Romney, the former governor of Massachusetts, is regarded as the early Republican front-runner to challenge Barack Obama in the 2012 US presidential race Former Massachusetts governor Mitt Romney will formally announce his campaign for the 2012 Republican presidential nomination next week in New Hampshire, a Romney aide said on Thursday. Romney, who unsuccessfully sought the party’s nomination in 2008, is regarded as the early Republican front-runner to challenge President Barack Obama in the November 2012 election. The 64-year-old Romney tops many opinion polls against his possible Republican rivals, but he lags behind Obama, a Democrat, who is seeking a second term in office. Romney planned to launch his campaign at a midday barbecue in Stratham, New Hampshire on 2 June, according to the aide. The state holds an important early contest on the road to the Republican nomination next year. Romney criticised Obama’s handling of the economy during a visit to Chicago on Thursday. “I know we are only a couple blocks away from President Obama’s re-election headquarters,” Romney said. “The president is a fine fellow but he just doesn’t have the experience in the private sector to know what it takes to get America creating jobs again,” he said. Romney has promoted his business experience, but critics complain about his record as a corporate raider for a private equity firm in the 1980s. They also say his performance on employment was mixed at best as Massachusetts governor. Romney, the best financed of the confirmed candidates, raised more than $10 million in just one day last week. A key vulnerability for Romney could be the healthcare plan that he helped develop for Massachusetts. The state plan resembles Obama’s sweeping 2010 healthcare overhaul that was opposed by Republicans, who have vowed to repeal it. A Gallup poll released on Thursday showed Romney at 17% with former Alaska governor Sarah Palin close behind at at 15%. Palin this week ignited a storm of speculation about her 2012 plans. Michele Bachmann, a US congresswoman from Minnesota and favourite of the conservative Tea Party movement, also is considering entering the race. Many Republicans have been unhappy about the current crop of presidential contenders. Other Republican White House hopefuls include former Minnesota governor Tim Pawlenty and Newt Gingrich, the former speaker of the House of Representatives. Romney stepped in to rescue the 2002 Winter Olympics in Salt Lake City. He was tapped as president and CEO of the organising committee in 1999 after the Games were tarred by bribery allegations by top officials and were far behind revenue benchmarks. He brought in a new management team, cut budgets and boosted fund-raising. By most measures those Olympics were regarded as a success. United States Mitt Romney US politics US elections 2012 Republicans guardian.co.uk
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Turkish crime gangs in north London thought to be linked to spate of killings To the killers who recruited him, teenager Santre Sanchez Gayle was cheap, disposable and, most importantly, unconnected to them in any way. His role in the murder of a young Turkish mother has uncovered an emerging pattern in which powerful crime syndicates hire children to do their dirty work. Gayle, pictured below, a disaffected black teenager from north-west London, is beginning a 20-year sentence for murder this week after gunning down Gulistan Subasi, 26, in a professional hit for which he was paid £200. At the time he carried out the killing he was just 15. However, the people who planned the killing of Subasi, pictured right, remain at large, and police inquires have focused on members of one of the biggest Turkish crime syndicates in the UK, a gang which has controlled up to 90% of the heroin entering the country. Subasi’s shooting on her doorstep in Hackney was one of a spate of killings connected to Turkish organised criminal gangs in north London. In all cases, police inquiries have uncovered similarities in the murders: the use of young black teenagers as hired assassins. “It is an established methodology that has emerged during the inquiries into these killings,” said a police source. “Each has a similar modus operandi, and it is clearly the case that, in order to distance themselves from the murders, these Turkish gangs are using these young men to do their work for them. “They are seen as disposable and they have no connections to the Turkish groups. They are hired through middle men to keep the distance and make sure there are no connections between the killer and those who hired him. In the case of Gayle and other young boys like him, their lives are ruined, but those who hired them remain at large.” On the same night that Subasi was killed in March 2009, Ahmet Paytak, a 50-year-old shopkeeper from Holloway, north London, was murdered in the doorway of Euro Wine and Food, his grocery store, by a gunman riding pillion on a motorbike. Paytak’s 21-year-old son, Husyein, was shot in the leg as he turned to face the killer. Paytak, a family man, was an innocent victim of rivalry between Turkish gangs over the distribution of heroin in the capital. His death led to more bloodshed. In October 2009, Oktay Erbasli, 23 – said to be a prominent member of a crime gang known as the Tottenham Boys – was shot dead as he waited in a Range Rover at traffic lights at a busy junction. His five-year-old stepson seated beside him escaped unhurt. Within three days there was retaliation with the killing in Clapton, east London of Cem Duzgun, 21, who had been playing snooker in a social club with friends when two hooded men approached him and opened fire with a semi-automatic weapon. Apart from Gayle, only one man has been convicted in connection with these four killings. Last November, Michael James, 31 was found guilty of the murder of Paytak and the attempted murder of his son. It was James who had driven the stolen motorbike used in the murder, but his pillion passenger, who fired the fatal shots, has never been caught. In all cases, those who organised the killings have escaped justice. Within Gayle’s community in Kensal Green, north London, his conviction this week has caused anger and concern. The same jury that convicted the teenager found Subasi’s estranged husband, Serdar Ozbek, not guilty of murder. Police are still hunting Ozbek’s brother Hussain, who has fled from the UK and is thought to be in Turkey. Crucial evidence heard in court revealed that Gayle sent a text message to Hussain shortly after he killed Subasi. Gayle, a troubled teenager who dealt in cannabis and ran with a street gang known as the Kensal Green Boys, was expelled from schools and attended a pupil-referral unit in Brent. Until he murdered Subasi, however, his criminality had been confined to cannabis dealing and attempted robbery. Tunde Banjoko, chief executive of Leap, a charity working with black and minority ethnic young people, said: “It is very worrying and there is a lot of anger about this. “You have to ask why a 15-year-old black teenager from Kensal Green kills a woman he has never met and has nothing to do with? If this is a trend, then I would like to have this discussion out there because it is horrifying.” Sentencing Gayle, Judge Stephen Kramer made it clear there were others who had planned the killing. “It’s been submitted you were an easily led, immature youngster who, if money was involved was capable of violence.” Nevertheless, he said, the teenager had been responsible for what amounted to “an efficient, ruthless and clinical execution”. Crime Drugs Drugs trade Drugs policy Sandra Laville guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Turkish crime gangs in north London thought to be linked to spate of killings To the killers who recruited him, teenager Santre Sanchez Gayle was cheap, disposable and, most importantly, unconnected to them in any way. His role in the murder of a young Turkish mother has uncovered an emerging pattern in which powerful crime syndicates hire children to do their dirty work. Gayle, pictured below, a disaffected black teenager from north-west London, is beginning a 20-year sentence for murder this week after gunning down Gulistan Subasi, 26, in a professional hit for which he was paid £200. At the time he carried out the killing he was just 15. However, the people who planned the killing of Subasi, pictured right, remain at large, and police inquires have focused on members of one of the biggest Turkish crime syndicates in the UK, a gang which has controlled up to 90% of the heroin entering the country. Subasi’s shooting on her doorstep in Hackney was one of a spate of killings connected to Turkish organised criminal gangs in north London. In all cases, police inquiries have uncovered similarities in the murders: the use of young black teenagers as hired assassins. “It is an established methodology that has emerged during the inquiries into these killings,” said a police source. “Each has a similar modus operandi, and it is clearly the case that, in order to distance themselves from the murders, these Turkish gangs are using these young men to do their work for them. “They are seen as disposable and they have no connections to the Turkish groups. They are hired through middle men to keep the distance and make sure there are no connections between the killer and those who hired him. In the case of Gayle and other young boys like him, their lives are ruined, but those who hired them remain at large.” On the same night that Subasi was killed in March 2009, Ahmet Paytak, a 50-year-old shopkeeper from Holloway, north London, was murdered in the doorway of Euro Wine and Food, his grocery store, by a gunman riding pillion on a motorbike. Paytak’s 21-year-old son, Husyein, was shot in the leg as he turned to face the killer. Paytak, a family man, was an innocent victim of rivalry between Turkish gangs over the distribution of heroin in the capital. His death led to more bloodshed. In October 2009, Oktay Erbasli, 23 – said to be a prominent member of a crime gang known as the Tottenham Boys – was shot dead as he waited in a Range Rover at traffic lights at a busy junction. His five-year-old stepson seated beside him escaped unhurt. Within three days there was retaliation with the killing in Clapton, east London of Cem Duzgun, 21, who had been playing snooker in a social club with friends when two hooded men approached him and opened fire with a semi-automatic weapon. Apart from Gayle, only one man has been convicted in connection with these four killings. Last November, Michael James, 31 was found guilty of the murder of Paytak and the attempted murder of his son. It was James who had driven the stolen motorbike used in the murder, but his pillion passenger, who fired the fatal shots, has never been caught. In all cases, those who organised the killings have escaped justice. Within Gayle’s community in Kensal Green, north London, his conviction this week has caused anger and concern. The same jury that convicted the teenager found Subasi’s estranged husband, Serdar Ozbek, not guilty of murder. Police are still hunting Ozbek’s brother Hussain, who has fled from the UK and is thought to be in Turkey. Crucial evidence heard in court revealed that Gayle sent a text message to Hussain shortly after he killed Subasi. Gayle, a troubled teenager who dealt in cannabis and ran with a street gang known as the Kensal Green Boys, was expelled from schools and attended a pupil-referral unit in Brent. Until he murdered Subasi, however, his criminality had been confined to cannabis dealing and attempted robbery. Tunde Banjoko, chief executive of Leap, a charity working with black and minority ethnic young people, said: “It is very worrying and there is a lot of anger about this. “You have to ask why a 15-year-old black teenager from Kensal Green kills a woman he has never met and has nothing to do with? If this is a trend, then I would like to have this discussion out there because it is horrifying.” Sentencing Gayle, Judge Stephen Kramer made it clear there were others who had planned the killing. “It’s been submitted you were an easily led, immature youngster who, if money was involved was capable of violence.” Nevertheless, he said, the teenager had been responsible for what amounted to “an efficient, ruthless and clinical execution”. Crime Drugs Drugs trade Drugs policy Sandra Laville guardian.co.uk
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Conservatives furious as Liberal Democrat leader says it will take at least six months to go through the bill for a second time A full-scale row erupted at the highest levels of the coalition after Nick Clegg bounced Downing Street and the Department of Health by announcing that the government’s troubled NHS reforms would be delayed by at least six months. As Conservatives backbenchers indicated that they were spoiling for a fight, by laying down a series of “red lines” over the NHS, Tory sources indicated that Clegg had caught them on the hop when he demanded a delay. The deputy prime minister’s unilateral announcement that the two month-long line-by-line committee stage examination of the health and social care bill should be repeated prompted accusations that he was “freelancing”. Nick de Bois, the MP for Enfield North, who set out the “red lines” in an email to fellow MPs leaked to the Guardian, said: “These are premature and inappropriate comments. We are still in the listening exercise. Our coalition partners have had the loudest voices in this debate and I am keen that the Conservative backbenchers have their voice heard so we can highlight our red lines that come from our manifesto.” Senior Lib Dems indicated they believed they had the upper hand. One source said: “The Tories are flustered. Nick has played the politics of this rather shrewdly. If there are going to be substantive changes who can argue with the idea of giving MPs a chance to scrutinise? It will delay the bill by at least a few months.” Clegg told patients and medical professionals at University College London hospital that it would be wrong to force the bill through parliament after the government’s “listening exercise” on the NHS proposals ends next month. “I don’t think it would be right for us to hold this listening exercise – to make big changes to the legislation – and then to seek to bounce it through parliament,” he said. “It is very important that MPs, who represent millions of patients up and down the country, have the opportunity to really look at the details that we are proposing. “I think we will need to send the bill back to committee. I have always said that it is best to take our time to get it right rather than move too fast and risk getting the details wrong.” The deputy prime minister surprised Tory ministers because his remarks were made to the Guardian in a question-and-answer session after a speech in which he buried Andrew Lansley’s 2013 target for the changes by rejecting “arbitrary deadlines”. The speech had been agreed with Downing Street and the Department of Health, which had not approved any mention of sending the bill back to the committee stage. It is understood that Lansley, the health secretary, and David Cameron accept the bill will have to repeat at least some of its committee stage because major amendments will be tabled when the government responds to the Future Forum’s report after the “listening exercise”. But health ministers are expected to say that only parts of the bill need to be reconsidered in this way to ensure that it can complete all its Commons stages by the summer recess. The Lib Dems disagree and say the bill is unlikely to complete its Commons stages by the end of July, raising the prospect that it may not reach the Lords until after the party conference season in the autumn. Clegg indicated after his speech that he favoured a slow pace when he said: “We will introduce substantive, big changes. My desire – I think everyone’s desire – is just to get it right. The NHS is simply too precious, too important to millions of people in this country to rush things and get it wrong.” De Bois made clear that the Tories were determined to preserve key elements of Lansley’s original blueprint. The “red lines” identified by De Bois directly clashed with Clegg over: • The new GP-led commissioning consortiums, which are meant to take control of 65% of the NHS budget. The Tory MP said GPs must take charge of commissioning. Clegg wants to open up membership of the new consortiums. • Lansley’s original 2013 deadline, which Clegg dismissed as “arbitrary”. De Bois said: “Contrary to what is being said in public by others, this is a very reasonable period of time.” • Patients should be able to be “treated at any qualified provider”. Clegg said there would be “no sudden, top-down opening up of all NHS services to any qualified provider”. • Monitor, the health regulator, must be retained to promote patient choice. Clegg said Monitor should be retained but must not “push competition”. De Bois said: “The Conservative party manifesto – on which we were all elected – does the job of setting out some key red lines from which we should not retreat … I am determined that we reclaim the debate over the future of the National Health Service from those who seek to use the bill as a political tool.” John Healey, the shadow health secretary, who tabled a motion on Wednesday calling for the bill to repeat its committee stage, said: “The differences between Clegg and Lansley confirm this is a divided not coalition government. Those divisions are adding more confusion and uncertainty for NHS staff and patients waiting for David Cameron to decide what changes he will make to his NHS plans.” Nick Clegg Conservatives NHS Health Nicholas Watt guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Conservatives furious as Liberal Democrat leader says it will take at least six months to go through the bill for a second time A full-scale row erupted at the highest levels of the coalition after Nick Clegg bounced Downing Street and the Department of Health by announcing that the government’s troubled NHS reforms would be delayed by at least six months. As Conservatives backbenchers indicated that they were spoiling for a fight, by laying down a series of “red lines” over the NHS, Tory sources indicated that Clegg had caught them on the hop when he demanded a delay. The deputy prime minister’s unilateral announcement that the two month-long line-by-line committee stage examination of the health and social care bill should be repeated prompted accusations that he was “freelancing”. Nick de Bois, the MP for Enfield North, who set out the “red lines” in an email to fellow MPs leaked to the Guardian, said: “These are premature and inappropriate comments. We are still in the listening exercise. Our coalition partners have had the loudest voices in this debate and I am keen that the Conservative backbenchers have their voice heard so we can highlight our red lines that come from our manifesto.” Senior Lib Dems indicated they believed they had the upper hand. One source said: “The Tories are flustered. Nick has played the politics of this rather shrewdly. If there are going to be substantive changes who can argue with the idea of giving MPs a chance to scrutinise? It will delay the bill by at least a few months.” Clegg told patients and medical professionals at University College London hospital that it would be wrong to force the bill through parliament after the government’s “listening exercise” on the NHS proposals ends next month. “I don’t think it would be right for us to hold this listening exercise – to make big changes to the legislation – and then to seek to bounce it through parliament,” he said. “It is very important that MPs, who represent millions of patients up and down the country, have the opportunity to really look at the details that we are proposing. “I think we will need to send the bill back to committee. I have always said that it is best to take our time to get it right rather than move too fast and risk getting the details wrong.” The deputy prime minister surprised Tory ministers because his remarks were made to the Guardian in a question-and-answer session after a speech in which he buried Andrew Lansley’s 2013 target for the changes by rejecting “arbitrary deadlines”. The speech had been agreed with Downing Street and the Department of Health, which had not approved any mention of sending the bill back to the committee stage. It is understood that Lansley, the health secretary, and David Cameron accept the bill will have to repeat at least some of its committee stage because major amendments will be tabled when the government responds to the Future Forum’s report after the “listening exercise”. But health ministers are expected to say that only parts of the bill need to be reconsidered in this way to ensure that it can complete all its Commons stages by the summer recess. The Lib Dems disagree and say the bill is unlikely to complete its Commons stages by the end of July, raising the prospect that it may not reach the Lords until after the party conference season in the autumn. Clegg indicated after his speech that he favoured a slow pace when he said: “We will introduce substantive, big changes. My desire – I think everyone’s desire – is just to get it right. The NHS is simply too precious, too important to millions of people in this country to rush things and get it wrong.” De Bois made clear that the Tories were determined to preserve key elements of Lansley’s original blueprint. The “red lines” identified by De Bois directly clashed with Clegg over: • The new GP-led commissioning consortiums, which are meant to take control of 65% of the NHS budget. The Tory MP said GPs must take charge of commissioning. Clegg wants to open up membership of the new consortiums. • Lansley’s original 2013 deadline, which Clegg dismissed as “arbitrary”. De Bois said: “Contrary to what is being said in public by others, this is a very reasonable period of time.” • Patients should be able to be “treated at any qualified provider”. Clegg said there would be “no sudden, top-down opening up of all NHS services to any qualified provider”. • Monitor, the health regulator, must be retained to promote patient choice. Clegg said Monitor should be retained but must not “push competition”. De Bois said: “The Conservative party manifesto – on which we were all elected – does the job of setting out some key red lines from which we should not retreat … I am determined that we reclaim the debate over the future of the National Health Service from those who seek to use the bill as a political tool.” John Healey, the shadow health secretary, who tabled a motion on Wednesday calling for the bill to repeat its committee stage, said: “The differences between Clegg and Lansley confirm this is a divided not coalition government. Those divisions are adding more confusion and uncertainty for NHS staff and patients waiting for David Cameron to decide what changes he will make to his NHS plans.” Nick Clegg Conservatives NHS Health Nicholas Watt guardian.co.uk
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Clashes between Hashid clan and president’s forces intensify as the two sides battle for government buildings The blown-out windows in the gothic-style mansion overlook a sandbagged courtyard strewed with 4x4s, fallen trees, stray dogs and empty bullet casings. The crack of machine gunfire competes with the steady boom of mortars as men hurry in and out the building ferrying food and ammunition to their comrades inside. A few days ago this extravagant fortress perched atop a hill in the east of the Yemeni capital was the tranquil abode of Sadeq al-Ahmar, leader of the Hashid, the country’s wealthiest and most powerful tribe. Now it is a bullet-pocked, crumbling garrison shrouded in black smoke from mortar fire, and home to hundreds of Kalashnikov-wielding tribesmen who are battling it out in the streets with President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s security forces in an effort to end his three decade-long rule. The sound of gunfire and exploding mortar shells has echoed through Sana’a for four days now since Saleh refused on Sunday to accept a Gulf Co-operation Council-negotiated resolution to Yemen’s four-month crisis that would have eased him out of power with immunity. More than 100 people have been killed. The clashes between Saleh’s republican guard and members of the Hashid tribe, are the bloodiest Yemen has seen since protests began in January and briskly fanning the fears of civil war. After a brief lull on Wednesday night, fighting seemed to intensify on Thursday as the two sides, now separated only by a few residential blocks, fired anti-aircraft missiles at each other as they scrambled for control of government buildings and the airport, their battle slowly encroaching further towards the centre of the city. A huge explosion rang out just after midday, rattling the windows of houses across the capital after a stray shell hit a munitions depot. A defence ministry official said at least 28 people, most of them civilians, had died. A few hours later Suhail TV, the country’s only opposition television station was taken off air after its headquarters was shelled by government forces. With the violence flaring, panic has begun to grip Sana’a. Long lines of cars and buses with bags strapped to the roofs were seen filtering out of the city. Those staying put have started hoarding, withdrawing cash, and filling buckets with petrol and barricading themselves indoors. The foreign secretary, William Hague, urged Saleh to hand over power, reduced embassy staff and warned all British expatriates to leave Yemen immediately. “British Nationals should not remain [in Yemen] … I cannot stress this too strongly,” he said. The United States also ordered non-essential personnel and family members of staff to leave the country. “The security threat level in Yemen is extremely high due to terrorist activities and civil unrest,” the state department said. Shopkeeper Fares al-Mana, who was leaving the Yemeni capital, said the confrontations were spreading. “It’s no longer possible to stay in Sana’a,” he said. In an act that suggests the president’s patience is running thin, Saleh ordered the arrest of Ahmar, whose men now control of several ministry buildings near his compound including the trade and tourism ministries, as well as the offices of the state news agency Saba. The tribal chief remained defiant. In an interview with al-Jazeera on Thursday he called Saleh a liar and said he had captured 70 government troops. “I’m protected by Hashid and other tribesmen and even by army soldiers, I have 70 soldiers captive. Ali Abdullah Saleh is a liar, liar, liar. We are firm. He will leave this country barefoot,” he said. Back at Ahmar’s fortress, his guards were bracing themselves for another night of fighting. “This started as self-defence but now we’re fighting for his downfall,” said Sheikh Mohammed al-Farasi, a scrawny man with bloodshot eyes loading his AK-47 with cartridges. “There’s no bigger shame for a tribal leader than having his house attacked. The only way this can end is if Saleh goes, the tribes have said enough is enough.” Attempts at mediation have thus far failed. On Tuesday a sheikh sent by Saleh to try to defuse the situation was killed when Ahmar’s house came under heavy fire from government forces. “What we’re witnessing now is a battle between the two most powerful families in Yemen, a conflict that has been brewing for several years which because of Saleh’s stubbornness has come to its head,” said Abdullah al-Faqah, professor of politics at Sana’a University. “This was a foolish fight for him [Saleh] to pick.” The Ahmar clan head Hashid, the largest tribal confederation in Yemen. Saleh had managed to keep the family patriarch, Abdullah, onside during his rule, but since he died in December 2007, power has passed to the 10 Ahmar brothers. Four brothers from the most significant threat to Saleh’s rule. They include Sadiq, the head of the Hashid tribal; Hamir, the deputy speaker of parliament; Hussein, a powerful tribal leader; and, most significant of all, Hamid, a business tycoon and founder of the opposition party Islah. Hamid has positioned himself as a potential successor to Saleh and accuses the president of violating the constitution by turning Yemen into his family enterprise. Hamid is now thought to be bankrolling the opposition as well as supporting the upkeep of the hundreds of thousands of anti-government protesters camping out in Sana’a’s Change Square. General Ali al-Mohsen, one of Yemen’s most powerful military leaders who defected in March and so far steered clear of the violence but called on the armed forces to defy the president. “Beware of following this madman who is thirsty for more bloodshed,” he said. Yemen Middle East Arab and Middle East unrest Tom Finn guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Clashes between Hashid clan and president’s forces intensify as the two sides battle for government buildings The blown-out windows in the gothic-style mansion overlook a sandbagged courtyard strewed with 4x4s, fallen trees, stray dogs and empty bullet casings. The crack of machine gunfire competes with the steady boom of mortars as men hurry in and out the building ferrying food and ammunition to their comrades inside. A few days ago this extravagant fortress perched atop a hill in the east of the Yemeni capital was the tranquil abode of Sadeq al-Ahmar, leader of the Hashid, the country’s wealthiest and most powerful tribe. Now it is a bullet-pocked, crumbling garrison shrouded in black smoke from mortar fire, and home to hundreds of Kalashnikov-wielding tribesmen who are battling it out in the streets with President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s security forces in an effort to end his three decade-long rule. The sound of gunfire and exploding mortar shells has echoed through Sana’a for four days now since Saleh refused on Sunday to accept a Gulf Co-operation Council-negotiated resolution to Yemen’s four-month crisis that would have eased him out of power with immunity. More than 100 people have been killed. The clashes between Saleh’s republican guard and members of the Hashid tribe, are the bloodiest Yemen has seen since protests began in January and briskly fanning the fears of civil war. After a brief lull on Wednesday night, fighting seemed to intensify on Thursday as the two sides, now separated only by a few residential blocks, fired anti-aircraft missiles at each other as they scrambled for control of government buildings and the airport, their battle slowly encroaching further towards the centre of the city. A huge explosion rang out just after midday, rattling the windows of houses across the capital after a stray shell hit a munitions depot. A defence ministry official said at least 28 people, most of them civilians, had died. A few hours later Suhail TV, the country’s only opposition television station was taken off air after its headquarters was shelled by government forces. With the violence flaring, panic has begun to grip Sana’a. Long lines of cars and buses with bags strapped to the roofs were seen filtering out of the city. Those staying put have started hoarding, withdrawing cash, and filling buckets with petrol and barricading themselves indoors. The foreign secretary, William Hague, urged Saleh to hand over power, reduced embassy staff and warned all British expatriates to leave Yemen immediately. “British Nationals should not remain [in Yemen] … I cannot stress this too strongly,” he said. The United States also ordered non-essential personnel and family members of staff to leave the country. “The security threat level in Yemen is extremely high due to terrorist activities and civil unrest,” the state department said. Shopkeeper Fares al-Mana, who was leaving the Yemeni capital, said the confrontations were spreading. “It’s no longer possible to stay in Sana’a,” he said. In an act that suggests the president’s patience is running thin, Saleh ordered the arrest of Ahmar, whose men now control of several ministry buildings near his compound including the trade and tourism ministries, as well as the offices of the state news agency Saba. The tribal chief remained defiant. In an interview with al-Jazeera on Thursday he called Saleh a liar and said he had captured 70 government troops. “I’m protected by Hashid and other tribesmen and even by army soldiers, I have 70 soldiers captive. Ali Abdullah Saleh is a liar, liar, liar. We are firm. He will leave this country barefoot,” he said. Back at Ahmar’s fortress, his guards were bracing themselves for another night of fighting. “This started as self-defence but now we’re fighting for his downfall,” said Sheikh Mohammed al-Farasi, a scrawny man with bloodshot eyes loading his AK-47 with cartridges. “There’s no bigger shame for a tribal leader than having his house attacked. The only way this can end is if Saleh goes, the tribes have said enough is enough.” Attempts at mediation have thus far failed. On Tuesday a sheikh sent by Saleh to try to defuse the situation was killed when Ahmar’s house came under heavy fire from government forces. “What we’re witnessing now is a battle between the two most powerful families in Yemen, a conflict that has been brewing for several years which because of Saleh’s stubbornness has come to its head,” said Abdullah al-Faqah, professor of politics at Sana’a University. “This was a foolish fight for him [Saleh] to pick.” The Ahmar clan head Hashid, the largest tribal confederation in Yemen. Saleh had managed to keep the family patriarch, Abdullah, onside during his rule, but since he died in December 2007, power has passed to the 10 Ahmar brothers. Four brothers from the most significant threat to Saleh’s rule. They include Sadiq, the head of the Hashid tribal; Hamir, the deputy speaker of parliament; Hussein, a powerful tribal leader; and, most significant of all, Hamid, a business tycoon and founder of the opposition party Islah. Hamid has positioned himself as a potential successor to Saleh and accuses the president of violating the constitution by turning Yemen into his family enterprise. Hamid is now thought to be bankrolling the opposition as well as supporting the upkeep of the hundreds of thousands of anti-government protesters camping out in Sana’a’s Change Square. General Ali al-Mohsen, one of Yemen’s most powerful military leaders who defected in March and so far steered clear of the violence but called on the armed forces to defy the president. “Beware of following this madman who is thirsty for more bloodshed,” he said. Yemen Middle East Arab and Middle East unrest Tom Finn guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Clashes between Hashid clan and president’s forces intensify as the two sides battle for government buildings The blown-out windows in the gothic-style mansion overlook a sandbagged courtyard strewed with 4x4s, fallen trees, stray dogs and empty bullet casings. The crack of machine gunfire competes with the steady boom of mortars as men hurry in and out the building ferrying food and ammunition to their comrades inside. A few days ago this extravagant fortress perched atop a hill in the east of the Yemeni capital was the tranquil abode of Sadeq al-Ahmar, leader of the Hashid, the country’s wealthiest and most powerful tribe. Now it is a bullet-pocked, crumbling garrison shrouded in black smoke from mortar fire, and home to hundreds of Kalashnikov-wielding tribesmen who are battling it out in the streets with President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s security forces in an effort to end his three decade-long rule. The sound of gunfire and exploding mortar shells has echoed through Sana’a for four days now since Saleh refused on Sunday to accept a Gulf Co-operation Council-negotiated resolution to Yemen’s four-month crisis that would have eased him out of power with immunity. More than 100 people have been killed. The clashes between Saleh’s republican guard and members of the Hashid tribe, are the bloodiest Yemen has seen since protests began in January and briskly fanning the fears of civil war. After a brief lull on Wednesday night, fighting seemed to intensify on Thursday as the two sides, now separated only by a few residential blocks, fired anti-aircraft missiles at each other as they scrambled for control of government buildings and the airport, their battle slowly encroaching further towards the centre of the city. A huge explosion rang out just after midday, rattling the windows of houses across the capital after a stray shell hit a munitions depot. A defence ministry official said at least 28 people, most of them civilians, had died. A few hours later Suhail TV, the country’s only opposition television station was taken off air after its headquarters was shelled by government forces. With the violence flaring, panic has begun to grip Sana’a. Long lines of cars and buses with bags strapped to the roofs were seen filtering out of the city. Those staying put have started hoarding, withdrawing cash, and filling buckets with petrol and barricading themselves indoors. The foreign secretary, William Hague, urged Saleh to hand over power, reduced embassy staff and warned all British expatriates to leave Yemen immediately. “British Nationals should not remain [in Yemen] … I cannot stress this too strongly,” he said. The United States also ordered non-essential personnel and family members of staff to leave the country. “The security threat level in Yemen is extremely high due to terrorist activities and civil unrest,” the state department said. Shopkeeper Fares al-Mana, who was leaving the Yemeni capital, said the confrontations were spreading. “It’s no longer possible to stay in Sana’a,” he said. In an act that suggests the president’s patience is running thin, Saleh ordered the arrest of Ahmar, whose men now control of several ministry buildings near his compound including the trade and tourism ministries, as well as the offices of the state news agency Saba. The tribal chief remained defiant. In an interview with al-Jazeera on Thursday he called Saleh a liar and said he had captured 70 government troops. “I’m protected by Hashid and other tribesmen and even by army soldiers, I have 70 soldiers captive. Ali Abdullah Saleh is a liar, liar, liar. We are firm. He will leave this country barefoot,” he said. Back at Ahmar’s fortress, his guards were bracing themselves for another night of fighting. “This started as self-defence but now we’re fighting for his downfall,” said Sheikh Mohammed al-Farasi, a scrawny man with bloodshot eyes loading his AK-47 with cartridges. “There’s no bigger shame for a tribal leader than having his house attacked. The only way this can end is if Saleh goes, the tribes have said enough is enough.” Attempts at mediation have thus far failed. On Tuesday a sheikh sent by Saleh to try to defuse the situation was killed when Ahmar’s house came under heavy fire from government forces. “What we’re witnessing now is a battle between the two most powerful families in Yemen, a conflict that has been brewing for several years which because of Saleh’s stubbornness has come to its head,” said Abdullah al-Faqah, professor of politics at Sana’a University. “This was a foolish fight for him [Saleh] to pick.” The Ahmar clan head Hashid, the largest tribal confederation in Yemen. Saleh had managed to keep the family patriarch, Abdullah, onside during his rule, but since he died in December 2007, power has passed to the 10 Ahmar brothers. Four brothers from the most significant threat to Saleh’s rule. They include Sadiq, the head of the Hashid tribal; Hamir, the deputy speaker of parliament; Hussein, a powerful tribal leader; and, most significant of all, Hamid, a business tycoon and founder of the opposition party Islah. Hamid has positioned himself as a potential successor to Saleh and accuses the president of violating the constitution by turning Yemen into his family enterprise. Hamid is now thought to be bankrolling the opposition as well as supporting the upkeep of the hundreds of thousands of anti-government protesters camping out in Sana’a’s Change Square. General Ali al-Mohsen, one of Yemen’s most powerful military leaders who defected in March and so far steered clear of the violence but called on the armed forces to defy the president. “Beware of following this madman who is thirsty for more bloodshed,” he said. Yemen Middle East Arab and Middle East unrest Tom Finn guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Clashes between Hashid clan and president’s forces intensify as the two sides battle for government buildings The blown-out windows in the gothic-style mansion overlook a sandbagged courtyard strewed with 4x4s, fallen trees, stray dogs and empty bullet casings. The crack of machine gunfire competes with the steady boom of mortars as men hurry in and out the building ferrying food and ammunition to their comrades inside. A few days ago this extravagant fortress perched atop a hill in the east of the Yemeni capital was the tranquil abode of Sadeq al-Ahmar, leader of the Hashid, the country’s wealthiest and most powerful tribe. Now it is a bullet-pocked, crumbling garrison shrouded in black smoke from mortar fire, and home to hundreds of Kalashnikov-wielding tribesmen who are battling it out in the streets with President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s security forces in an effort to end his three decade-long rule. The sound of gunfire and exploding mortar shells has echoed through Sana’a for four days now since Saleh refused on Sunday to accept a Gulf Co-operation Council-negotiated resolution to Yemen’s four-month crisis that would have eased him out of power with immunity. More than 100 people have been killed. The clashes between Saleh’s republican guard and members of the Hashid tribe, are the bloodiest Yemen has seen since protests began in January and briskly fanning the fears of civil war. After a brief lull on Wednesday night, fighting seemed to intensify on Thursday as the two sides, now separated only by a few residential blocks, fired anti-aircraft missiles at each other as they scrambled for control of government buildings and the airport, their battle slowly encroaching further towards the centre of the city. A huge explosion rang out just after midday, rattling the windows of houses across the capital after a stray shell hit a munitions depot. A defence ministry official said at least 28 people, most of them civilians, had died. A few hours later Suhail TV, the country’s only opposition television station was taken off air after its headquarters was shelled by government forces. With the violence flaring, panic has begun to grip Sana’a. Long lines of cars and buses with bags strapped to the roofs were seen filtering out of the city. Those staying put have started hoarding, withdrawing cash, and filling buckets with petrol and barricading themselves indoors. The foreign secretary, William Hague, urged Saleh to hand over power, reduced embassy staff and warned all British expatriates to leave Yemen immediately. “British Nationals should not remain [in Yemen] … I cannot stress this too strongly,” he said. The United States also ordered non-essential personnel and family members of staff to leave the country. “The security threat level in Yemen is extremely high due to terrorist activities and civil unrest,” the state department said. Shopkeeper Fares al-Mana, who was leaving the Yemeni capital, said the confrontations were spreading. “It’s no longer possible to stay in Sana’a,” he said. In an act that suggests the president’s patience is running thin, Saleh ordered the arrest of Ahmar, whose men now control of several ministry buildings near his compound including the trade and tourism ministries, as well as the offices of the state news agency Saba. The tribal chief remained defiant. In an interview with al-Jazeera on Thursday he called Saleh a liar and said he had captured 70 government troops. “I’m protected by Hashid and other tribesmen and even by army soldiers, I have 70 soldiers captive. Ali Abdullah Saleh is a liar, liar, liar. We are firm. He will leave this country barefoot,” he said. Back at Ahmar’s fortress, his guards were bracing themselves for another night of fighting. “This started as self-defence but now we’re fighting for his downfall,” said Sheikh Mohammed al-Farasi, a scrawny man with bloodshot eyes loading his AK-47 with cartridges. “There’s no bigger shame for a tribal leader than having his house attacked. The only way this can end is if Saleh goes, the tribes have said enough is enough.” Attempts at mediation have thus far failed. On Tuesday a sheikh sent by Saleh to try to defuse the situation was killed when Ahmar’s house came under heavy fire from government forces. “What we’re witnessing now is a battle between the two most powerful families in Yemen, a conflict that has been brewing for several years which because of Saleh’s stubbornness has come to its head,” said Abdullah al-Faqah, professor of politics at Sana’a University. “This was a foolish fight for him [Saleh] to pick.” The Ahmar clan head Hashid, the largest tribal confederation in Yemen. Saleh had managed to keep the family patriarch, Abdullah, onside during his rule, but since he died in December 2007, power has passed to the 10 Ahmar brothers. Four brothers from the most significant threat to Saleh’s rule. They include Sadiq, the head of the Hashid tribal; Hamir, the deputy speaker of parliament; Hussein, a powerful tribal leader; and, most significant of all, Hamid, a business tycoon and founder of the opposition party Islah. Hamid has positioned himself as a potential successor to Saleh and accuses the president of violating the constitution by turning Yemen into his family enterprise. Hamid is now thought to be bankrolling the opposition as well as supporting the upkeep of the hundreds of thousands of anti-government protesters camping out in Sana’a’s Change Square. General Ali al-Mohsen, one of Yemen’s most powerful military leaders who defected in March and so far steered clear of the violence but called on the armed forces to defy the president. “Beware of following this madman who is thirsty for more bloodshed,” he said. Yemen Middle East Arab and Middle East unrest Tom Finn guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Clashes between Hashid clan and president’s forces intensify as the two sides battle for government buildings The blown-out windows in the gothic-style mansion overlook a sandbagged courtyard strewed with 4x4s, fallen trees, stray dogs and empty bullet casings. The crack of machine gunfire competes with the steady boom of mortars as men hurry in and out the building ferrying food and ammunition to their comrades inside. A few days ago this extravagant fortress perched atop a hill in the east of the Yemeni capital was the tranquil abode of Sadeq al-Ahmar, leader of the Hashid, the country’s wealthiest and most powerful tribe. Now it is a bullet-pocked, crumbling garrison shrouded in black smoke from mortar fire, and home to hundreds of Kalashnikov-wielding tribesmen who are battling it out in the streets with President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s security forces in an effort to end his three decade-long rule. The sound of gunfire and exploding mortar shells has echoed through Sana’a for four days now since Saleh refused on Sunday to accept a Gulf Co-operation Council-negotiated resolution to Yemen’s four-month crisis that would have eased him out of power with immunity. More than 100 people have been killed. The clashes between Saleh’s republican guard and members of the Hashid tribe, are the bloodiest Yemen has seen since protests began in January and briskly fanning the fears of civil war. After a brief lull on Wednesday night, fighting seemed to intensify on Thursday as the two sides, now separated only by a few residential blocks, fired anti-aircraft missiles at each other as they scrambled for control of government buildings and the airport, their battle slowly encroaching further towards the centre of the city. A huge explosion rang out just after midday, rattling the windows of houses across the capital after a stray shell hit a munitions depot. A defence ministry official said at least 28 people, most of them civilians, had died. A few hours later Suhail TV, the country’s only opposition television station was taken off air after its headquarters was shelled by government forces. With the violence flaring, panic has begun to grip Sana’a. Long lines of cars and buses with bags strapped to the roofs were seen filtering out of the city. Those staying put have started hoarding, withdrawing cash, and filling buckets with petrol and barricading themselves indoors. The foreign secretary, William Hague, urged Saleh to hand over power, reduced embassy staff and warned all British expatriates to leave Yemen immediately. “British Nationals should not remain [in Yemen] … I cannot stress this too strongly,” he said. The United States also ordered non-essential personnel and family members of staff to leave the country. “The security threat level in Yemen is extremely high due to terrorist activities and civil unrest,” the state department said. Shopkeeper Fares al-Mana, who was leaving the Yemeni capital, said the confrontations were spreading. “It’s no longer possible to stay in Sana’a,” he said. In an act that suggests the president’s patience is running thin, Saleh ordered the arrest of Ahmar, whose men now control of several ministry buildings near his compound including the trade and tourism ministries, as well as the offices of the state news agency Saba. The tribal chief remained defiant. In an interview with al-Jazeera on Thursday he called Saleh a liar and said he had captured 70 government troops. “I’m protected by Hashid and other tribesmen and even by army soldiers, I have 70 soldiers captive. Ali Abdullah Saleh is a liar, liar, liar. We are firm. He will leave this country barefoot,” he said. Back at Ahmar’s fortress, his guards were bracing themselves for another night of fighting. “This started as self-defence but now we’re fighting for his downfall,” said Sheikh Mohammed al-Farasi, a scrawny man with bloodshot eyes loading his AK-47 with cartridges. “There’s no bigger shame for a tribal leader than having his house attacked. The only way this can end is if Saleh goes, the tribes have said enough is enough.” Attempts at mediation have thus far failed. On Tuesday a sheikh sent by Saleh to try to defuse the situation was killed when Ahmar’s house came under heavy fire from government forces. “What we’re witnessing now is a battle between the two most powerful families in Yemen, a conflict that has been brewing for several years which because of Saleh’s stubbornness has come to its head,” said Abdullah al-Faqah, professor of politics at Sana’a University. “This was a foolish fight for him [Saleh] to pick.” The Ahmar clan head Hashid, the largest tribal confederation in Yemen. Saleh had managed to keep the family patriarch, Abdullah, onside during his rule, but since he died in December 2007, power has passed to the 10 Ahmar brothers. Four brothers from the most significant threat to Saleh’s rule. They include Sadiq, the head of the Hashid tribal; Hamir, the deputy speaker of parliament; Hussein, a powerful tribal leader; and, most significant of all, Hamid, a business tycoon and founder of the opposition party Islah. Hamid has positioned himself as a potential successor to Saleh and accuses the president of violating the constitution by turning Yemen into his family enterprise. Hamid is now thought to be bankrolling the opposition as well as supporting the upkeep of the hundreds of thousands of anti-government protesters camping out in Sana’a’s Change Square. General Ali al-Mohsen, one of Yemen’s most powerful military leaders who defected in March and so far steered clear of the violence but called on the armed forces to defy the president. “Beware of following this madman who is thirsty for more bloodshed,” he said. Yemen Middle East Arab and Middle East unrest Tom Finn guardian.co.uk
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