Eight former officers on trial for conspiring to build a false case against Stephen Miller in 1988 Cardiff murder of Lynette White A man wrongly jailed for the murder of his girlfriend broke down in tears in court as he described the “nightmare” he had lived in the 22 years since he was arrested over the killing. Stephen Miller, one of three men imprisoned for the murder of Lynette White, sobbed as he gave evidence at the trial of eight former police officers accused of conspiring to build a false case against him and two other men. Miller once again insisted that he had not seen 20-year-old White, who was working as a prostitute, on the weekend she was stabbed to death. He told Swansea crown court on Wednesday that he had not even known of the existence of the squalid flat in Cardiff where White took clients and where her body was found in February 1988. Miller broke down in tears as he recalled the moment police told him his girlfriend had been killed. “I was in a daze, a nightmarish daze,” he said. “One moment I’m speaking to her, the next she’s dead.” He told how he had gone from being a witness to a suspect. “It went pear-shaped,” he said. “I’ve been dealing with this nightmare for 22 years.” Miller and his friends, Yusef Abdullahi and Tony Paris, were jailed in 1990 over the murder of White, 20, before being freed on appeal two years later. The men were dubbed the Cardiff Three, and their case came to be seen as one of the most notorious miscarriages of justice in recent years. Another man, Jeffrey Gafoor, was later convicted of killing White alone and is in jail serving a life sentence for her murder. The jury at Swansea has heard that South Wales police officers were under huge pressure to solve White’s murder and leading detectives in the case became convinced that Miller, Abdullahi, Paris and two other men, were behind the killing. It is alleged that the officers manipulated evidence against the suspects and put pressure on witnesses to tailor their stories to match their belief of the men’s guilt. Miller, now 44, admitted he had a criminal record. As a teenager he was convicted of grievous bodily harm and when he was in his early 20s sold cannabis in Cardiff to supplement his income. However he denied he was White’s “pimp” and said they argued over her work. He wanted her to stop but she thought of it as an easy way to make money. Miller told the court that he had moved to Cardiff from London and was known as “Pineapple” in the city’s dock area where he and White lived because he wore his dreadlocks in a top knot and drank pineapple juice. He told the court he had not seen White for some days before her body was discovered and had been searching for her. Miller said that when police told him that White had been murdered he felt as if “someone had got a hammer and smashed it across my face”, adding: “I burst out crying.” He said he had co-operated with police, handing over his clothes and saying he was prepared to give a sample of his DNA. Miller said he felt “crushed”, adding: “One minute you’re with someone you love. Then they disappear.” Miller was arrested over White’s murder in December 1988. Nick Dean QC, prosecuting, has said of the police questioning: “Short of physical violence, it is hard to imagine a more hostile and intimidating approach.” Miller said he would remember how he was treated until he went to his grave. Former South Wales police officers Graham Mouncher, Richard Powell, Thomas Page, Michael Daniels, Paul Jennings, Paul Stephen, Peter Greenwood and John Seaford deny conspiring to pervert the course of justice. In addition Mouncher denies lying under oath in court. The trial continues. Cardiff Wales Police Steven Morris guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Fifteen-year-old in critical condition after being attacked in road where Steven Grisales was killed after a row with youths A 15-year-old boy is in hospital in a serious condition after being stabbed in the same spot where Steven Grisales was killed after remonstrating with conker-throwing youths, Scotland Yard said. The boy, who has not been named, is not thought to be in a critical condition, after suffering stab wounds on Wednesday evening. Police were called to College Close in Edmonton, north London at 6.50pm – almost exactly the same time that 21-year-old Steven Grisales was stabbed last Thursday . The boy was taken to hospital in an air ambulance. Two males have been arrested in connection with the stabbing. A spokesman for Scotland Yard said: “At the moment we are not aware of any links between the stabbing of Steven Grisales and this incident, apart from the geographical location.” He said police would be investigating possible connections between the two attacks. Steven Grisales was allegedly stabbed to death on 1 September as he made his way to Silver Street railway station in Edmonton after running a shopping errand for his grandmother. A 15-year-old boy appeared before Enfield magistrates on Wednesday, charged with his murder. Mr Grisales, who aspired to become an architect, died after receiving a single stab wound to the heart. The student, who was born in the UK to Colombian parents, had been studying in Argentina but arrived home on 5 August to take up a scholarship at Westminster College, which was due to begin on the day he died. Gun and knife crime in the area, parts of which erupted into violence during the London riots, was among the most serious in the capital, said campaigners. Witnesses to the Grisales stabbing are asked to call the incident room on 0208 721 4961 or Crimestoppers on 0800 555 111. Crime Knife crime Alexandra Topping guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Ruling deals blow to prosecution and clears way for closing arguments in case American student Amanda Knox won another battle in her quest to overturn a conviction for murdering her British room-mate in Italy when an appeal court rejected a prosecutor’s request for more DNA testing. The decision means that an independent review of DNA evidence – previously ordered by the appeals court and hugely favourable to Knox – will stand. It deals a blow to prosecutors, who had sought to counter the results of that review, which harshly criticised how genetic evidence had been used in the case. The ruling by Judge Claudio Pratillo Hellmann on Wednesday also clears the way for closing arguments, which are due to begin on 23 September with the prosecution going first, followed by civil plaintiffs and the defence. Further retesting would have inevitably extended the 10-month long trial, which is now expected to end in late September or early October. Knox’s father, Curt Knox, said his daughter had started to see “the light at the end of the tunnel.” However, Knox’s lawyer, Luciano Ghirga, warned that the court’s rejection of new DNA testing was not equal to a positive outcome of the whole appeal. Knox was convicted in December 2009 of sexually assaulting and murdering Meredith Kercher, while they were studying in Perugia and sentenced to 26 years. Raffaele Sollecito, an Italian who was Knox’s boyfriend at the time, was sentenced to 25 years. Both have always maintained their innocence and are appealing the lower court’s verdict. Without a clear motive or convincing witnesses, the DNA evidence is crucial, and much of the appeals outcome hinges on it. In the first trial, prosecutors maintained that Knox’s DNA was found on the handle of a kitchen knife believed to be the murder weapon, and that Kercher’s DNA was found on the blade. They said Sollecito’s DNA was on the clasp of Kercher’s bra as part of a mixed trace that also included the victim’s genetic profile. Those findings were always disputed by the defence and the appeals court agreed to nominate two independent experts to review the evidence. In a 145-page report, the experts found that much of that evidence was unreliable and possibly contaminated, that police had made glaring errors in evidence collecting and the below-standard testing raised doubts over the attribution of DNA traces. The review was at the centre of several fiercely debated hearings in the Perugia courtroom, with police and prosecutors defending the original investigation. Pratillo Hellmann said the discussion had been thorough enough for the court to form an opinion. New testing would be “superfluous,” he said, rejecting the request made earlier in the day by prosecutor Manuela Comodi. The prosecutor said she was disappointed, though not surprised by the decision. “One separates from one’s husband, and therefore one could certainly have separated from the wrong experts,” she told the Ansa news agency. Comodi had said in court that the experts were “inadequate” and “unreliable”. The defence said the prosecutors were simply unhappy over a review that had not gone in their favour. They pointed out what they said was the “paradox” of a prosecution originally opposed to having new tests, now wanting more. “It’s really kind of a desperation move on the prosecution to ask for another independent review that they originally were totally against,” Curt Knox said. “These were independent experts that the court appointed, so how many times do you need to have that done?” He said the court’s ruling showed “the judge and the jury believed in what the independent experts have brought back to them”. He is expected to be joined by Knox’s mother, Edda Mellas, for the last stage of the trial. “Hopefully we’ll get to take Amanda home,” he said. Francesco Maresca, a lawyer for the Kerchers, said the family would come to Perugia for the verdict, as they did in the first trial. Just days ago, the family released a letter to express “great concern” over recent DNA evidence findings, asking the court to assess “every single [piece] of evidence, both scientific and circumstantial, as well as any witnesses who have taken the stand independently of any other information or media”. They pointed out that there was more to the case than the DNA evidence that had been recently debated and lamented the “media frenzy” surrounding it. “My sister, a daughter brutally and selfishly taken from us nearing four years ago, and yet not a single day goes by that we can grasp any peace or closure,” Stephanie Kercher, the victim’s sister, wrote. Kercher was found stabbed to death on 2 November 2007 in the apartment she shared with Knox. She had been murdered the night before, according to forensic police. A third person, Rudy Hermann Guede of the Ivory Coast, has also been convicted of Kercher’s murder in a separate proceeding. Italy’s highest criminal court has upheld Guede’s conviction and his 16-year-prison sentence. Guede denies wrongdoing. The court also rejected another prosecution request to put back on the stand a witness who had previously testified that his brother, a fugitive, had killed Kercher during a botched burglary. The witness, a jailed Naples mobster called Luciano Aviello, announced he wanted to retract his statement and was questioned by Comodi in prison in July. The court ruled that transcriptions of that questioning would suffice. Amanda Knox Meredith Kercher Italy Europe United States guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Commission will look into long-running complaints about rights of MPs from parts of UK with their own parliaments or assemblies to vote on legislation affecting only England Ministers are to confirm that the UK government will set up a commission to investigate the voting rights of Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish MPs at Westminster. The commission into the so-called “West Lothian question” will look into long-running complaints about the rights of MPs from parts of the UK with their own parliaments or assemblies to vote on legislation affecting only England. Ministers will announce on Thursday morning that the commission is being formed after a private members’ bill from the Tory backbencher Harriet Baldwin seeking to limit voting rights at Westminster unexpectedly passed a series of hurdles in the Commons. Baldwin’s bill is due to complete its passage of the Commons on Friday, and would then go to the Lords. It would require ministers to state on each bill whether it only affected England, to put non-English MPs under pressure not to vote on it. Ministers hope she will drop the legislation (territorial extent) bill and allow the issue to be studied by the commission instead. The proposal to set up a commission was agreed by the Tories and Liberal Democrats in their coalition agreement more than a year ago, but the announcement is expected to be light on detail about its scope and membership. The “West Lothian question” was posed by Tam Dalyell, the then MP for West Lothian and an opponent of devolution to Scotland and Wales, in 1977 as the then Labour government first tried, but ultimately failed, to set up a Scottish assembly. It is regarded as one of the most serious anomalies of devolution, with control over most major domestic policies in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland now solely in the hands of the devolved parliaments and assemblies. He questioned why any MP from Scotland or Wales could have the same right as English MP to vote on legislation which only affects England if MPs for English seats were unable to vote in the Scottish parliament or Welsh assembly. Many English backbenchers across all the major parties have been critical and irritated by the issue. However, ministers also believe that cutting the voting rights of Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish MPs could bolster nationalist parties by weakening the influence and status of non-English MPs at Westminster. Scottish politics Scotland Welsh politics Wales House of Commons Severin Carrell guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Deposed former Libyan leader vows never to leave the country and denies claims he is in neighbouring Niger Muammar Gaddafi has issued a defiant message from hiding in which he vowed “never to leave the land of his ancestors” and denied claims he had fled the country for neighbouring Niger. The telephone message, broadcast on Syria’s Arrai TV station, is believed to have come from within Libya. Some rebel commanders say that the former dictator may be in the town of Bani Walid, which is still refusing to surrender to forces loyal to Libya’s new government. Overnight, columns of fighters from the National Transitional Council were spotted heading towards the town in pick-up trucks shouting anti-Gaddafi slogans. “We will move into Bani Walid slowly. There was a message in Bani Walid from Gaddafi this evening,” NTC unit commander Jamal Gourji told Reuters. In the audio message, the former leader of Libya said he expected a new uprising in the capital. “The youths are now ready to escalate the resistance against the ‘rats’ [rebels] in Tripoli and to finish off the mercenaries,” Gaddafi said. “All of these germs, rats and scumbags, they are not Libyans, ask anyone. They have cooperated with Nato,” he said. Arrai TV last broadcast a message by Gaddafi, who has not been seen in public for months, at the start of September when he urged followers to “keep fighting” and promised to turn Libya “into a hell” . In the new message, Gaddafi denied reports that he had fled to Niger in a column of vehicles heading across the border. Referring to himself in the third person, Gaddafi said: “Columns of convoys drive into and out of Niger carrying goods, and people inside and outside [of Libya] say Gaddafi is going to Niger,” he said. “This is not the first time that convoys drive in and out of Niger.” Earlier this week it emerged that Gaddafi’s former aide Mansour Dhao had been admitted in to the country “for humanitarian reasons”. Niger’s foreign minister, Mohamed Bazoum, said that at least three convoys had come in to the country containing, he claimed, several pro-Gaddafi businessmen, as well as Agaly ag Alambo, a Tuareg rebel leader. There were fewer than 20 of them, he added, and they would be free to stay in Niger. The US said it believed senior Gaddafi regime figures had crossed over the border, but not Gaddafi himself. In a BBC interview on Wednesday, Bazoum confirmed that Niger officials had also crossed the border as part of a series of convoys fleeing Libya across the desert. However he denied that Gaddafi or his sons had entered Niger. “There is no news about Gaddafi in Niger, we have no news about him, it is not true that he has tried to come into Niger or he came into Niger,” he said. Reports say the convoys later arrived in the Niger city of Agadez. Bazoum said there was “no means to close the border” between his country and Libya because it was “too big”. The president of Burkina Faso, Blaise Compaoré, also denied reports it had offered asylum to the former Libyan leader. Earlier in the week, the National Transitional Council announced it had sent a delegation to Niamey in Niger to discuss how to stop “any kind of infiltration” by Gaddafi or his family. Fathi Baja, the head of political affairs for the NTC, said the group was determined to try to prevent the dictator fleeing to Niger or Algeria. “I think he’s near one of these borders … and he’s looking for a chance to leave. We’re asking every country not to accept him. We want these people for justice,” Baja told Reuters. As the search for Gaddafi continues, lead rebel negotiator, Abdullah Kanshil, said Gaddafi’s son, Saif al-Islam, had been spotted in the town of Bani Walid on Monday. “Saif was sighted two days ago,” he said. “He’s coming in and out.” Kanshil said that Bani Walid was made up of 52 villages, three of which were still occupied by pro-Gaddafi gunmen. It was also possible that Saif could be hiding in its numerous caves. Another “big fish” might also be in the town, Kanshil added. Pressed for details, he replied: “Another of the sons. The ugly one.” Asked if it would be necessary to take Bani Walid by force, Kanshil had said earlier in the week, “No, we hope not. The people of Bani Walid are with the revolution. But there are 80 snipers there, that’s our worry. Some in caves, some on roofs of buildings, some walking in places.” Any decision on an attack rested with the National Transitional Council, he said. “They are the leadership.” Muammar Gaddafi Saif al-Islam Gaddafi Libya Arab and Middle East unrest Middle East Africa Shiv Malik Lizzy Davies guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Sea users and interest groups decide list of areas that will protect rare and threatened marine wildlife and habitats Much of the sea around the Isle of Wight and the Isles of Scilly , major estuaries and islets off the east coast, as well as reefs, trenches, sandbars and remote places seldom seen by humans, are included in a list of 127 sea areas that have been proposed as new nature reserves. The zones range from a giant 5,800 sq km (2,240 sq mile) patch on the edge of British territorial waters in the western Channel to a minute 0.09 sq km speck of rock off Dorset, from the sea floor below some of the busiest shipping lanes in the world in the Channel to the muddy waters off the northern Irish coast where Dublin Bay prawn thrives. The total area expected to be named as new nationally important marine conservation zones (MCZs) is more than 37,000 sq km – about twice the size of Wales. Nearly half the sites are off the south-west coast and in the Channel. Wales and Scotland are expected to designate other marine conservation areas later this year. “Together they will conserve a mixture of wildlife, habitats, geology and geomorphology,” said a spokeswoman for the MCZ project. “They are being recommended not just to conserve the rare and threatened, but the range of marine wildlife – from seahorses to sunset cup corals, and from honeycomb worm reefs to estuarine rocky habitats in English waters.” The project has conducted more than 2,500 interviews and held 155 meetings in what has been called a “people to parliament” approach to decision-making. Conservationists today welcomed the list as one of Britain’s most significant natural protection initiatives in decades, but said that the level of safeguards proposed for the nationally important sites varied from tight to potentially weak. Decisions about how the sites are managed, and what activities can or cannot take place in them, will only be made once formal designation is confirmed next year. However, only 20 of the 127 sites are proposed to be highly protected “reference” sites where any exploitation or damage by industry will be banned. Nearly half the sites are expected to contain highly protected areas within them, while the oil and gas, wind and dredging industries will be allowed some access in some areas. Only 2% of the sites are expected to be given full protection. In what has been described as “robust” arguments, industry objected to some areas and conservationists had to compromise to arrive at the final list. “Sites we were sorry to see dropped due to industry concerns include Flamborough-Helgoland, the north Norfolk chalk reefs and the Farne Islands,” said the Marine Conservation Society (MCS) , one of the many organisations that helped to determine the sites. But other landmark places proposed by ecologists were chosen, including the Needles off the Isle of Wight and the Manacles rocks off Cornwall. “Protected sites are desperately needed to protect our seas so that marine habitats and ecosystems can begin to recover from decades of degradation,” said Richard Harrington of the MCS. “Conservation for the UK’s marine environment has taken a major step forward. The thousands of species of sealife and habitats that live hidden under our waters need just as much protection as those that we can see on land,” said marine minister Richard Benyon . The unique process of allowing sea users to choose the sites rather than government took nearly two years, but is expected to avoid arguments and disputes later. Unlike proposals for forests and planning areas, which were decided by government ministers without proper consultation, the 127 sites were only recommended following long negotiations between dozens of sea users and interest groups – including the oil and gas, wind and fishing industries, eco-tourism and conservation groups, ports and shippers. “It has been challenging. Over 2,500 interviews have been conducted and 155 meetings held. Over 1 million individuals’ interests have been represented, and it has enabled marine industries such as fishing, ports and offshore renewable energy to share their views alongside conservationists, landowners and recreational sea users,” said the MCZ spokeswoman. Conservation Marine life Wildlife Endangered habitats Endangered species Coastlines Animals John Vidal guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …In his 2003 Oscar acceptance speech, Michael Moore denounced President Bush and the invasion of Iraq. Overnight he became the most hated man in America. In an exclusive extract from his new book, Here Comes Trouble, he tells of the bomb threats, bodyguards and how he fought back ‘I’m thinking about killing Michael Moore, and I’m wondering if I could kill him myself, or if I would need to hire somebody to do it … No, I think I could. I think he could be looking me in the eye, you know, and I could just be choking the life out [of him]. Is this wrong? I stopped wearing my ‘What Would Jesus Do?’ band, and I’ve lost all sense of right and wrong now. I used to be able to say, ‘Yeah, I’d kill Michael Moore’, and then I’d see the little band: What Would Jesus Do? And then I’d realise, ‘Oh, you wouldn’t kill Michael Moore. Or at least you wouldn’t choke him to death.’ And you know, well, I’m not sure.” Glenn Beck , live on the Glenn Beck show, 17 May 2005 Wishes for my early demise seemed to be everywhere. They were certainly on the mind of CNN’s Bill Hemmer one sunny July morning in 2004. Holding a microphone in front of my face on the floor of the 2004 Democratic National Convention, live on CNN, he asked me what I thought about how the American people were feeling about Michael Moore: “I’ve heard people say they wish Michael Moore were dead.” Hemmer said it like he was simply stating the obvious, like, “of course they want to kill you!” He just assumed his audience already understood this truism, as surely as they accept that the sun rises in the east and corn comes on a cob. To be fair to Hemmer, I was not unaware that my movies had made a lot of people mad. It was not unusual for fans to randomly come up and hug me and say, “I’m so happy you’re still here!” They didn’t mean in the building. Why was I still alive? For more than a year there had been threats, intimidation, harassment and even assaults in broad daylight. It was the first year of the Iraq war, and I was told by a top security expert (who is often used by the federal government for assassination prevention) that “there is no one in America other than President Bush who is in more danger than you”. How on earth did this happen? Had I brought this on myself? Of course I had. And I remember the moment it all began. It was the night of 23 March 2003. Four nights earlier, George Bush had invaded Iraq. This was an illegal, immoral, stupid invasion – but that was not how Americans saw it. More than 70% of the public backed the war. And on the fourth night of this very popular war, my film Bowling for Columbine was up for an Academy Award. I went to the ceremony but was not allowed, along with any of the nominees, to talk to the press while walking down the red carpet into Hollywood’s Kodak Theatre. There was the fear that someone might say something – and in wartime we need everyone behind the war effort and on the same page. The actress Diane Lane came on to the stage and read the list of nominees for best documentary. The envelope was opened, and she announced with unbridled glee that I had won the Oscar. The main floor, filled with the Oscar-nominated actors, directors and writers, leapt to its feet and gave me a very long standing ovation. I had asked the nominees from the other documentary films to join me on the stage in case I won, and they did. The ovation finally ended, and then I spoke: “I’ve invited my fellow documentary nominees on the stage with us. They are here in solidarity with me because we like non-fiction. We like non-fiction, yet we live in fictitious times. We live in a time where we have fictitious election results that elect a fictitious president. We live in a time where we have a man sending us to war for fictitious reasons. Whether it’s the fiction of duct tape or the fiction of orange alerts: we are against this war, Mr Bush. Shame on you, Mr Bush. Shame on you! And anytime you’ve got the Pope and the Dixie Chicks against you, your time is up! Thank you very much.” About halfway through these remarks, all hell broke loose. There were boos, very loud boos, from the upper floors and from backstage. (A few – Martin Scorsese, Meryl Streep – tried to cheer me on from their seats, but they were no match.) The producer of the show ordered the orchestra to start playing to drown me out. The microphone started to descend into the floor. A giant screen with huge red letters began flashing in front of me: “YOUR TIME IS UP!” It was pandemonium, to say the least, and I was whisked off the stage. A little known fact: the first two words every Oscar winner hears right after you win the Oscar and leave the stage come from two attractive young people in evening wear hired by the Academy to immediately greet you behind the curtain. So while calamity and chaos raged on in the Kodak, this young woman in her designer gown stood there, unaware of the danger she was in, and said the following word to me: “Champagne?” And she held out a flute of champagne. The young man in his smart tuxedo standing next to her then immediately followed up with this: “Breathmint?” And he held out a breathmint. Champagne and breathmint are the first two words all Oscar winners hear. But, lucky me, I got to hear a third. An angry stagehand came right up to the side of my head, screaming as loud as he could in my ear: “ASSHOLE!” Other burly, pissed-off stagehands started toward me. I clutched my Oscar like a weapon, holding it like a lone man trapped and surrounded in the woods, his only hope being the torch he is swinging madly at the approaching vampires. All I felt at that moment was alone, that I was nothing more than a profound and total disappointment. That night I couldn’t sleep, so I got up and turned on the TV. For the next hour I watched the local TV stations do their Oscar night wrap-up shows – and as I flipped between the channels, I listened to one pundit after another question my sanity, criticise my speech and say, over and over, in essence: “I don’t know what got into him!” “He sure won’t have an easy time in this town after that stunt!” “Who does he think will make another movie with him now?” “Talk about career suicide!” After an hour of this, I turned off the TV and went online, where there was more of the same, only worse – from all over America. I began to get sick. I could see the writing on the wall – it was curtains for me as a film-maker. I turned off the computer and I turned off the lights and I sat there in the chair in the dark, going over and over what I had done. Good job, Mike. And good riddance. Bombarded with hatred When we got back to our home in northern Michigan, the local beautification committee had dumped three truckloads of horse manure waist-high in our driveway so that we wouldn’t be able to enter our property – a property which, by the way, was freshly decorated with a dozen or so signs nailed to our trees: GET OUT! MOVE TO CUBA! COMMIE SCUM! TRAITOR! LEAVE NOW OR ELSE! I had no intention of leaving. The hate mail after the Oscar speech was so voluminous, it almost seemed as if Hallmark had opened a new division where greeting card writers were assigned the task of penning odes to my passing. (“For a Special Motherfucker …” “Get Well Soon from Your Mysterious Car Accident!” “Here’s to a Happy Stroke!”) The phone calls to my house were actually creepier. It’s a whole different fright machine when a human voice is attached to the madness and you think: “This person literally risked arrest to say this over a phone line!” You had to admire the balls – or insanity – of that. But the worst moments were when people came on to our property. These individuals would just walk down the driveway, always looking like rejects from the cast of Night of the Living Dead, never moving very fast, but always advancing with singleminded purposefulness. Few were actual haters; most were just crazy. We kept the sheriff’s deputies busy until they finally suggested we might want to get our own security, or perhaps our own police force. Which we did. We met with the head of the top security agency in the country, an elite outfit that did not hire ex-cops, nor any “tough guys” or bouncer-types. They preferred to use only Navy Seals and other ex–Special Forces. Guys who had a cool head and who could take you out with a piece of dental floss in a matter of nanoseconds. By the end of the year, due to the alarming increase of threats and attempts on me, I had nine ex-Seals surrounding me, round-the-clock. Fahrenheit 9/11: the fightback After the Oscar riot and the resulting persona-non-grata status I held as the most hated man in America, I decided to do what anyone in my position would do: make a movie suggesting the president of the United States is a war criminal. I mean, why take the easy road? It was already over for me, anyway. The studio that had promised to fund my next film had called up after the Oscar speech and said that they were backing out of their signed contract with me – if I didn’t like it, I could go fuck myself. Fortunately, another studio picked up the deal but cautioned that perhaps I should be careful not to piss off the ticket-buying public. The owner of the studio had backed the invasion of Iraq. I told him I had already pissed off the ticket-buying public, so why don’t we just make the best movie possible, straight from the heart – and, well, if nobody liked that, there was always straight-to-video. In the midst of all this turmoil I began shooting Fahrenheit 9/11 . I told everyone on my crew to operate as if this was going to be the last job we were ever going to have in the movie business. This wasn’t meant to be an inspirational speech – I really believed that this was going to be it. And so we spent the next 11 months putting together our cinematic indictment of an administration and a country gone mad. The release of the film in 2004, just a little more than a year after the start of the war, came at a time when the vast majority of Americans still backed the war. We premiered it at the Cannes film festival, where we were awarded the top prize, the Palme d’Or, by an international jury headed by Quentin Tarantino. It was the first time in nearly 50 years a documentary had won the prize. This initial overwhelming response to Fahrenheit 9/11 spooked the Bush White House, convincing those in charge of his re-election campaign that a movie could be the tipping point that might bring them down. They hired a pollster to find out the effect the film would have on voters. After screening the movie with three different audiences in three separate cities, the news Karl Rove received was not good. The movie was not only giving a much-needed boost to the Democratic base (who were wild about the film), it was, oddly, having a distinct effect also on female Republican voters. The studio’s own polling had already confirmed that an amazing one-third of Republican voters – after watching the movie – said they would recommend the film to other people. But the White House pollster reported something even more dangerous – 10% of Republican females said that after watching Fahrenheit 9/11, they had decided to either vote for John Kerry or to just stay home. In an election that could be decided by only a few percentage points, this was devastating news. The movie would go on to open at No 1 all across North America. And, to make matters worse for the White House, it opened at No 1 in all 50 states, even in the deep south. It opened at No 1 in military towns such as Fort Bragg. Soldiers and their families were going to see it and, by many accounts, it became the top bootleg watched by the troops in Iraq. It broke the box office record long held by the Star Wars film Return of the Jedi for the largest opening weekend ever for a film that opened on 1,000 screens or less. It was, in the verbiage of Variety, major boffo, a juggernaut. And in doing all of that, it had made me a target. The attacks on me that followed were like mad works of fiction, crazy, madeup stuff that I refused to respond to because I didn’t want to dignify the noise. On TV, on the radio, in op-eds, on the internet – everywhere – it was suggested that Michael Moore hates America, he’s a liar, a conspiracy nut and a croissant-eater. The campaign against me was meant to stop too many Republicans from seeing the film. And it worked. Of course, it also didn’t help that Kerry was a lousy candidate. Bush won by one state, Ohio. There was a residual damage from all the hate speech generated toward me by the Republican pundits. It had the sad and tragic side-effect of unhinging the already slightly unglued. And so my life went from receiving scribbly little hate notes to fullout attempted physical assaults – and worse. Living with bodyguards The ex–Navy Seals moved in with us. When I walked down a public sidewalk they would have to form a circle around me. At night they wore night-vision goggles and other special equipment that I’m convinced few people outside CIA headquarters have ever seen. The agency protecting me had a threat assessment division. Their job was to investigate anyone who had made a credible threat against me. One day, I asked to see the file. The man in charge began reading me the list of names and the threats they had made and the level of threat that the agency believed each one posed. After he went through the first dozen, he stopped and asked: “Do you really want to keep going? There are 429 more.” I could no longer go out in public without an incident happening. It started with small stuff, such as people in a restaurant asking to be moved to a different table when I was seated next to them, or a taxi driver who would stop his cab in mid-traffic to scream at me. The verbal abuse soon turned physical, and the Seals were now on high alert. For security reasons, I will not go into too much detail here, partly on the advice of the agency and partly because I don’t want to give these criminals any more of the attention they were seeking: • In Nashville, a man with a knife leapt up on the stage and started coming toward me. The Seal grabbed him from behind by his belt loop and collar and slung him off the front of the stage to the cement floor below. Someone had to mop up the blood after the Seals took him away. • In Fort Lauderdale, a man in a nice suit saw me on the sidewalk and went crazy. He took the lid off his hot, scalding coffee and threw it at my face. The Seal saw this happening but did not have the extra half-second needed to grab the guy, so he put his own face in front of mine and took the hit. The coffee burned his face so badly, we had to take him to the hospital (he had second-degree burns) – but not before the Seal took the man face down to the pavement, placing his knee painfully in the man’s back, and putting him in cuffs. • In New York City, while I was holding a press conference outside one of the cinemas showing Fahrenheit 9/11, a man walking by saw me, became inflamed, and pulled the only weapon he had on him out of his pocket – a very sharp and pointed graphite pencil. As he lunged to stab me with it, the Seal saw him and, in the last split second, put his hand up between me and the oncoming pencil. The pencil went right into the Seal’s hand. You ever see a Navy Seal get stabbed? The look on their face is the one we have when we discover we’re out of shampoo. The pencil-stabber probably became a convert to the paperless society that day, once the Seal was done with him and his 16th-century writing device. The lone bomber And then there was Lee James Headley. Sitting alone at home in Ohio, Lee had big plans. The world, according to his diary, was dominated and being ruined by liberals. His comments read like the talking points of any given day’s episode of The Rush Limbaugh Show . And so Lee made a list. It was a short list of the people who had to go. At the top of the list was his No1 target: “Michael Moore”. Beside my name he wrote, “MARKED” (as in “marked for death”, he would later explain). Throughout the spring of 2004, Headley accumulated a huge amount of assault weapons, a cache of thousands of rounds of ammunition, and various bomb-making materials. He bought The Anarchist’s Cookbook and the race-war novel The Turner Diaries. His notebooks contained diagrams of rocket launchers and bombs, and he would write over and over: “Fight, fight, fight, kill, kill, kill!” But one night in 2004, he accidentally fired off a round inside his home from one of his AK-47s. A neighbour heard the shot and called the police. The cops arrived and found the treasure trove of weapons, ammo and bomb-making materials. And his hit list. I got the call some days later from the security agency. “We need to tell you that the police have in custody a man who was planning to blow up your house. You’re in no danger now.” I got very quiet. I tried to process what I just heard: I’m … in … no … danger … now. For me, it was the final straw. I broke down. My wife was already in her own state of despair over the loss of the life we used to have. I asked myself again: what had I done to deserve this? Made a movie? A movie led someone to want to blow up my home? What happened to writing a letter to the editor? As the months wore on, even after Bush’s re-election, the constant drumbeat against me only intensified. When Glenn Beck said that he was thinking of killing me, he was neither fined by the broadcasting regulator nor arrested by the NYPD. He was, essentially, making a call to have me killed, and no one in the media at that time reported it. And then a man trespassed on our property and left something outside our bedroom window when I wasn’t home. It terrorised my wife. He even videotaped himself doing this. When the police investigated, he said he was making a “documentary”. He called it Shooting Michael Moore. And when you went to his website, and the words Shooting Michael Moore came on the screen, the sound of a gunshot went off. The media ate it up, and he was asked to appear on many TV shows (such as Fox News host Sean Hannity’s). “Coming up next – he’s giving Michael Moore a taste of his own medicine! Moore now has somebody after him!” (Cue SFX: KA-BOOM!) He then provided video and maps of how to illegally get on to our property. I will not share with you the impact this had, at that time, on my personal life, but suffice it to say I would not wish this on anyone. More than once I have asked myself if all this work was really worth it. And, if I had it to do over again, would I? If I could take back that Oscar speech and just walk up on the stage and thank my agent and tuxedo designer and get off without another word, would I? If it meant that my family would not have to worry about their safety and that I would not be living in constant danger – well, I ask you, what would you do? You know what you would do. President Bush to the rescue For the next two and a half years, I didn’t leave the house much. From January 2005 to May 2007, I did not appear on a single TV show. I stopped going on college tours. I just took myself off the map. The previous year I had spoken at more than 50 campuses. For the two years following that, I spoke at only one. I stayed close to home and worked on some local town projects in Michigan where I lived. And then to my rescue rode President Bush. He said something that helped snap me out of it. I had heard him say it before, but this time when I heard him, I felt like he was speaking directly to me. He said: “If we give in to the terrorists, the terrorists win.” And he was right. His terrorists were winning! Against me! What was I doing sitting inside the house? I opened up the blinds, folded up my pity party, and went back to work. I made three films in three years, threw myself into getting Barack Obama elected, and helped toss two Republican congressmen from Michigan out of office. I set up a popular website, and I was elected to the board of governors of the same Academy Awards that had booed me. I chose not to give up. I wanted to give up, badly. Instead I got fit. If you take a punch at me now, I can assure you three things will happen: 1) You will break your hand. That’s the beauty of spending just a half hour a day on your muscular-skeletal structure – it turns into kryptonite; 2) I will fall on you. I’m still working on my core and balance issues, so after you slug me I will tip over and crush you; 3) My Seals will spray mace or their own homemade concoction of jalapeño spider spray directly into your eye sockets while you are on the ground. As a pacifist, please accept my apologies in advance – and never, ever use violence against me or anyone else again. Eventually I found myself back on The Tonight Show for the first time in a while. As I was leaving the stage, the guy who was operating the boom microphone approached me. “You probably don’t remember me,” he said nervously. “I never thought I would ever see you again or get the chance to talk to you. I can’t believe I get to do this.” Do what? I thought. I braced myself for the man’s soon-to-be-broken hand. “I never thought I’d get to apologise to you,” he said, as a few tears started to come into his eyes. “I’m the guy who ruined your Oscar night. I’m the guy who yelled ‘ASSHOLE’ into your ear right after you came off the stage. I … I … [he tried to compose himself]. I thought you were attacking the president – but you were right. He did lie to us. And I’ve had to carry this with me now all these years, and I’m so sorry …” By now he was starting to fall apart, and all I could think to do was to reach out and give him a huge hug. “It’s OK, man,” I said, a big smile on my face. “I accept your apology. But you do not need to apologise to me. You believed your president! You’re supposed to believe your president! If we can’t expect that as just the minimum from whoever’s in office, then, shit, we’re doomed.” “Thank you,” he said, relieved. “Thank you for understanding.” “Understanding?” I said. “This isn’t about understanding. I’ve told this funny story for years now, about the first two words you hear when you’re an Oscar winner – and how I got to hear a bonus word! Man, don’t take that story away from me! People love it!” He laughed, and I laughed. “Yeah,” he said, “there aren’t many good stories like that.” Extracted from Here Comes Trouble: Stories From My Life by Michael Moore, to be published by Allen Lane on 19 September at £20. To order a copy for £16 with free UK p&p go to guardian.co.uk/bookshop or call 0330 333 6846. Moore will be performing live dates in the UK and Ireland from 16-25 October. See www.michaelmoorelive.com for details. Michael Moore guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Texas governor opts for aggressive approach during 105-minute debate and dismisses social security as a ‘Ponzi scheme’ Texas governor Rick Perry opted for a combative approach in Wednesday night’s Republican presidential debate, turning in a performance that is likely to consolidate his frontrunner status among conservatives, but alarm mainstream America with his denunciation of social security. Perry, in his first appearance in a Republican presidential debate since joining the race last month, defied pundits who predicted he would seek a quiet, safe approach. Instead, he clashed repeatedly from the opening minutes with his main rival, Mitt Romney, on issues such as jobs, health and social security. But millions of Americans are dependent on social security, and will have been worried by Perry’s dismissal of the welfare benefit as a ‘Ponzi scheme’, one that young people will pay into but will never get a return on. Asked if he wanted to reconsider his language, Perry stood his ground. “Maybe it’s time to have provocative language in this country,” he said. Romney said the country needed a president who would not do away with social security. The collision between Perry and Romney, the former governor of Massachusetts, dominated the 105-minute debate, and left the other six candidates on the sidelines. With only months left until the caucuses and primaries to choose a Republican to take on Barack Obama for the White House next year, the polite skirmishing that marked the Republican debates before the summer disappeared in the first five minutes as Perry and Romney tore into each other. The debate confirmed it is now a two-horse race, with Michele Bachmann, who is in third place in the polls, the biggest loser of the night, as she was completely overshadowed by Perry and Romney. Republican strategists were divided afterwards on Perry’s strategy, with some predicting that his refusal to back down from his hard-right positions will win him the party nomination, and others expressing concern that such positions could alienate mainstream voters who will decide the White House race. Steve Schmidt, the Republican strategist who had been a campaign adviser to John McCain in the 2008 election, said Bachmann’s adventure in the race was coming to an end. She appeared tired, with much of the zest she had displayed before the summer missing. Perry, a Tea Party favourite, started off well in the debate, confident and bullish, but he may gone too far with his social security comments. Romney’s campaign team, speaking in the spin room afterwards, zeroed in on the social security issue, saying it made Perry unelectable in a White House race. “Funding for social security is in trouble and we have to fix it. That is different from saying social security is a menace to society” one of Romney’s advisers, Ron Kaufman, told MSNBC, the hosts of the debate. But Congressman Mick Mulvaney, a Perry supporter, said Perry was not suggesting changing social security for those in it but for young people. Obama’s former press secretary, Robert Gibbs, who is likely to rejoin hthe president’s team as an adviser for the next election, said Perry would be vulnerable on the issue. “Social security is pretty fertile ground if you are Rick Perry, who has a lot of explaining to do,” Gibbs said. Tom Mann, a political analyst at the Brookings Institution, felt Perry’s views on social security will harm him. “Perry made explicit views – such as those on social security – that will very likely haunt him in the weeks and months ahead. His frontrunner status was built on a house of cards and he will struggle to retain it. “Romney may take advantage of that as the only alternative who appears to have some substantial support among Republicans – and a plausible chance in a general election.” Going into the debate, Perry, who is supported by the Tea Party, was the frontrunner, with 29% of support – according to an average of polls by the Real Clear Politics organisation – and Romney on 18%. Pundits had portrayed Perry as a poor debater, thin-skinned and prone to gaffes. But was quickly engaged in personal exchanges with Romney, who is closer to the centre than Perry. Towards the end, Perry was asked about 234 executions in Texas under his governorship and the audience, primarily Republicans, applauded. Perry explained why anyone killing children or police in Texas would face “ultimate justice”, a passage that will appeal to many in the Tea Party. The next debate will be on Monday in Tampa, Florida. Republicans Rick Perry United States US politics Mitt Romney Barack Obama Ron Paul Jon Huntsman Michele Bachmann Ewen MacAskill guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …For reasons that are still inexplicable, the Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation and Library agreed to partner up with NBC News, parent organization of the uber-left-wing network MSNBC to televise tonight's Republican presidential debate. While NBC representative Brian Williams had more than his share of sneering biased questions, it was Williams's co-moderator, Politico editor John F. Harris who laid on the snark in his attempts to bait and attack the candidates. Such unbalanced questioning is par-for-the-course for Republicans competing at the national level. More often than not, they take it in stride. Tonight, though, Newt Gingrich was having none of it as he went full-on after Harris's attempts to insert Gingrich into a non-existent debate about an individual mandate to purchase insurance at the national level that Republicans simply are not having. Video and transcript follow.
Continue reading …Click here to view this media Former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani took time out of discussion about the Sept. 11 anniversary Tuesday to evaluate his chances at getting the Republican presidential nomination in 2012. “I think if I were to run, I would have a chance of winning the presidency,” Giuliani said during remarks at the National Press Club. “But I would have a hard time getting nominated. I’m a realist and I understand how the primary system works. So I would like to see if there’s somebody that emerges that I think would be a strong candidate in the Republican Party for president. If somebody does emerge that I believe can win, I would probably support that person. If I think we’re truly desperate, I may run. Which is the way I got elected mayor of New York City. Do you know what my slogan was? ‘You can’t do any worse.’” “You just said you could not be nominated,” National Press Club President Mark Hamrick told the former mayor. “What is it about the Republican Party these days that would prevent that from happening?” “I didn’t say I couldn’t be. I said it would be difficult,” Giuliani replied. “We would have to be truly desperate.”
Continue reading …