Arab League chief admits second thoughts about Libya air strikes

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Amr Moussa, who played central role in securing Arab support for Nato strikes, calls for ceasefire and ‘political solution’ The outgoing head of the Arab League and a frontrunner to become president of a democratic Egypt has voiced reservations about Nato’s bombing campaign in Libya, calling for a ceasefire and talks on a political settlement while Muammar Gaddafi remains in power. Amr Moussa, the veteran Egyptian diplomat who played a central role in securing Arab support for the Nato air campaign against Gaddafi, told the Guardian he now had second thoughts about a bombing mission that may not be working. “When I see children being killed, I must have misgivings. That’s why I warned about the risk of civilian casualties,” he said. Arab support, in the form of an endorsement from the Arab League, was essential to the Anglo-French-led bombing campaign launched in March following a UN security council resolution mandating the use of force to protect Libyan civilians. But senior European officials say that the Arab world is again turning against the west because of the Libya campaign. “The Arab League is telling us that we’re losing the support of the Arab world,” said one senior source involved in negotiations over Libya. In an interview with the Guardian in Brussels, Moussa made clear he thought the military campaign would not produce a breakthrough. “You can’t have a decisive ending. Now is the time to do whatever we can to reach a political solution,” he said. “That has to start with a genuine ceasefire under international supervision, a ceasefire that is implemented rigorously. Until the ceasefire Gaddafi would remain in office and the ceasefire would be accepted by both sides. Then there would be a move to a transitional period … to reach an understanding about the future of Libya.” Asked whether that meant a halt to the Nato air strikes, he said: “A ceasefire is a ceasefire.” According to senior diplomats and officials in Brussels dealing with the Libyan crisis, there are absolutely no signs of Gaddafi giving up. They also say that the opposition leadership in Benghazi will have no truck with Gaddafi and is making his removal a precondition for a negotiated settlement of the war. Repeated offers of a ceasefire from Gaddafi have been dismissed as meaningless by the Nato leadership and western governments. “There are different political channels going on to persuade the Gaddafi regime it has to go,” said the senior EU official. UN envoys, the Russian government, and the South Africans had been talking quietly either directly with Gaddafi or with his entourage. All reported no progress. “The Russians have just tried mediating and came back from Tripoli saying Gaddafi is not moving one bit,” said the official. Moussa headed the Arab League for a decade until three weeks ago and remains its caretaker chief until his successor takes over in September. He indicated that inquiries were being made to see if any countries, possibly in Africa or the Middle East, would be willing to offer Gaddafi a safe haven and even raised the possibility that Gaddafi could stand down but remain in Libya. While voicing misgivings about the course of the air campaign, Moussa said the Arab League supported it initially because of Gaddafi’s attacks on Libyan civilians. The League’s response, however, to the Syrian regime’s killing of an estimated 1,400 civilians was different. “There was unanimity on Libya, but [on Syria] there are some hesitations because of strategic, political considerations,” he said. Arab leaders were worried about the impact of the Syrian crisis in Lebanon, Iraq, Jordan, and on the Kurdish issue. Nonetheless, he added, “we are outraged by all that has happened in Tunisia, in Syria, in Libya, in Yemen … We are really worried about the situation. The vast majority [in the Arab League] is not comfortable with what is going on in Syria.” The Syrian president, Bashar al-Assad, faced a dilemma and could be losing the initiative, Moussa said. “[His] chance is eroding. It is a race. You have to change as fast as you can. It is a race between reform or revolution.” The dramatic upheavals of the past six months across north Africa and the Middle East meant that no Arab society would remain untouched. “I don’t think there will be exceptions.” At the age of 74, Moussa is an unlikely figurehead for an Egyptian revolution that was driven by the country’s youth camping out on Tahrir Square. But he appears to be popular and trusted by the younger leaders who helped topple the Mubarak regime in February, despite the fact that he served that regime for a long time as a senior diplomat, ambassador, and foreign minister. He is running for president in an election that he says should not be held until the end of the year at the earliest. If he won, he would only want to serve one term because of his age, Moussa maintained. “Egypt is going to be a democratic republic with a constitution, a president, a council of ministers, a parliament,” he declared. While the Egyptian army remains in charge in the post-Mubarak turmoil, it is not entirely clear, however, how the declared passage to democracy is to be structured, sequenced, and organised. Moussa argued passionately for presidential elections to be held before a parliamentary ballot despite the momentum towards a parliamentary vote within a few months. “I disapprove of parliamentary elections in September because the landscape is not ready.” If priority was to be given to drafting a new constitution, then parliamentary elections should be shelved and instead a constituent assembly should be elected to write the new charter. Moussa appeared worried that the attempt to entrench a new democratic system could backfire, resulting in an ascendancy of the Muslim Brotherhood plunging Egypt into chaos. “I can’t blame the Muslim Brotherhood for being disciplined and organised. The others are not organised,” he said. Moussa predicted that the Brotherhood could take up to 35% of the vote in a September parliamentary poll and that this would suffice for it to construct a coalition, dominate the new assembly, and take over the running of the country. “Then there would be chaos,” he warned. “There would be no new constitution. I prefer to work for a presidential system because the political landscape in Egypt is not yet mature. Not because of the Muslim Brotherhood per se, but because the situation is not fully ready.” Libya Arab and Middle East unrest Egypt Nato Middle East Africa Ian Traynor guardian.co.uk

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