Glenn Beck has prompted outrage yet again, this time for comparing teenage victims of the Norway shooting rampage to Hitler youth. The right-wing radio host said the Labor Party’s camp on Utoya Island— where 68 people were shot last week —is eerily similar to the Nazis’ juvenile branch, reports the…
Continue reading …Olivia Wilde – Premiere of House of Wax – 2005 April, 26 Part 2 Olivia Wilde – Premiere of House of Wax – 2005 April, 26 Part 1 enewspostts says: Reading: ” Olivia Wilde Premiere | Breaking News and Issues”( http://twitthis.com/3jfku5 )
Continue reading …Today is, supposedly, the absolute last day for debt limit legislation to be introduced in the House if the US wants to avoid defaulting on Aug. 2. As we wait to see if lawmakers make the deadline, Uri Friedman, writing in in the Atlantic Wire, looks at all the deadlines…
Continue reading …An autopsy on Amy Winehouse today failed to determine a cause of death, reports the AP, meaning it will be two to four weeks before further toxicology tests tell the tale of what killed the 27-year-old. The coroner’s office said her death “was investigated by police and determined non-suspicious.” The…
Continue reading …Click here to view this media Conservative author Ann Coulter told CBS’ Chris Wragge and Rebecca Jarvis Monday that Republicans are so “obsessed” with finding the perfect presidential candidate because President Barack Obama is vulnerable. “Is the perfect candidate out there?” Wragge asked. “Well, obviously my love, Chris Christie,” Coulter replied. “It’s going to be so exciting when he announces.” “Short of Chris Christie, it’s probably going to be Romney,” she added. “Michele Bachmann, what does she do for you?” Wragge wondered. “Well, I love her,” Coulter explained. “I think she is very articulate and bright and has done a lot. And yet, I don’t think you can run from the House. The last House member who became president was James Garfield.” With respect to the current battle to raise the debt ceiling, Coulter said that Boehner had been “surprisingly good” and Democrats were “happy” to have the David Wu sex scandal to take the focus off budget negotiations. “It seems like a very embarrassing story. Though I think, oddly enough, Democrats might be happy to have this scandal so they can stop being forced to give us their plan for the budget,” she remarked.
Continue reading …[1] I’m not sure who decreed that 2011 be the year of the R-rated-comedy-starring-Jason-Sudeikis, but here we are with a trailer for the third such project this year. A Good Old-Fashioned Orgy stars the SNL vet as Eric, a frat boy-ish 30something who lives to throw over-the-top parties at his dad’s Hamptons home. When Eric’s dad decides to sell the house, Eric decides he has to do something truly special… Broadcasting platform : YouTube Source : /Film Discovery Date : 25/07/2011 20:00 Number of articles : 2
Continue reading …[1] I’m not sure who decreed that 2011 be the year of the R-rated-comedy-starring-Jason-Sudeikis, but here we are with a trailer for the third such project this year. A Good Old-Fashioned Orgy stars the SNL vet as Eric, a frat boy-ish 30something who lives to throw over-the-top parties at his dad’s Hamptons home. When Eric’s dad decides to sell the house, Eric decides he has to do something truly special… Broadcasting platform : YouTube Source : /Film Discovery Date : 25/07/2011 20:00 Number of articles : 2
Continue reading …Click here to view this media CNN’s Fareed Zakaria apparently felt the need to give some cover to the Republican rebranding effort called the “tea party” by not mentioning the fact that they’re just the extreme right wing of the Republican Party — and they are Republicans. There is no “tea party” during his opening segment on CNN’s GPS. Zakaria decried the level of partisanship in our government right now causing us problems, with another dose of the typical Villager “both sides are the same with catering to their base” nonsense. Not surprisingly, Zakaria was not able to name a single example of anyone who is extreme on either side besides these right wingers who have forgotten that for government to function, there does actually have to be some level of compromise, whether any of us like it or not. What was sadly lacking here is any recognition of just how far our politicians in both parties have moved to the right and how we’ve got a real problem with lack of representation for everyday working Americans with our bought-and-sold politicians. Our larger problem with our political system is not redistricting and safe seats in Congress as much as it is the media and Zakaria’s buddies who do a terrible job of informing the voters on just how terribly their representatives are doing with looking out for special interests, and not their interests. That and the need to get the money out of politics so the have-mores are not continually corrupting the system, as they are now. So-called “left wing” ideas about preserving our social safety nets, asking the rich to pay their share and wanting us to quit rewarding companies for outsourcing jobs overseas are not extreme positions. They’re completely in line with that the majority of Americans believe and with what the progressive caucus in our House believes. And those ideas are not polarizing. What is polarizing are the social issues that the right loves to run on and what Republicans use to win the majority of their elections — guns, god and gays. And the other unmentioned problem with “both sides” by Zakaria is that “both sides” unfortunately have to raise way too much money to run for political office. And that “both sides” end up spending that money for advertising on networks like his in order to get elected — and people like Zakaria and his cohorts are never going to speak out against it since that would mean a great deal of their revenues dry up. Apparently it’s just much easier to just go after Congressional gerrymandering and false equivalencies on how both sides’ bases are supposedly extreme in their beliefs instead as a source of our problems as Zakaria did here. Transcript below the fold. ZAKARIA: But first, here’s my take. Watching the extraordinary polarization in Washington today, many people have pointed the finger at the Tea Party. It’s ideologically extreme, refuses to compromise, and cares more about purity than problem solving. I happen to agree with much of that critique, but it doesn’t really answer the question, why has the Tea Party become so prominent? Why is it able to dominate Washington? We’ve had plenty of ideologically charged movements come to Washington before. Think of Barry Goldwater or George McGovern. But once in Washington, the system encouraged compromise and governance. But, over the last few decades, what has changed are the rules organizing American politics, and they now encourage small interest groups, including ideologically charged ones, to capture major political parties as well as Congress itself. Call it political narrow casting. Here are some examples. Redistricting has created safe seats so that for most House members, their only concern is a challenge from the right for Republicans and the left for Democrats. The incentive is to pander to the base, not the center. Party primaries have been taken over by small groups of activists who push even popular senators to extreme positions. In Utah, for example, 3,500 conservative activists managed to take the well- regarded Senator Robert Bennett off the ballot. GOP senators like Orrin Hatch and John McCain have moved farther to the right, hoping to stave off similar assaults. Changes in Congressional rules have also made it far more difficult to enact large, compromised legislation. In the wake of the Watergate Scandal, sunshine rules were put into place that required open committee meetings and recorded votes. The purpose was to make Congress more open, more responsive, and so it has become to lobbyists, money and special interests, because they’re the people who watch every committee vote and mobilize our position to any withdrawal of subsidies or tax breaks. Political polarization has been fueled by a new media, which is also narrow cast. Representative Darrell Issa, Republican of California, gave an interview to the “Wall Street Journal” in which he suggested that he might further the conservative agenda through an occasional compromise. That provoked a tirade from Rush Limbaugh, which then produced a torrent of angry e-mails and phone calls to Issa’s office. Issa quickly and publicly apologized to Limbaugh and promised only opposition to Obama. Multiply that example a thousand fold, and you have the daily dynamic of Congress. It’s depressing, but the fact that our politics are the result of these structural shifts means they can be changed. Mickey Edwards, a Republican and former House member from Oklahoma, has a highly intelligent essay in “Atlantic” magazine suggesting a series of reforms that could make a difference. Some of them are large scale, others are seemingly small but crucial changes in Congressional procedure. The essay is on or website. Read it. Some political scientists long hoped that American parties would become more ideologically pure and coherent, like European parties. They seem to have gotten their wish, and the result is abysmal. Here’s why. America does not have a parliamentary system like Europe’s, in which one party takes control of all levers of political power, executive and legislative, enacts its agenda, then goes back to the voters. Power in the United States is shared by a set of institutions with overlapping authorities – Congress, the presidency. People have to cooperate for the system to work. The Tea Party venerates the Founding Fathers. It should note that the one thing on which they all agreed was that adversarial political parties were bad for the American republic.
Continue reading …Click here to view this media So Harry Reid is drafting a plan to “put our fiscal house in order” by cutting, cutting, cutting with no revenues. And he’s tackling what sounds like a counterintuitive plan by taking aim at the Pentagon budget, factoring in the cost of ending the wars, and other spending which is not spending on Medicare and Social Security. As Matt Yglesias points out, Reid is calling the Republicans’ bluff . In the debate over the debt ceiling, for example, Republicans have sought to portray themselves as having two bottom lines. One is that any increase in the debt ceiling must be met dollar-for-dollar with spending cuts. The other is that no revenue increases can be part of the deal. What Harry Reid did yesterday was essentially call the GOP’s bluff by outlining a plan that raises the debt ceiling by $2.7 trillion and includes $2.7 trillion in spending cuts, a healthy share of which comes from winding down the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Republicans are rejecting this even though it nominally meets their demands. Why? Because it doesn’t achieve either of their two real objectives. In particular, the plan doesn’t cut Medicare, which means that Democratic party candidates for office in November 2012 and 2014 can accurately remind voters of the content of the Republican budget plan. In case you forgot, this plans repeals Medicare. Of course, if you listen to the Republicans talk on cable TV, they all shake their heads in very serious ways and insist that they are, first and foremost, all about getting the spending down. Doesn’t matter how, just that it happens. Never mind that Paul Ryan included some of Reid’s proposed cuts in his own budget that killed Medicare, that doesn’t matter. They’ll tell you ending the wars aren’t really cuts in the budget or spending because they are not “entitlements” Let’s review the bidding. Ezra Klein does it quite well: Originally, the Democratic position was that we should simply raise the debt ceiling . Republicans said “no.” There would have to be a deal that reduced the deficit by at least $2.4 trillion — which is the size of the debt ceiling increase needed to get us into 2013. Then the Democratic position was that we should raise the debt ceiling through a deal that reduced the deficit by about $2.4 trillion , with $2 trillion of that coming from spending cuts and $400 billion coming from taxes. Republicans said “no.” There would have to be a deal that disavowed taxes. Then the Democratic position was that we should raise the debt ceiling through a deal brokered by Barack Obama that reduced the deficit by $4 trillion, with about $3 trillion of that coming from spending cuts and about $1 trillion coming from tax increases. Republicans said “no.” There would have to be a deal that disavowed taxes, and it would have to be cut between the congressional leadership of the two parties. Obama couldn’t have this as a win. So here we are with a deal that satisfies (sort of) the “no revenues” requirement alongside the “cut dollar-for-dollar” spending requirement. And as you’ll see from Stuart Varney, the answer will still be “no”, just as it has been all along. Varney: That’s why I say, the likelihood of this downgrade — let’s be clear — a downgrade means you lose your financial reputation, you’re not the gold standard any longer. Doocy: But it’s different than default. Varney: It is different from default. I am now saying a downgrade now looks very likely, bearing in mind this chaos over the weekend and this Harry Reid plan which means absolutely nothing to investors. Killmeade: It seems as though they’d say if we do something drastic enough that shows people that we’re on a fiscal sustainable path — something Titanic — we could avoid that, don’t you agree? Varney: I would agree with that. If we got our house in order and said we’re going to tackle entitlements, we’ll go after this, we’ll do something concrete. If you did that, the likelihood is that the stock market would go up. Unspoken but implied: The likelihood is that you’d get a deal on exactly the terms Republicans want. Destruction of the social safety net in exchange for an unchanged credit rating and raised debt ceiling. Our banker overlords are decreeing it, you know.
Continue reading …Click here to view this media So Harry Reid is drafting a plan to “put our fiscal house in order” by cutting, cutting, cutting with no revenues. And he’s tackling what sounds like a counterintuitive plan by taking aim at the Pentagon budget, factoring in the cost of ending the wars, and other spending which is not spending on Medicare and Social Security. As Matt Yglesias points out, Reid is calling the Republicans’ bluff . In the debate over the debt ceiling, for example, Republicans have sought to portray themselves as having two bottom lines. One is that any increase in the debt ceiling must be met dollar-for-dollar with spending cuts. The other is that no revenue increases can be part of the deal. What Harry Reid did yesterday was essentially call the GOP’s bluff by outlining a plan that raises the debt ceiling by $2.7 trillion and includes $2.7 trillion in spending cuts, a healthy share of which comes from winding down the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Republicans are rejecting this even though it nominally meets their demands. Why? Because it doesn’t achieve either of their two real objectives. In particular, the plan doesn’t cut Medicare, which means that Democratic party candidates for office in November 2012 and 2014 can accurately remind voters of the content of the Republican budget plan. In case you forgot, this plans repeals Medicare. Of course, if you listen to the Republicans talk on cable TV, they all shake their heads in very serious ways and insist that they are, first and foremost, all about getting the spending down. Doesn’t matter how, just that it happens. Never mind that Paul Ryan included some of Reid’s proposed cuts in his own budget that killed Medicare, that doesn’t matter. They’ll tell you ending the wars aren’t really cuts in the budget or spending because they are not “entitlements” Let’s review the bidding. Ezra Klein does it quite well: Originally, the Democratic position was that we should simply raise the debt ceiling . Republicans said “no.” There would have to be a deal that reduced the deficit by at least $2.4 trillion — which is the size of the debt ceiling increase needed to get us into 2013. Then the Democratic position was that we should raise the debt ceiling through a deal that reduced the deficit by about $2.4 trillion , with $2 trillion of that coming from spending cuts and $400 billion coming from taxes. Republicans said “no.” There would have to be a deal that disavowed taxes. Then the Democratic position was that we should raise the debt ceiling through a deal brokered by Barack Obama that reduced the deficit by $4 trillion, with about $3 trillion of that coming from spending cuts and about $1 trillion coming from tax increases. Republicans said “no.” There would have to be a deal that disavowed taxes, and it would have to be cut between the congressional leadership of the two parties. Obama couldn’t have this as a win. So here we are with a deal that satisfies (sort of) the “no revenues” requirement alongside the “cut dollar-for-dollar” spending requirement. And as you’ll see from Stuart Varney, the answer will still be “no”, just as it has been all along. Varney: That’s why I say, the likelihood of this downgrade — let’s be clear — a downgrade means you lose your financial reputation, you’re not the gold standard any longer. Doocy: But it’s different than default. Varney: It is different from default. I am now saying a downgrade now looks very likely, bearing in mind this chaos over the weekend and this Harry Reid plan which means absolutely nothing to investors. Killmeade: It seems as though they’d say if we do something drastic enough that shows people that we’re on a fiscal sustainable path — something Titanic — we could avoid that, don’t you agree? Varney: I would agree with that. If we got our house in order and said we’re going to tackle entitlements, we’ll go after this, we’ll do something concrete. If you did that, the likelihood is that the stock market would go up. Unspoken but implied: The likelihood is that you’d get a deal on exactly the terms Republicans want. Destruction of the social safety net in exchange for an unchanged credit rating and raised debt ceiling. Our banker overlords are decreeing it, you know.
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