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Joanna Yeates’s parents encounter killer Vincent Tabak in court

Dutch engineer, who has admitted manslaughter of Yeates but denies murder, attends pre-trial hearing in person The parents of landscape architect Joanna Yeates have come face to face for the first time in court with their daughter’s killer. David and Teresa Yeates were at Bristol crown court for a pre-trial hearing for Vincent Tabak. The couple have not seen Tabak in person in court before as the defendant has appeared by video link from prison at the previous hearings they attended. The couple arrived and left court hand in hand, accompanied by two police officers. Tabak, a Dutch engineer, has admitted the manslaughter of Yeates, 25, but denies her murder. The charge states that Tabak “unlawfully killed” Miss Yeates between December 16 and December 19. Four security guards escorted Tabak into the dock of courtroom six. The greying 33-year-old wore glasses, a white shirt, blue tie and dark suit for the 30-minute hearing before Judge Martin Picton. Yeates’s parents sat in the second row of the public gallery and Mrs Yeates occasionally looked over her shoulder towards Tabak. Detective Chief Inspector Phil Jones, who led the Avon and Somerset investigation, sat behind the barristers and immediately in front of the defendant. Tabak, who sat hunched in the dock, spoke only once. The clerk asked him: “Are you Vincent Tabak?” He replied: “Yes I am.” The hearing was being held to finalise arrangements for the four-week trial, which is due to begin on October 4 before Mr Justice Field. The case was adjourned until the trial and Tabak was remanded into custody. Miss Yeates, who lived in Clifton, Bristol, disappeared on December 17 after going for Christmas drinks with colleagues. Her body was found on a verge in a lane in Failand, north Somerset, on Christmas Day. Joanna Yeates Steven Morris guardian.co.uk

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Emails blocked by Gove adviser

Civil servants trying to answer questions on free schools had requests blocked by adviser to education secretary Civil servants attempting to answer parliamentary questions about the Tories’ free schools programme had their requests blocked by a key adviser to education secretary Michael Gove, leaked emails reveal. Civil servants feared they would be “seen as … obstructing parliament” if they failed to respond to the MP’s inquiry, the emails show. The questions related to the New Schools Network, a charity set up to provide advice and guidance to the schools. Labour MP Caroline Flint had asked Gove how many “expressions of interest” in setting up free schools the New Schools Network had received in her constituency, Don Valley, and in Doncaster. She also asked how many private schools had made either expressions of interest or formal proposals to become a free school. Dominic Cummings, a confidant of Gove who was freelancing for the charity at the time, told a senior civil servant: “NSN is not giving out to you, the media or anybody else any figure on ‘expressions of interest’ for PQs, FOIs or anything else. Further, NSN has not, is not, and will never answer a single FOI request made to us concerning anything at all.” Cummings is now at the centre of a row over the use of private emails by Gove’s closest advisers when conducting government business. The Information Commissioner’s office is investigating claims that civil servants were unable to find these emails when asked to retrieve them under the Freedom of Information act. Emails seen by the Guardian show that Cummings directed civil servants not to comply with the parliamentary question. An official at the department replied to this by saying, in an email: “Our advice is clear: we need to respond as fully as possible to parliament.” The purpose of parliamentary questions is to hold ministers accountable, obliging them to explain and defend government policy to MPs. In response to Flint’s questions, schools minister Nick Gibb said : “New Schools Network does not receive expressions of interest.” Gibb also told parliament that there had been one free school proposal in Doncaster and 45 private schools seeking to convert. At the time of the email exchange, in July last year, Cummings was freelancing at the New Schools Network. He was appointed as one of Gove’s special advisers in February this year. Prior to that appointment, he was closely involved in government work. In response to an FOI request, the Department for Education has disclosed that “prior to his appointment, Mr Cummings attended a range of meetings at the department to allow him to become familiar with the portfolio of a special adviser”. Charities are not subject to the FOI act, which applies only to public authorities. However, critics say the email raises fresh questions about Gove’s advisers and their “secretive” attitude to official business. Andy Burnham, the shadow education secretary, said: “These extraordinary exchanges shed further light on the murky dealings around Michael Gove. We already know that Dominic Cummings lobbied for cash to be given to the New Schools Network ‘without delay’ , an organisation he went on to work for. We now learn that on arrival he sought to implement a restrictive and secretive approach to dealing with parliamentary enquiries. “It would seem that Dominic Cummings holds an arrogant disregard for government processes and accountability to parliament. I have asked the cabinet secretary to investigate the actions of Dominic Cummings and other advisers to Michael Gove.” Shortly after the election, David Cameron declared that the government must “set new standards” for transparency. In a letter to government departments , he wrote: “Greater transparency across government is at the heart of our shared commitment to enable the public to hold politicians and public bodies to account.” Critics say the free schools programme has been characterised by a lack of transparency. The government has refused to disclose details of applications to set up free schools next September. The department has declined an FOI request by the Association of Colleges, which represents further education and sixth form colleges, to see the list of applications to open free schools for 16-19-year-olds. Martin Doel, chief executive of the Association of Colleges, said: “It is the Secretary of State’s statutory duty to consider the impact of new schools on other local providers. “New schools need to start with the support of the local community, other local schools and Colleges. If this information is not made public, we could see the unnecessary duplication of some good College provision for 16-19-year olds. Some Colleges may have to close particular courses if class sizes became unsustainable.” The Financial Times has reported that Gove and his advisers conducted government business on private emails. Civil servants were then unable to find these emails, which included discussions of replacing DfE personnel, when asked to retrieve them under the FOI Act. In response, a spokesman for the DfE said: “The Cabinet Office is clear that private email accounts do not fall within the FOI Act and are not searchable by civil servants. Neither the secretary of state nor special advisers have been asked to disclose emails sent from private accounts.” Maurice Frankel, director of the pressure group Campaign for Freedom of Information , said: “If [Gove] or his special advisers used their private email accounts to carry out government business, those emails are subject to the FOI Act.” The DfE spokesman added that Sir David Bell, the permanent secretary, is looking into the FT allegations, and added: “The permanent secretary is satisfied that ministers and special advisers act within the law.” Michael Gove Free schools Education policy Jeevan Vasagar guardian.co.uk

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The military’s ban on openly gay service officially ended at midnight, and already one member of the Air Force has shared a video of his personal journey out of the closet. A 21-year-old servicemember who had been keeping an anonymous vlog about his quest to come out to his girlfriend, family, and comrades posted a

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In the wake of the news last week that a record number of Americans now live in poverty, Pro Publica has put together a striking list of statistics that shed light on the scope of the problem. Here are a few that caught our eye: • Official U.S. poverty rate in 2010:  15.1 percent •

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When the Westboro Baptist Church decided to protest the Foo Fighters concert in Kansas City on the grounds that their music promoted fornication and homosexuality, the band came up with a counter-protest of their own. The musicians—dressed in hillbilly costumes from a recent promo video—performed their song “Keep…

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John Travolta’s collection of vintage cars, while still impressive, is a little smaller than it was a few days ago. A thief made off with the actor’s 1970 Mercedes Benz 280-SL after he left it on a residential street in Santa Monica for 10 minutes while visiting a Jaguar dealership,…

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Legal aid reforms minister has £250,000 invested in firms with insurance interests

Jonathan Djanogly is piloting controversial proposals which could net insurance industry £1bn a year Jonathan Djanogly, the justice minister piloting controversial plans to cut legal aid and curb payouts, which could benefit the insurance industry to the tune of £1bn a year, has stockmarket investments worth at least £250,000 in companies with insurance arms. He is also weighing up proposals which may have a profound effect on his brother-in-law’s business which advertises compensation claims for accidents. Labour wrote to the cabinet secretary, Sir Gus O’Donnell, on Monday night to demand an investigation following the Guardian’s inquiry. Djanogly, a Conservative MP the legal services minister, is pushing a bill through parliament which will attempt to slash the budget for legal aid by £350m as well as shifting part of the costs of bringing cases on a “no-win, no-fee” basis from losing defendants to winning claimants. This reduces the costs liabilities of companies and their insurers if they unsuccessfully defend a claim as it will force claimants to pay out of any awarded damages their lawyers’ success fees and insurance policies that cover court costs. Last week the Guardian revealed that the minister could personally profit from the changes. In the past three years Djanogly has been entitled to an average annual payout of £41,000 from being a “minority partner” in his family’s firm of insurance underwriters, The Djanogly Family LLP. The 46-year-old, considered to be one of the 10 richest MPs, is heir to a £300m family fortune and has amassed a sizeable personal stake in the insurance industry. In the most recent declaration of MPs interests he continues to hold shareholdings of worth at least £195,000 in three banks with insurance arms – Barclays, HSBC and Lloyds TSB. He also has at least another £65,000 in Amlin insurance stock. Djanogly also declares in the ministerial register of interests that his “brother-in-law owns ‘Going Legal Ltd’ and ‘Legal Link Introductory Services Ltd’”. Both are claims management companies, which advertise “no-win, no-fee” compensation claims for accidents and charge a referral fee for passing on potential cases to lawyers and insurance firms. According to company accounts, Ben Silk, Djanogly’s brother in law, saw a combined profit from the two firms last year of £130,000. Going Legal, according to its website, deals with employment cases and Legal Link asks: “Suffer an injury caused by someone else?” on its homepage. Both offer 0800 telephone numbers for people to call. The regulation of the claims management industry is part of Djanogly’s ministerial duties. Last week, after pressure from former Labour justice secretary Jack Straw, he announced that “rising insurance costs will be tackled by a ban on referral fees” while admitting there was “no universally recognised definition of ‘referral fees’.” Labour’s justice spokesman, Andy Slaughter, has written to cabinet secretary Gus O’Donnell calling for an investigation into Djanogly. Slaughter points out a slew of conflict of interests claims given that the minister has neither resigned or removed himself from discussions from which he could personally profit. The letter argues that the minister’s assertion that his financial interests are in “blind trust/blind management arrangement” does not bear scrutiny as the “minister’s holdings are concentrated into financial services companies with exposure to the insurance market and The Djanogly Family LLP is explicitly set up to act in the insurance and reinsurance market”. Slaughter argues that as Djanogly “did not resign from the LLP and dispose of his interests (he has a) fiduciary duty to promote the interests of The Djanogly Family LLP”. This, says Slaughter, is in conflict with “his duty as a minister to promote the public interest”. Slaughter says “his shareholdings, weighted towards financial services companies and those with insurance interests, are incompatible” with being a minister adding that Djanogly “holds stocks in Lloyds and Tesco, both of which responded to consultation” backing the Jackson changes. The Labour MP adds that “given the minister’s role as regulator of claims management companies and his brother-in-law’s ownership of two claims management companies, it is reasonable to perceive a conflict of interest”. “Given the sums of money involved, the multiple ways in which the minister would benefit from this legislation, this would appear to be a severe breach of the code.” Slaughter says that if the MoJ’s permanent secretary, Sir Suma Chakrabarti, was informed of these arrangements it calls into question his judgment. In some cases when particularly complicated issues surrounding a minister’s investments prove too difficult for his or her own department to resolve the matter is sent to Downing Street. Slaughter notes: “In the event the prime minister was consulted, as per clause 7.9 of the Code, this poses serious questions as to the judgment of the prime minister.” The ministerial code states that “ministers must scrupulously avoid any danger of an actual or perceived conflict of interest between their ministerial position and their private financial interests”. It advises ministers to dispose of interests or recuse themselves from discussions and policy if there could be even a perception of a “conflict of interest”. The Cabinet Office said it had received the letter from Labour’s justice team. A spokesman for Djanogly said: “As Mr Djanogly made clear on Friday, his financial interests are a matter of public record, in declarations made both as a minister and as an MP. The government’s reforms to the no-win, no-fee system are based on an independent review by Sir Rupert Jackson.” Djanogly’s Liberal Democrat colleague at the Ministry of Justice, Lord McNally, described the Guardian story as an “example of shoddy journalism” at the party fringe on Tuesday in Birmingham saying there was “no breach of the ministerial code”. Djanogly told Radio 4 earlier this year his reforms, based on a report by Lord Justice Jackson in 2010, would change the current system which “help[s] claimants to the detriment of defendants, who would normally be the insurance companies” earlier this year. Experts say the changes to legal aid will benefit the insurance industry, which has to pay out compensation in personal injury cases, by at least “hundreds of millions of pounds”. The Association of British Insurers admits that industry will benefit from the reforms but argue that consumers, not shareholders, will benefit – pointing out that in Ireland similar measures to those contained in the legal aid, sentencing and punishment of offenders bill saw motor insurance premiums drop by up to 16%. Conservatives guardian.co.uk

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Legal aid reforms minister has £250,000 invested in firms with insurance interests

Jonathan Djanogly is piloting controversial proposals which could net insurance industry £1bn a year Jonathan Djanogly, the justice minister piloting controversial plans to cut legal aid and curb payouts, which could benefit the insurance industry to the tune of £1bn a year, has stockmarket investments worth at least £250,000 in companies with insurance arms. He is also weighing up proposals which may have a profound effect on his brother-in-law’s business which advertises compensation claims for accidents. Labour wrote to the cabinet secretary, Sir Gus O’Donnell, on Monday night to demand an investigation following the Guardian’s inquiry. Djanogly, a Conservative MP the legal services minister, is pushing a bill through parliament which will attempt to slash the budget for legal aid by £350m as well as shifting part of the costs of bringing cases on a “no-win, no-fee” basis from losing defendants to winning claimants. This reduces the costs liabilities of companies and their insurers if they unsuccessfully defend a claim as it will force claimants to pay out of any awarded damages their lawyers’ success fees and insurance policies that cover court costs. Last week the Guardian revealed that the minister could personally profit from the changes. In the past three years Djanogly has been entitled to an average annual payout of £41,000 from being a “minority partner” in his family’s firm of insurance underwriters, The Djanogly Family LLP. The 46-year-old, considered to be one of the 10 richest MPs, is heir to a £300m family fortune and has amassed a sizeable personal stake in the insurance industry. In the most recent declaration of MPs interests he continues to hold shareholdings of worth at least £195,000 in three banks with insurance arms – Barclays, HSBC and Lloyds TSB. He also has at least another £65,000 in Amlin insurance stock. Djanogly also declares in the ministerial register of interests that his “brother-in-law owns ‘Going Legal Ltd’ and ‘Legal Link Introductory Services Ltd’”. Both are claims management companies, which advertise “no-win, no-fee” compensation claims for accidents and charge a referral fee for passing on potential cases to lawyers and insurance firms. According to company accounts, Ben Silk, Djanogly’s brother in law, saw a combined profit from the two firms last year of £130,000. Going Legal, according to its website, deals with employment cases and Legal Link asks: “Suffer an injury caused by someone else?” on its homepage. Both offer 0800 telephone numbers for people to call. The regulation of the claims management industry is part of Djanogly’s ministerial duties. Last week, after pressure from former Labour justice secretary Jack Straw, he announced that “rising insurance costs will be tackled by a ban on referral fees” while admitting there was “no universally recognised definition of ‘referral fees’.” Labour’s justice spokesman, Andy Slaughter, has written to cabinet secretary Gus O’Donnell calling for an investigation into Djanogly. Slaughter points out a slew of conflict of interests claims given that the minister has neither resigned or removed himself from discussions from which he could personally profit. The letter argues that the minister’s assertion that his financial interests are in “blind trust/blind management arrangement” does not bear scrutiny as the “minister’s holdings are concentrated into financial services companies with exposure to the insurance market and The Djanogly Family LLP is explicitly set up to act in the insurance and reinsurance market”. Slaughter argues that as Djanogly “did not resign from the LLP and dispose of his interests (he has a) fiduciary duty to promote the interests of The Djanogly Family LLP”. This, says Slaughter, is in conflict with “his duty as a minister to promote the public interest”. Slaughter says “his shareholdings, weighted towards financial services companies and those with insurance interests, are incompatible” with being a minister adding that Djanogly “holds stocks in Lloyds and Tesco, both of which responded to consultation” backing the Jackson changes. The Labour MP adds that “given the minister’s role as regulator of claims management companies and his brother-in-law’s ownership of two claims management companies, it is reasonable to perceive a conflict of interest”. “Given the sums of money involved, the multiple ways in which the minister would benefit from this legislation, this would appear to be a severe breach of the code.” Slaughter says that if the MoJ’s permanent secretary, Sir Suma Chakrabarti, was informed of these arrangements it calls into question his judgment. In some cases when particularly complicated issues surrounding a minister’s investments prove too difficult for his or her own department to resolve the matter is sent to Downing Street. Slaughter notes: “In the event the prime minister was consulted, as per clause 7.9 of the Code, this poses serious questions as to the judgment of the prime minister.” The ministerial code states that “ministers must scrupulously avoid any danger of an actual or perceived conflict of interest between their ministerial position and their private financial interests”. It advises ministers to dispose of interests or recuse themselves from discussions and policy if there could be even a perception of a “conflict of interest”. The Cabinet Office said it had received the letter from Labour’s justice team. A spokesman for Djanogly said: “As Mr Djanogly made clear on Friday, his financial interests are a matter of public record, in declarations made both as a minister and as an MP. The government’s reforms to the no-win, no-fee system are based on an independent review by Sir Rupert Jackson.” Djanogly’s Liberal Democrat colleague at the Ministry of Justice, Lord McNally, described the Guardian story as an “example of shoddy journalism” at the party fringe on Tuesday in Birmingham saying there was “no breach of the ministerial code”. Djanogly told Radio 4 earlier this year his reforms, based on a report by Lord Justice Jackson in 2010, would change the current system which “help[s] claimants to the detriment of defendants, who would normally be the insurance companies” earlier this year. Experts say the changes to legal aid will benefit the insurance industry, which has to pay out compensation in personal injury cases, by at least “hundreds of millions of pounds”. The Association of British Insurers admits that industry will benefit from the reforms but argue that consumers, not shareholders, will benefit – pointing out that in Ireland similar measures to those contained in the legal aid, sentencing and punishment of offenders bill saw motor insurance premiums drop by up to 16%. Conservatives guardian.co.uk

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MySpace’s new owners scrapped plans for a summer relaunch party because the revamp of the social-networking site is going more slowly than expected, insiders tells the Wall Street Journal . Justin Timberlake and Specific Media, who bought the site for $35 million in June, now plan to unveil the new, music-focused…

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London fashion week: Once upon a time …

Trends are strictly for the high street. The designers at London fashion week had their own stories to tell on the catwalk The script of this London fashion week was written in advance. London in 2012 is all about the Olympics, after all, and these are the clothes London’s designers will be selling next summer. Ergo … well, it’s obvious, isn’t it? Cashmere will be out, and Lycra in; the go-faster stripe becomes the new Breton top. Or so we thought. London’s designers may not be the one-legged-trousered provocateurs they once were, but they still have a little of the awkward squad about them. So they refused to play ball with the neat concept of Olympic-themed summer collections. Where sportswear figured as an influence, it was in a highly stylised guise: racer-back dresses at Marios Schwab and Peter Pilotto ; a satin tennis skirt at Christopher Kane; Aertex-effect shirts at JW Anderson . London designers will not be dictated to. For all the ongoing tussles with New York and Milan over schedules, there is a real sense of confidence about London fashion week these days. For these few days, designers take ownership of the capital with an assurance that was not there a decade ago. All those fashion shows in disused car parks – in retrospect, they seem like reflection of fashion’s self-image in those years as something self-consciously alternative, disenfranchised from the “real world”. How times have changed. One of the joys of this week was touring the landmark buildings that designers had taken over for their shows. The commandeering of the gorgeous Somerset House as London fashion week HQ and the now-regular Downing Street receptions have had a knock-on effect of inspiring designers to hold their events in the city’s other famous addresses. So we went to the Tate Modern for Matthew Williamson , the Royal Courts of Justice for Giles Deacon, Queen Elizabeth Hall for Antonio Berardi, the Savoy for Maria Grachvogel and Erdem, Claridges for Mulberry, the Royal Opera House for Sass & Bide and the British Museum for Temperley. (OK, Beyoncé showed in a car park. But everyone knows the rules are different for megastars.) But if the Olympians are not to be next season’s muses, who is? Perhaps the Duchess of Cambridge – so feted by the fashion world on her wedding day only five months ago? There was an oblique reference, perhaps, at Temperley , where Pippa Middleton – who wore a green Temperley dress to her sister’s evening reception in April – sat in the front row. One of the references cited for the collection was Tracy Lord in High Society, a character played by Grace Kelly – whose lace-sleeved wedding dress was similar in style to the Duchess’s. No, you’re right – that’s tenuous, even for fashion. The princess bride is, frankly, over. A mischievous mind could, however, see a connection between the Cambridges’ married life in Anglesey and the fact that a new character – the Valiumed-out Stepford housewife – turned up on the catwalk this season. Jonathan

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