be more than happy to if I had to, but I would be a liability to them in the forest. The battles have to be fought in different ways. The military side is just one part of it. What I do is another part of the battle.” I question her absolutism, her Manichaean view of the world, but I admire her courage. Her home has been pelted with stones; the Indian launch of Broken Republic was interrupted by pro-government demonstrators who stormed the stage; she may be charged with sedition for saying that Kashmiris should be given the right of self-determination. “They are trying to keep me destabilised,” she says. Does she feel threatened? “Anybody who says anything is in danger. Hundreds of people are in jail.” Roy has likened writing fiction and polemic to the difference between dancing and walking. Does she not want to dance again? “Of course I do.” Is she working on a new novel? “I have been,” she says with a laugh, “but I don’t get much time to do it.” Does it bother her that the followup to The God of Small Things has been so long in coming? “I’m a highly unambitious person,” she says. “What does it matter if there is or isn’t a novel? I really don’t look at it that way. For me, nothing would have been worth not going into that forest.” It’s hard to judge whether there will be a second novel. The God of Small Things drew so much on her own life – her charismatic but overbearing mother; a drunken tea-planter father whom her mother left when Roy was very young; her own departure from home in her late teens – that it may be a one-off, a book as much lived as written. She gives ambiguous answers about whether she expects a second novel to appear. On the one hand, she says she is engaged with the resistance movement and that it dominates her thoughts. But almost in the same breath she says others have “picked up the baton” and she would like to return to fiction, to dance again. What is certain is that little of the second novel has so far been written. She prefers not to tell me what it is about; indeed, she says it would not be possible to pinpoint the theme. “I don’t have subjects. It’s not like I’m trying to write an anti-dam novel. Fiction is too beautiful to be about just one thing. It should be about everything.” Has she been blocked by the pressure of having to follow up a Booker winner? “No,” she says. “We’re not children all wanting to come first in class and win prizes. It’s the pleasure of doing it. I don’t know whether it will be a good book, but I’m curious about how and what I will write after these journeys.” Are her agent and publisher disappointed still to be waiting for the second novel? “They always knew there wasn’t going to be some novel-producing factory,” she says. “I was very clear about that. I don’t see the point. I did something. I enjoyed doing it. I’m doing something now. I’m living to the edges of my fingernails, using everything I have. It’s impossible for me to look at things politically or in any way as a project, to further my career. You’re injected directly into the blood of the places in which you’re living and what’s going on there.” She has no financial need to write another novel. The God of Small Things, which sold more than 6m copies around the world, set her up for life, even though she has given much of the money away. She even spurned offers for the film rights, because she didn’t want anyone interpreting her book for the screen. “Every reader has a vision of it in their head,” she says, “and I didn’t want it to be one film.” She is strong-willed. Back in 1996, when The God of Small Things was being prepared for publication, she insisted on having control of the cover image because she didn’t want “a jacket with tigers and ladies in saris”. She is her indomitable mother’s daughter. I insist she tell me more about her Fellini-esque mother. She is, says Roy, like an empress. She has a number of buttons beside her bed which, when you press them, emit different bird calls. Each call signals to one of her retinue what she requires. Has she been the centre of her daughter’s life? “No, she has been the centre of a lot of conflict in my life. She’s an extraordinary women, and when we are together I feel like we are two nuclear-armed states.” She laughs loudly. “We have to be a bit careful.” To defuse the family tensions, Roy left home when she was 16 to study architecture in Delhi – even then she wanted to build a new world. She married a fellow student at the age of 17. “He was a very nice guy, but I didn’t take it seriously,” she says. In 1984 she met and married film-maker Pradip Krishen, and helped him bring up his two daughters by an earlier marriage. They now live separately, though she still refers to him as her “sweetheart”. So why separate? “My life is so crazy. There’s so much pressure and idiosyncrasy. I don’t have any establishment. I don’t have anyone to mediate between me and the world. It’s just based on instinct.” I think what she’s saying is that freedom matters more to her than anything else. She chose not to have children because it would have impinged on that freedom. “For a long time I didn’t have the means to support them,” she says, “and once I did I thought I was too unreliable. So many of the women in India who are fighting these battles don’t have children, because anything can happen. You have to be light on your feet and light in your head. I like to be a mobile republic.” Roy has in the past described herself as “a natural-born feminist”. What did she mean by that? “Because of my mother and the way I grew up without a father to look after me, you learned early on that rule number one was look out for yourself. Much of what I can do and say now comes from being independent at an early age.” Her mother was born into a wealthy, conservative Christian community in Kerala, but put herself outside the pale by marrying Ranjit Roy, a Hindu from West Bengal. When she returned to her home state after her divorce she had little money and was thus doubly marginalised. The mother eventually triumphed over all these obstacles and made a success of the school she founded, but growing up an outsider has left its mark on her daughter. Roy says she has always been polemical, and points to her run-in with director Shekhar Kapur in the mid-1990s over his film Bandit Queen – she questioned whether he had the right to portray the rape of a living person on screen without that woman’s consent. It may be that the novel is the exception in a life of agitation, rather than the agitation an odd outcrop in a life of fiction-writing. But has she sacrificed too much for the struggle – the chance to dance, children, perhaps even her second marriage? “I don’t see any of these things as sacrifices,” she says. “They are positive choices. I feel surrounded by love, by excitement. They are not being done in some martyr-like way. When I was walking through the forest with the comrades, we were laughing all the time.” Arundhati Roy India Protest Cultural trips Stephen Moss guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Millions of Peruvians turn out to vote in election which sees populists from the far right and left battling it out Peru voted in a cliffhanger presidential election on Sunday which pitted two populists from the far right and left against each other, testing the country’s young democracy and thriving economy to the test. Final opinion polls gave Ollanta Humala, a former army officer who once staged a coup, a slim lead over Keiko Fujimori, the daughter of former president Alberto Fujimori, who was jailed for corruption and human rights abuses. “Let’s not fall into confrontation. Let’s treat today as a party,” said Humala after a mud-slinging campaign in which both sides accused the other of being dangers to democracy. Fujimori struck an equally conciliatory note. “I trust God will know how to guide our country.” Analysts warned, however, that the loser was likely to demand a recount and claim fraud in a poll which drew millions of Peruvians from Andean highlands, Amazon forests and Pacific coast cities. Polls last week gave Humala, 48, a razor-thin lead within statistical margins of error but an Ipsos poll on Saturday gave him a slightly wider lead of 3.8%. The former lieutenant colonel modelled himself on Hugo Chávez, Venezuela’s socialist president, in a previous run for the presidency but this time he swapped red T-shirts for suits and tacked to the centre to try to soothe concerns he would derail breakneck economic growth. “We are proposing democracy, not dictatorship … with development, social and economic inclusion, as well as economic growth,” he said in a final campaign rally. Fujimori, 36, is the daughter of Alberto, a president who crushed leftist guerrillas and tamed inflation in the 1990s but who ended up disgraced and in jail over corruption and death squad killings. The young senator dropped a pledge to pardon her father and said she would respect judicial independence and other institutions guaranteeing Peru’s democracy. “It is fundamental for us to maintain clear rules for investors,” she said. “[Humala] is a good soldier of Hugo Chávez.” She cast herself as a hardworking mother and won support from the urban poor and big business elites, including media groups which turned into cheerleaders for his campaign. Humala tapped the rural poor’s resentment at feeling bypassed by a commodities-led economic boom. A group of intellectuals backed him as the lesser evil, including the Nobel laureate Mario Vargas Llosa, who compared the candidates as a choice between Aids and cancer. Peru Rory Carroll guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Exit polls give centre-right social democrats sweeping victory over José Sócrates’s socialists Portugal has moved sharply to the right after a general election saw socialist prime minister José Sócrates ousted by opposition leader Pedro Passos Coelho as the country voted under the shadow of a €78bn euro bailout package. Television exit polls gave Passos Coelho’s centre-right social democrats a sweeping victory with a lead of some 12 percentage points over the socialists. Sócrates admitted defeat and said he would stand down as party leader. “The Socialist party lost these elections,” he said. The vote saw yet another left-wing government ejected from power in Europe because of the economic crisis, with the socialists paying heavily for the sharp downturn that forced the country to seek a financial rescue package. Only five left-wing-led governments now remain among the 27 member states – in Spain, Greece, Austria, Slovenia and Cyprus. “We now have a very difficult period for the next two or three years,” Passos Coelho said before the votes had been counted. “But I’m sure that we will make the necessary change and Portugal will achieve new prosperity with economic growth.” “In the markets, we will only have confidence if we are committed to the memorandum of understanding reached with the European Union and the International Monetary Fund,” he added, referring to the bailout package. Passos Coelho was expected to form a government with the right-wing People’s party (CDS-PP). Exit polls showed that between them they would have a parliamentary majority. “Both parties are strongly committed to the implementation of the bail out conditions and would easily negotiate a common economic programme, “Antonio Barroso, of political risk consultancy Eurasia, said prior to the vote. Voting took place against a background of economic misery, with unemployment rising to over 12% – the worst in three decades – and spending cuts in education, health and pensions seen as inevitable. Portugal’s economy is expected to contract by 2% both this year and next as spending cuts bite and tax hikes are also used to bring down the budget deficit. The election follows months of political squabbling over how to cut the debt burden. Opposition parties refused to accept the outgoing Sócrates government’s last austerity plan, prompting him to resign and a snap election to be called. Portugal has taken advantage of cheap eurozone loan rates to build up debt over the past decade, despite a meagre average annual growth rate of below 1%. Soaring yields on Portuguese government bonds over the past 18 months finally forced it to ask for a bailout in April. Both the socialists and Passos Coelho’s social democrats accepted the bailout conditions imposed by what the Portuguese media call “the troika” of the European Union, the International Monetary Fund and the European Central Bank. “The government that will emerge from this election will have the responsibility to honour the commitments taken (under the bailout plan), which are very demanding,” President Anibíal Cavaco Silva had warned. As with fellow eurozone members Greece and Ireland, which have also been given bailouts, Portugal cannot devalue its currency to lower export prices and make its goods more competitive on the world market. Turnout was below the 2009 level of 60%, exit polls indicated. Cavaco Silva had warned voters that they could not complain about what politicians did “at a time of sacrifice and serious doubts abotu our future” if they did not taken part in the elections. European Commission president José Manuel Durao Barroso declared this the most important election in his home country for four decades. Portugal Europe Giles Tremlett guardian.co.uk
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