Neil Gaiman reading his poem Reading Instructions at Cody Books in Berkeley, 2007 I am a huge, gushy fangirl of Neil Gaiman. I was introduced to his graphic novels by an illustrator friend of mine and was just thunderstruck by them. Now I have an extensive library of Gaiman books. If he spoke at my library, I would actually consider camping out to hear him. But Minnesota Republican House of Representatives Majority Leader Matt Dean apparently doesn’t find him as enchanting as I do. In fact, he is so upset at Gaiman that he called him a “pencil-necked little weasel.” What did Gaiman do to invoke such schoolyard insults from Dean? “I woke up this morning and people sent me links to the story and someone quoted it on Twitter and I thought, ‘That’s mad, a real politician can’t have actually said that,’ and then I went to the article and read it,” Gaiman told Wired.com, still snickering at the thought. “I expected him to carry on [in] the article saying that I was a stupid stupidface and that he would be meeting with his friends behind the lockers.” ‘That’s mad, a real politician can’t have actually said that.’ Why the insult? Republican Minnesota House of Representatives Majority Leader Matt Dean called out The Sandman author Tuesday, saying Gaiman “stole $45,000 from the state of Minnesota” for accepting money from a state arts fund to speak at a public library. Gaiman responded Wednesday on Twitter, linking to a story in Minneapolis’ Star Tribune that reported Dean’s comments . “Sad & funny. Minnesota Republicans have a ‘hate’ list ,” Gaiman tweeted Wednesday. “Like Nixon did. I’m on it. They also don’t like capitalism.” The comments came as the Minnesota House was discussing its Legacy funding, which goes to cultural programs like public radio. Dean told the Associated Press that, although it was legal for the fantasy writer to take the money, he found the payment “infuriating” and he wanted Gaiman to return the payment . (Wired.com’s message left with Dean’s office seeking comment was not returned.) Gaiman, who noted he was a little dumbfounded as to why he was called a thief by Dean, said he received $33,600 for speaking at the library and he donated the funds to charity. Seriously? This is the *best* use of Dean’s time in Minnesota? As far as I can tell, that’s the free market in action…if the marketplace supports these kinds of speaking fees for celebrated and award-winning authors, who is Dean to whinge about it?
Continue reading …Neil Gaiman reading his poem Reading Instructions at Cody Books in Berkeley, 2007 I am a huge, gushy fangirl of Neil Gaiman. I was introduced to his graphic novels by an illustrator friend of mine and was just thunderstruck by them. Now I have an extensive library of Gaiman books. If he spoke at my library, I would actually consider camping out to hear him. But Minnesota Republican House of Representatives Majority Leader Matt Dean apparently doesn’t find him as enchanting as I do. In fact, he is so upset at Gaiman that he called him a “pencil-necked little weasel.” What did Gaiman do to invoke such schoolyard insults from Dean? “I woke up this morning and people sent me links to the story and someone quoted it on Twitter and I thought, ‘That’s mad, a real politician can’t have actually said that,’ and then I went to the article and read it,” Gaiman told Wired.com, still snickering at the thought. “I expected him to carry on [in] the article saying that I was a stupid stupidface and that he would be meeting with his friends behind the lockers.” ‘That’s mad, a real politician can’t have actually said that.’ Why the insult? Republican Minnesota House of Representatives Majority Leader Matt Dean called out The Sandman author Tuesday, saying Gaiman “stole $45,000 from the state of Minnesota” for accepting money from a state arts fund to speak at a public library. Gaiman responded Wednesday on Twitter, linking to a story in Minneapolis’ Star Tribune that reported Dean’s comments . “Sad & funny. Minnesota Republicans have a ‘hate’ list ,” Gaiman tweeted Wednesday. “Like Nixon did. I’m on it. They also don’t like capitalism.” The comments came as the Minnesota House was discussing its Legacy funding, which goes to cultural programs like public radio. Dean told the Associated Press that, although it was legal for the fantasy writer to take the money, he found the payment “infuriating” and he wanted Gaiman to return the payment . (Wired.com’s message left with Dean’s office seeking comment was not returned.) Gaiman, who noted he was a little dumbfounded as to why he was called a thief by Dean, said he received $33,600 for speaking at the library and he donated the funds to charity. Seriously? This is the *best* use of Dean’s time in Minnesota? As far as I can tell, that’s the free market in action…if the marketplace supports these kinds of speaking fees for celebrated and award-winning authors, who is Dean to whinge about it?
Continue reading …Via Young Philly Politics: This video is just 88 seconds and it’s great. At Corbett’s Marcellus Shale Advisory hearing last week, they set out two sign-up sheets for public comment. Only, they told the industry about one and the protesters about the other. Guess which one they went to first? In this video, a woman from Pittsburgh calmly and clearly confronts a Corbett Administration spokesperson about the trick. She comes off as smart, gutsy and reasonable. He comes off like someone who just got caught stealing an extra piece of cake at Church Camp.
Continue reading …‘There is comfort in pop fandom – I’m reassured by a new Fall release. Michael Bublé fans can say the same of him’ Like a lot of people, I was thoroughly seduced by the first Fleet Foxes album, to the extent that my initial thought on hearing their new one was: hold on, do I actually need this? They smelt, from the start, like a band that did a particular thing very well. Did that mean they should do it again? Subsequent plays of Helplessness Blues have left me little the wiser. Fleet Foxes are very kind indeed on the ear, so it’s easy to lose yourself in their heartbreaking wistfulness – but it was the first time around, too, and a second dose of this immediately soothing folk-pop feels a little like sucking both thumbs at once. Perhaps they’ll be one of those bands that simply sticks with the style they’ve got and wrings maximum effect out of it. A couple of weeks ago I asked friends on Twitter to name the acts who had gained the most critical acclaim with the least stylistic variety. I got a range of convincing responses, from the Ramones to the White Stripes, which pointed to two ways to keep critics onside without changing your sound too much. One – the most common – is to go the AC/DC route, and spin your consistency as a brand of no-bullshit efficiency or truth-telling. The other is to be so idiosyncratic that you own your own patch of pop from the start, like Stereolab. What was interesting, though, were the answers that got me all defensive. Take the Fall, for example. Once you’ve been initiated, it’s very easy to see the group shift between post-punk, rockabilly, and art rock: play Totally Wired then Free Range and the differences are obvious. Except they’re also not – to the non-fan, the primary texture of the Fall is absolutely changeless. The band is forever a scary man mumbling nonsense over a savage clatter: next to that, the precise nature of said clatter is irrelevant. We like to think that the fan’s perspective is more valid, and it’s certainly more rewarding and interesting to hear from people who’ve dug into a band enough to track its progression. But it’s also the case that the idea of artistic progression flatters the listener: there is a strong element of comfort in pop fandom, not necessarily tied to any smoothness in the sound. Once I’d been buying Fall records for a while I realised I felt reassured – cosy, even – when each new one appeared, and I’d imagine a Michael Bublé fan would say much the same about him. These powerful feelings are obscured when we focus on the differences between records. There’s nothing necessarily wrong with comfort, but it helps if we’re honest about it and don’t dress up habit as discernment. “Same as last time, only better,” is a powerfully attractive proposition: just ask Adele. It’s also a potential trap. When the BBC opened its repeat season of Top of the Pops with a 1960s clip show, a familiar highlight was Status Quo doing Pictures of Matchstick Men. But for all the song’s charm, the main intrigue is trying to spot hints of the band’s future as the ultimate icons of rock consistency. You can hardly imagine these likable hippie chancers evolving, like some terrifying Pokémon of pop, into the Quo’s perpetual boogie machine. But there were flashing glances from Francis Rossi to Rick Parfitt that seemed to say: “Hey, Rick, let’s ditch this psychedelic malarkey and just chug.” Fleet Foxes are as un-Quo a band as you could find, though I already get the sense that if they wanted to make the same record forever, they’d find an uncomplaining fanbase. But Helplessness Blues reminds me more of Portishead’s second album. Both records worked to consolidate a debut that hit big out of nowhere. Both managed to completely satisfy expectations and still leave a niggle of disappointment. Portishead, back then, looked as if they might make a career out of consistency. Instead they vanished for a decade, tore the guts out of their sound, and returned
Continue reading …‘There is comfort in pop fandom – I’m reassured by a new Fall release. Michael Bublé fans can say the same of him’ Like a lot of people, I was thoroughly seduced by the first Fleet Foxes album, to the extent that my initial thought on hearing their new one was: hold on, do I actually need this? They smelt, from the start, like a band that did a particular thing very well. Did that mean they should do it again? Subsequent plays of Helplessness Blues have left me little the wiser. Fleet Foxes are very kind indeed on the ear, so it’s easy to lose yourself in their heartbreaking wistfulness – but it was the first time around, too, and a second dose of this immediately soothing folk-pop feels a little like sucking both thumbs at once. Perhaps they’ll be one of those bands that simply sticks with the style they’ve got and wrings maximum effect out of it. A couple of weeks ago I asked friends on Twitter to name the acts who had gained the most critical acclaim with the least stylistic variety. I got a range of convincing responses, from the Ramones to the White Stripes, which pointed to two ways to keep critics onside without changing your sound too much. One – the most common – is to go the AC/DC route, and spin your consistency as a brand of no-bullshit efficiency or truth-telling. The other is to be so idiosyncratic that you own your own patch of pop from the start, like Stereolab. What was interesting, though, were the answers that got me all defensive. Take the Fall, for example. Once you’ve been initiated, it’s very easy to see the group shift between post-punk, rockabilly, and art rock: play Totally Wired then Free Range and the differences are obvious. Except they’re also not – to the non-fan, the primary texture of the Fall is absolutely changeless. The band is forever a scary man mumbling nonsense over a savage clatter: next to that, the precise nature of said clatter is irrelevant. We like to think that the fan’s perspective is more valid, and it’s certainly more rewarding and interesting to hear from people who’ve dug into a band enough to track its progression. But it’s also the case that the idea of artistic progression flatters the listener: there is a strong element of comfort in pop fandom, not necessarily tied to any smoothness in the sound. Once I’d been buying Fall records for a while I realised I felt reassured – cosy, even – when each new one appeared, and I’d imagine a Michael Bublé fan would say much the same about him. These powerful feelings are obscured when we focus on the differences between records. There’s nothing necessarily wrong with comfort, but it helps if we’re honest about it and don’t dress up habit as discernment. “Same as last time, only better,” is a powerfully attractive proposition: just ask Adele. It’s also a potential trap. When the BBC opened its repeat season of Top of the Pops with a 1960s clip show, a familiar highlight was Status Quo doing Pictures of Matchstick Men. But for all the song’s charm, the main intrigue is trying to spot hints of the band’s future as the ultimate icons of rock consistency. You can hardly imagine these likable hippie chancers evolving, like some terrifying Pokémon of pop, into the Quo’s perpetual boogie machine. But there were flashing glances from Francis Rossi to Rick Parfitt that seemed to say: “Hey, Rick, let’s ditch this psychedelic malarkey and just chug.” Fleet Foxes are as un-Quo a band as you could find, though I already get the sense that if they wanted to make the same record forever, they’d find an uncomplaining fanbase. But Helplessness Blues reminds me more of Portishead’s second album. Both records worked to consolidate a debut that hit big out of nowhere. Both managed to completely satisfy expectations and still leave a niggle of disappointment. Portishead, back then, looked as if they might make a career out of consistency. Instead they vanished for a decade, tore the guts out of their sound, and returned
Continue reading …Click here to view this media [Video via MoveOn.org ] Dean Baker has a question for Claire McCaskill: Why Does Senator McCaskill Want to Bankrupt Our Children? That is what people should be asking Missouri Senator Claire McCaskill along with her fellow senators who are advocated strict caps on government spending. The idea being pushed by Senator McCaskill, together with Tennessee Senator Bob Corker and several other prominent senators, would limit federal spending to 20.6 percent of GDP. It would require difficult-to-obtain super-majorities to exceed this cap. Spending would be cut across a variety of programs if the cap is not reached. This proposal is hugely deserving of ridicule for a variety of reasons. First, it operates from a blatantly wrong premise — that government spending has grown out of control. Those familiar with arithmetic know that government spending had increased by little as a share of GDP prior to the downturn caused by the collapse of the housing bubble. In 2007, the last year before the onset of the recession, spending as a share of GDP was 19.6 percent. That is 1.1 percentage points less than the 20.7 percent share 30 years earlier in 1977. So the idea that there is a long-term trend of out-of-control spending is simply not true, or what they call outside of Washington, a “lie.” Robert Reich calls it “lipstick on a pig” : Republicans figure that if they can’t sell the pig, they’ll just put lipstick on it and find some suckers who will think it’s something else. That’s the proposal emerging in the Senate from Republican Bob Corker of Tennessee and also Democrat Claire McCaskill of Missouri. It would get the deficit down not by raising taxes on the rich but by capping federal spending. If Congress failed to stay under the cap, the budget would be automatically cut. According to an analysis by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, the McCaskill/Corker plan would require $800 billion of cuts in 2022 alone. That’s the equivalent of eliminating Medicare entirely, or the entire Department of Defense. Obviously the Defense Department wouldn’t disappear, so what would go? Giant cuts in Medicare, Medicaid, education, and much of everything else Americans depend on. It’s the Republican plan with lipstick . It would have the same exact result. But by disguising it with caps and procedures, Republicans can avoid saying what they’re intending to do. Why is it that ConservaDems think that suckering for right-wing voodoo economics is some kind of “bipartisanship,” anyway?
Continue reading …Click here to view this media [Video via MoveOn.org ] Dean Baker has a question for Claire McCaskill: Why Does Senator McCaskill Want to Bankrupt Our Children? That is what people should be asking Missouri Senator Claire McCaskill along with her fellow senators who are advocated strict caps on government spending. The idea being pushed by Senator McCaskill, together with Tennessee Senator Bob Corker and several other prominent senators, would limit federal spending to 20.6 percent of GDP. It would require difficult-to-obtain super-majorities to exceed this cap. Spending would be cut across a variety of programs if the cap is not reached. This proposal is hugely deserving of ridicule for a variety of reasons. First, it operates from a blatantly wrong premise — that government spending has grown out of control. Those familiar with arithmetic know that government spending had increased by little as a share of GDP prior to the downturn caused by the collapse of the housing bubble. In 2007, the last year before the onset of the recession, spending as a share of GDP was 19.6 percent. That is 1.1 percentage points less than the 20.7 percent share 30 years earlier in 1977. So the idea that there is a long-term trend of out-of-control spending is simply not true, or what they call outside of Washington, a “lie.” Robert Reich calls it “lipstick on a pig” : Republicans figure that if they can’t sell the pig, they’ll just put lipstick on it and find some suckers who will think it’s something else. That’s the proposal emerging in the Senate from Republican Bob Corker of Tennessee and also Democrat Claire McCaskill of Missouri. It would get the deficit down not by raising taxes on the rich but by capping federal spending. If Congress failed to stay under the cap, the budget would be automatically cut. According to an analysis by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, the McCaskill/Corker plan would require $800 billion of cuts in 2022 alone. That’s the equivalent of eliminating Medicare entirely, or the entire Department of Defense. Obviously the Defense Department wouldn’t disappear, so what would go? Giant cuts in Medicare, Medicaid, education, and much of everything else Americans depend on. It’s the Republican plan with lipstick . It would have the same exact result. But by disguising it with caps and procedures, Republicans can avoid saying what they’re intending to do. Why is it that ConservaDems think that suckering for right-wing voodoo economics is some kind of “bipartisanship,” anyway?
Continue reading …Introduce him to some playful erotic bondage, advises Pamela Stephenson Connolly I’m a 29-year-old girl who has always been turned on by submissive fantasies – such as being raped, tortured, tied up etc. I know these are common female fantasies, but my problem is I can’t have an orgasm during normal sex. I can’t even get turned on unless I think about submissive situations. My partner wouldn’t understand if I told him what I really crave. Sometimes I think I should just give up on normal relationships and find a partner who’ll be my “master” as opposed to a kind, loving, normal guy who I can enjoy all other aspects of my life with. It’s interesting that you think your current situation is the opposite to what you crave, because this “normal” relationship actually has all the trappings of power-exchange sex. You withhold pleasure from yourself because you don’t allow your partner to understand who you really are sexually, and he – through ignorance – is unwittingly performing a dominant role. People are more multi-faceted than you think, and he may surprise you. Your desires are not unusual. Stop allowing your guilt to maintain this unconscious acting-out of your sadomasochistic desires. Find a gentle, palatable way to gradually introduce him to some playful erotic bondage, domination, or role-playing in a safe, sane and consensual manner. If you tandem “vanilla” fantasies with the submissive ones you will eventually develop more variety, but give yourself permission to accept your sexual style. • Pamela Stephenson Connolly is a clinical psychologist and psychotherapist who specialises in treating sexual disorders. • Send your problem to private.lives@guardian.co.uk Sex Relationships Pamela Stephenson Connolly guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Corn Exchange, Cambridge Dividing 19 years of marriage by $20m alimony, John Cleese’s former wife made $3,650 each day she spent as Mrs C. The divorce has driven Cleese to undertake his first ever UK standup tour. Alyce Faye Eichelberger (for it was she) gets it in the neck for a tart 10 minutes, before spiky cedes to cosy and our host settles into rose-tinted reminiscence of his TV heyday. It’s more This Is Your Life than standup, but Cleese proves a better tour guide than he was a hotelier, leading us along the promenade of wartime Weston-super-Mare and up to the giddy heights of 1960s and 70s entertainment. The funnies here are more likely to be found on grainy old film footage, of Cleese and Marty Feldman on their 1960s sketch show, say, than live onstage. Cleese traces his ascent from stifling lower middle-class, where the apex of ambition was avoidance of embarrassment, to Broadway, where he ended up part of a hit Footlights revue. We see slides of him, Bill Oddie and Tim Brooke-Taylor onstage, screen-grabs of a scene he performed with Peter Sellers, and clips of the Frost Report, Monty Python and Fawlty Towers, with well-oiled anecdotes attached. Ex-wife-bashing aside, there’s no hint of the black humour Cleese claims as his trademark. His drily funny commentary can’t hide a serious-mindedness, and he encourages, rather than undercuts, the reverence in which his once-anarchic comedies are now held. But stateliness is redeemed by Cleese’s affection for his co-stars of yesteryear, and his gratitude that opportunity came his way. It’s a nostalgic evening rather than an especially comical one. While Cleese may be now relatively short on dollars, in showbiz memories he’s still a rich man. Rating: 3/5 Comedy Brian Logan guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Testimony of 12 survivors released by spy agency as US ordered to cut military presence in Pakistan to a minimum Battered by American accusations of duplicity and collusion with Osama bin Laden, and withering criticism at home, Pakistan’s army is striking back with the main tool at its disposal: the word of his surviving relatives. The military’s powerful Inter-Services Intelligence spy agency, or ISI, is releasing a steady drip of testimony from the 12 survivors of the US raid on Bin Laden’s hideout in Abbottabad, north of Islamabad. It includes the account of bin Laden’s 12-year-old daughter, who said she saw her father shot, and information about his 29-year-old Yemeni wife, who is being treated at a military hospital in Rawalpindi. Analysts said the army was seeking to deflect attention from angry questions about how the world’s most famous fugitive could hide less than a mile from Pakistan’s top military academy. “A damage limitation exercise is going on,” said Cyril Almeida, columnist with Dawn newspaper in Islamabad. “The army is scrambling to come out with a coherent response to questions that don’t have easy answers.” In its first statement since the raid, the army ordered the US to reduce its military presence in Pakistan to a “minimum level”. It was a symbolic move, given there are only 275 US soldiers in Pakistan, but one that sought to stem intense public anger over Sunday’s unilateral American commando raid. Some Pakistani officials would prefer if the world focused on the violence of the raid. Photos that emerged on Wednesday showed the bodies of three men lying in pools of blood, one being the “courier” whose calls led the US to believe Bin Laden was in the compound. Reuters, which published the photos, said they had been bought from a “Pakistani security official” who wished to remain anonymous. The testimony of Bin Laden’s family members, made public through the ISI, has helped focus attention on the circumstances of his death, a narrative in difficulty after the White House was forced to correct significant details, such as the initial claim that bin Laden used his wife as a human shield. It later emerged that Amal Ahmed Abdul Fatah, a Yemeni aged 29, remains alive and is being treated for a gunshot wound at a medical facility in the garrison city of Rawalpindi, close to Pakistan’s military headquarters. A photograph of her passport was given to or obtained by the Pakistani press, and has been widely republished. Pakistan’s 500,000-strong army, which prides itself on its nuclear arsenal, has rarely had to endure such a barrage of accusations. In recent days White House officials, the CIA chief, and a host of senior US politicians have either insinuated or bluntly alleged that the ISI is playing a “double game” that may have included support for Bin Laden. David Cameron joined the chorus of discord, saying Bin Laden’s death left “lots of questions” to be answered. The criticism is not just from the west. In Jakarta, officials say that an Indonesian terror suspect arrested this year in Abbottabad was intending to meet Bin Laden, raising questions over how isolated he was in his final months. In Afghanistan, a former intelligence chief told the Guardian that four years ago Pakistan ignored a tip-off that Bin Laden was hiding near Abbottabad. Amrullah Saleh, former head of the National Directorate of Security, which has a long-standing rivalry with the ISI, said that he had believed in 2007 that Bin Laden was hiding in Mansehra,very near Abbottabad, in one of two al-Qaida safe houses. When he put this to Pakistan’s then president, Gen Pervez Musharraf, he grew furious and smashed his fist on the table, said Saleh. “Am I the president of the Republic of Banana?” said Musharraf, Saleh recalled, leading an alarmed President Hamid Karzai, also at the meeting, to intervene. Saleh, a fierce critic of Pakistan who has now entered Afghan politics, said he had no doubts that Mullah Omar, leader of the Afghan Taliban, is hiding in an ISI safe house in Karachi: “He is protected by ISI. General Pasha [Lieutenant-General Shuja Pasha, the ISI director general] knows, as I am talking to you, where Omar is, and he keeps daily briefs from his officers on the location of senior Taliban leaders.” But the Pakistan army’s greatest worry is at home, where it faces unprecedented criticism. The Bin Laden operation has triggered a barrage of questions about whether the military knew of the assault, and, if not, how US helicopters managed to enter from Afghanistan without permission, carry out a violent 40-minute raid in a town teeming with soldiers, and fly out unhindered with the body of the world’s most famous fugitive. Pakistani newspapers have carried sharp editorials against the army, while even pro-army TV personalities (hugely influential in Pakistani politics) have made extraordinary attacks on the generals. “Never before has there been such sustained and fierce criticism of the army,” said Almeida. “You would have to rewind to 1971 [when east Pakistan violently seceded to become Bangladesh] to find this kind of national outrage and discontent.” “People are saying: ‘We spend hundreds of billions of rupees on you guys every year, and what do you have to show for it?’ It strikes at the heart of what this military feels that it exists for.” The accusations could cost Pakistan dear. Enraged by the idea that the military sheltered Bin Laden, some US politicians have called for the US government to slash the annual $3bn aid package, mostly to the military. Pakistan’s Washington lobbyists, under orders from President Asif Ali Zardari have begun a public relations offensive on Capitol Hill to counter the American allegations. But despite the invective, American officials have offered no hard evidence Pakistan was colluding with Bin Laden. Pakistani officials point to their role in arresting several senior al-Qaida figures, including 9/11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Muhammad, over the past decade. Pakistan Osama bin Laden United States US foreign policy US politics Taliban Declan Walsh Jon Boone guardian.co.uk
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