MSNBC’s Mitchell Chides Obama for ‘Not One Word’ on Gun Control in State of the Union
February 2, 2011 No Comment
In a pre-taped interview with gun control advocate New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg aired during Wednesday's 1PM ET hour on MSNBC, host Andrea Mitchell browbeat President Obama for having “absolutely nothing, not one word….not even a sentence” about gun control in his State of the Union address. Prior to the interview, Mitchell touted Bloomberg's anti-gun crusade: “Michael Bloomberg is on a mission, a mission to curb guns, especially the semiautomatic pistols and the magazine used in Tucson. He sent New York undercover investigators to buy guns and ammo at a Phoenix gun show last month.” While she noted how the Arizona attorney general “says Bloomberg overstepped his bounds” she seemed to cheer the Mayor's defiance: “I talked to the mayor last night and he's only just beginning to fight.” Bloomberg proclaimed: “…34 people killed every single day [from gun violence]. Yesterday, today, tomorrow, 34 people killed across America. And we just can't keep doing this, Andrea. We have to do something to stop the carnage.” Mitchell then asked for his response to the fact that the President offered “not one word” to the topic in the State of the Union. Bloomberg declared: “I think that he missed a great opportunity….the legacy that President Obama would have, if he was the one that finally stood up and got Congress behind him to have sensible laws….for the rest of his life, he would have a smile on his face and he'd go down in the history books.” Mitchell followed up by wondering why politicians in Washington “are so afraid of the gun lobby and so afraid of this issue?” Bloomberg argued: “The elected officials misread one single issue advocacy group, namely the NRA, and their power….they are so far removed, they don't see, as mayors do every day, they don't have to go to the funerals when a cop gets shot and killed. They don't have to go when some child is standing on the street corner and a random bullet comes by and goes through their head.”
Continue reading …If this is young Arabs’ 1989, Europe must be ready with a bold response | Timothy Garton Ash
February 2, 2011 No CommentWhat happens across the Mediterranean matters more to the EU than the US. Yet so far its voice has
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Pledges to stand down from Hosni Mubarak and Ali Abdullah Saleh of Yemen signal a new trend across the Middle East President Ali Abdullah Saleh, who famously compares ruling Yemen to “dancing on the heads of snakes”, tapped into the restive mood of the Arab world today by announcing that he would not stand for re-election in 2013. Scepticism may well be in order. Saleh has made similar promises before – and has still held on to power since 1978. And his timing – in advance of a planned Yemeni “day of rage”, looked suspicious. But his pledge, just hours after Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak said he would stand down this year, is part of what it is starting to look like a trend across the Middle East. Stunned by events in Tunisia and Egypt, and with rumblings of serious unrest from Algeria to Jordan, authoritarian leaders are taking pre-emptive action to inoculate themselves against the “contagion” of people power. All face anger over unemployment, poverty and corruption. Maintaining food and fuel subsidies, raising salaries and shuffling cabinets are useful options. Ending repression and starting meaningful political reform is much harder. “Just a short time ago people tried to argue that the Tunisian crisis was an isolated case and that it was different from any other Arab country,” said Marwan Muasher, a former Jordanian minister who is now with the Carnegie Foundation . “It is now difficult, if not impossible, to make the same argument with Egypt … in turmoil. If the largest Arab country is faced with unrest, people need to draw the right lessons.” The biggest casualty so far of this early “Arab spring” has been the phenomenon of the president-for-life – and the related issue of dynastic republican succession that has so often accompanied it. Until the Egyptian unrest 82-year-old Mubarak had no designated successor and was seen as still likely to run for a seventh term in September. Failing that, there was a good chance he would be succeeded by his banker son Gamal, a key figure in the ruling National Democratic Party. Tawrith (succession) has been endlessly debated. No longer. “Where’s daddy now?” asked a scornful poster in Tahrir Square. Direct succession was not on the cards in Tunisia, where the flight of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali on 14 January electrified the Arab world. But the kleptocratic role of his wife’s family and his son in-law Sakher al-Materi were bitter reminders of the untrammelled power of a “semi-mafia” presidency. Saleh had signalled before that he might not stand again. But even if he did not, his son Ahmed had been groomed to follow him. So by rejecting MPs’ accusations of backing “hereditary” rule Saleh made a major concession he must hope, like Mubarak and Egypt’s generals, will allow the regime to survive. But the trend is only partial. Libya’s Muammar al-Gaddafi – the veteran of them all, with 42 years in power – remains as vigorous and eccentric as ever. Talk of the succession of his reformist-minded son, Seif al-Islam, has faded recently in the face of resistance by the old guard.Still, another son, Mutasim, is a rising star as his father’s national security adviser. Syria, bastion of Arab nationalism and close ally of Iran that is far from the orbit of US power, is another significant exception. It is 10 years since President Bashar al-Assad succeeded his late father Hafez and, despite slick PR and economic liberalisation, there has been no easing of his grip on a repressive regime that is widely seen as a bulwark against sectarianism. In the mostly placid, wealthy monarchies of the Gulf, where there is little political life and succession is always hereditary, the odd man out could be the island state of Bahrain. This is where the Sunni King Hamad and his Al-Khalifa dynasty rule over a restive Shia majority angry at discrimination and corruption. The forthcoming “day of rage”, and others planned in the coming days in Syria and Algeria, will be closely watched across a suddenly hopeful and nervous region. Middle East Egypt Yemen Tunisia Protest Ian Black guardian.co.uk
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Four reporters set upon as hundreds of pro-government supporters launch resistance against protests Supporters of Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak beat up several journalists after going on the offensive today. Anderson Cooper from CNN , two Associated Press correspondents and a Belgian reporter were all set upon as hundreds of young pro-government supporters attacked crowds demanding Mubarak’s immediate resignation. Cooper said he and his crew came under attack, but CNN said no one was seriously hurt. Two Associated Press correspondents and several other journalists were roughed up during gatherings of Mubarak supporters. In what appeared to be the most serious incident, a Belgian correspondent who reports for newspapers in Brussels, northern France and Geneva, was beaten, detained and accused of spying. Maurice Sarfatti, who uses the byline Dumont, was covering a pro-Mubarak demonstration in the Cairo district of Shoubra when he said he was hit. “It was rough. I received several blows to the face,” Dumont said . “They claimed I was pro-Baradei [the opposition leader, Mohamed ElBaradei]. I was then taken by the military to a barrack on the edge of town. “I was given a glass of water – from the Nile so I would get diarrhoea, they said. I was guarded by two soldiers with Kalashnikovs and bayonets. “They said I would be taken to the secret service. They accused me of being a spy.” The strong-arm tactics immediately drew a rebuke from the US. “The United States deplores and condemns the violence that is taking place in Egypt, and we are deeply concerned about attacks on the media and peaceful demonstrators,” said Robert Gibbs, the White House press secretary. “We repeat our strong call for restraint.” Egyptian state TV reported that foreigners were caught distributing anti-Mubarak leaflets, apparently trying to depict the movement as foreign-instigated. As the mood turned ugly after the last few days of euphoria, UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon said he was “deeply concerned” at the “unacceptable” violence. He urged Egypt’s leaders to “accept the will of their people that they should listen more attentively to the genuine and sincere wish of the people”. David Cameron sent the same message to the Egyptian authorities, saying it would be unacceptable for the Egyptian government to be supporting violence in any way. “If it turns out that the regime in any way has sponsored or tolerated this violence, that is completely unacceptable,” he said after meeting Ban Ki-moon in London. The UN High commissioner for human rights urged the authorities to listen to demands for fundamental reforms. “I urge all governments, both in this region and elsewhere to reflect on the fact that, in the long term, genuine and lasting stability does not depend on a ruthless security apparatus, or a ring of military steel, but on the development of human rights and democracy,” said Navi Pillay. “These are the principles on which the United Nations was founded. Stability cannot be approached solely through a security lens. This is a short-sighted method that, in the end, is bound to fail.” Egypt Hosni Mubarak Middle East United Nations Ban Ki-moon CNN TV news Mark Tran guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …This is cross-posted from the official YouTube blog It’s been hard to open a laptop or turn on the television over the last week without hearing news of the unrest in Egypt. On YouTube, thousands of videos of the protests have poured in, whether as unfiltered footage from the demonstrations themselves, or as news reports from our media partners around the globe. We understand how closely the world is following these events, and want to help people access and share this information quickly and easily on YouTube. We’re helping people do this in three ways: Highlighting the latest footage on CitizenTube , our news and politics channel, and inviting people to submit video they’ve come across. Pointing our users directly to these videos through banners at the top of YouTube pages, and through links alongside YouTube videos. Streaming live coverage of Al Jazeera’s broadcasts about the unfolding events, on both their Arabic and English YouTube channels. And our Google colleagues have also turned on a speak-to-tweet service to help people in Egypt stay connected at this difficult time. Here’s a playlist of videos that have come in: YouTube has used similar tools and live streaming technologies in the past to give our users access to information on major world news events, such as the Haiti earthquake and the protests in Iran . We hope this footage provides a unique window into the events unfolding in the streets of Cairo, Alexandria and many other cities across Egypt. Olivia Ma, YouTube News and Politics, recently watched “ 28th Jan. 2011 – Storyful – Kasr Al Nile Bridge clashes . ”
Continue reading …Mohamed ElBaradei isn’t satisfied with President Mubarak’s pledge to stand down in September —he wants him out now. “Nobody is satisfied with that, nobody is ready to be naïve, not see a ploy,” ElBaradei told the Wall Street Journal and other media outlets. “It’s an act of deception to me….
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Hosni Mubarak’s vow to step down in September appears to drive wedge through uprising with fewer protesters gathering Anti-government protesters in Egypt are battling major internal divisions for the first time since demonstrations started, following President Hosni Mubarak’s promise to step down in September . The speech initially provoked an angry response from crowds in Cairo’s central Tahrir Square, most of whom vowed to maintain their occupation until Mubarak’s three-decade dictatorship came to an end. But as the protests entered their ninth consecutive day, the president’s concessions appear to have sucked some of the oxygen out of the public uprising. Numbers in Tahrir this morning were noticeably smaller than those witnessed at the same time yesterday, while scuffles broke out on the fringes of the square with pro-president marchers who had gathered for a rally at the nearby state television building. “We’ve had Mubarak for 30 years, what does a few more months matter?” asked Mohamed Ali, a 29-year-old lawyer. “I was with the Tahrir protesters – it was obvious things needed to change. But Mubarak is giving us that change. He’s made many mistakes but he’s also done some good stuff in his time, and he deserves a few more months to leave with dignity. The young people have taught him a lesson, now we can go home.” His words contrasted with those of Shady Hussein, who was standing nearby. “This man is like a cancer, he’s eating away at us,” said the 26-year-old website designer. “How can any Egyptian be stupid enough to believe the words of a murderer who has put so many bullets into his own people? I’ve spoken to all my friends – and these are people from all walks of life, all different ages – and we all agree he must go now. There is no shred of dignity left in him to be salvaged.” Those following the events of the past week confirmed that Mubarak’s speech had driven a wedge into the public uprising that has brought hundreds of thousands on to the streets. “His strategy was to split people right down the middle, and it’s worked like a charm, far quicker than I had expected,” said Amira Ahmed, business editor of Daily News Egypt. “All the nationalistic rhetoric was designed to appease people who hadn’t been actively involved in the street protests, people who were sympathetic to many of the protesters’ demands but want to see a certain measure of stability restored. At the same time it angered the main group of anti-Mubarak protesters even further,” she said. “There’s a lot of ordinary people now armed in the street in a very charged atmosphere and many people are scared. And those people are sitting at home and looking at TV images of the protesters in Tahrir and beginning to see those protesters as the enemy.” In the square, the main rallying point for anti-government demonstrators, many were despondent at the latest turn of events. “I was worried the numbers would be down and that people wouldn’t be turning up today and, so far, my fears have been realised,” said Ayman Farag, who has attended the protests each day. “The speech is being played on every state TV and radio station over and over again. He’s been very clever as far as domestic politics is concerned. The government is now going to be able to accuse the remaining protesters of holding the country to ransom, causing all this disruption, when he’s already given them what they want.” But he insisted that the protests should be maintained, despite the apparent shift in public mood. “If we leave now it will be a failure … This regime, this police state that he sits on top of, has to be dismantled and we have to build in its place a system with free and fair elections, an accountable police service, a legitimate government, and there’s no guarantee whatsoever that any of that will happen if Mubarak stays on – the only way to ensure it happens is to push this through and force Mubarak out now.” Egypt Middle East Protest Hosni Mubarak Jack Shenker guardian.co.uk
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enlarge Mohandas Gandhi – on January 30th news reports were sketchy at first. Click here to view this media On January 30, 1948 the initial reports were sketchy as they always are. News from India had reported Indian leader Mohandas Gandhi was shot at, shot, seriously wounded, dead – rumors, speculation. But because of technology of the time, no concrete reports were available until some time later. The eyewitness accounts wouldn’t happen for several hours or days later. But on this newscast from the morning of January 30th, the initial reports were confirmed from All-India Radio that Mohandas Gandhi was indeed killed by an assassin. And then the news of the day goes on. Here is that News Of The World broadcast as it happened on the morning of January 30, 1948.
Continue reading …The country’s most important issue is not when the leader goes, but whether the regime will go with him President Mubarak’s announcement, under American pressure, that he will not seek re-election in September marks an end to one phase of the Egyptian crisis. But it does not resolve it. First, it is far from clear that Egyptians will accept him remaining in even nominal control. Secondly, the real struggle in Egypt is not between Mr Mubarak and the bulk of the Egyptian people. It is between the entrenched political, military and economic elites who have come to dominate Egyptian society in the years since independence and the classes they have increasingly excluded, coerced and manipulated. These elites have worked for Mr Mubarak, fought for his favour, and been controlled by him while at the same time using him to defend their collective interests. A dictator never stands alone. “Irhal!” (“Go!”) the protesters cry, but the most important issue is not when Mr Mubarak goes but what goes with him. The manner in which he leaves office is nevertheless important because it will be an indication of how much of the old system is likely to survive in the new era. Mohamed ElBaradei, representing the views of much of the opposition, has said there can be no discussions with what remain of the authorities until Mr Mubarak steps down. Another wing of the opposition has split over whether there can be contacts before that moment. Even as the crowds pour into Tahrir Square in search of the catharsis Mr Mubarak’s early departure will bring, those on both sides of what used to be the divide between government and opposition are examining what trade-offs might be, could be, or should be considered. They are doing this not only with a graph of rising popular anger in mind but to a short timetable set by the relentless degradation of the Egyptian economy . Empty shops, closed banks, deserted tourist hotels and dry petrol stations cannot be borne for long by a society with Egypt’s limited margins and reserves. Mr Mubarak’s main personal concern may well be to withdraw from the scene in what he deems to be an honourable way. But those who have constituted the pillars of his regime are interested in survival, not withdrawal. The officer corps wants to preserve its power and privileges. Yet the Egyptian army is oversized and over-armed, and ought, in any sensible reordering of Egypt’s political system, to be reduced and depoliticised. The older leaders of the ruling National Democratic party, where some remnants of the original Free Officers’ idealism may still just be discerned, also want a place in any new order, and may have a sort of constituency in Egypt’s enormous bureaucracy. Yet that, too, should be reduced. The Egyptian business class, particularly that section of it which gravitated toward Gamal Mubarak, the president’s son, will plead that its capital, competence and contacts are vital if Egypt’s economy is to be restored, and threaten dire consequences if the deals and depredations of the past are unearthed. Yet that class is properly seen as part of the problem and not part of the solution. The police, lowest of the low on the regime totem pole, will be calculating that sooner or later their brutal skills will once again be needed. Yet they must be curbed if Egypt is to make a genuine new start. The divisions on the opposite side, notably between the Muslim Brotherhood and more secular groups, and, potentially, between all of the established opposition and the new, younger protesters who so dramatically initiated change in Egypt, are obvious. They may also have spread the impulse for change further afield, as yesterday’s reshuffle of the Jordanian government shows. The demonstrators in the square say they have only one demand, that Mr Mubarak step down. In the euphoria of the moment some of them see his departure as the answer to everything that is wrong in the land of Egypt. But whether that departure comes sooner or later, it will not be that. Egypt Hosni Mubarak Protest guardian.co.uk
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