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Michael Stern Hart created the free online ebook library long before the advent of Kindle, Nook or iPhone Long before the Kindle, Nook or iPhone, there was Michael Stern Hart and his Project Gutenberg , a network of volunteers dedicated to providing free online access to as many books as they could. Hart, who is also considered the founder of the ebook, died Tuesday at his Illinois home, said Stephanie Gabel of Renner-Wikoff Chapel and Crematory. He was 64. Gabel did not know the cause of death. Hart was a student at the University of Illinois when he founded Project Gutenberg 40 years ago. He got started in 1971 by typing the text of the US Declaration of Independence into a computer network that he and about 100 others had access to. In an interview last year, he said the project, and partners it works with, had made more than 100,000 books available for free online. His obituary, posted on Project Gutenberg’s website , said Hart worked as an adjunct professor – someone who works without tenure and has to, effectively, be rehired every year. But in interviews over the years, he made clear the project was his life’s work and joy. “I get little notes in the email, saying, ‘Hey! I just [found] Project Gutenberg, and this is great stuff,’” Hart told WILL radio in Urbana in a 2003 interview. “You get people that [it] just tickles their fancy, and they just read and read and read, and they’re so happy about it.” Hart was born in Tacoma, Washington state, in 1947 and grew up in Urbana. He served in the US army before graduating from the university with a liberal arts degree. Books added to Project Gutenberg were initially typed by Hart and others for distribution. The project has sometimes been criticised for errors and typographical mistakes. But Hart said he just wanted to distribute as many books as possible. “This mission is, as much as possible, to encourage all those who are interested in making ebooks and helping to give them away,” Hart wrote on the project’s website. He later noted: “Project Gutenberg is not in the business of establishing standards.” Ebooks E-readers United States Libraries guardian.co.uk

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Chesapeake Energy CEO Aubrey McClendon is known for pretending to be green — until he gets what he wants, of course. (He’s also one of the top wine collectors in the country .) And since he’s one of those hallowed Job Producers, why should anyone care about what happens to our water supply? People like McClendon can always afford to buy water somewhere: Aubrey McClendon, CEO of Chesapeake Energy says he didn’t see a lot of love in the City of Brotherly Love as he entered the Marcellus Shale Conference in downtown Philadelphia on Wedesday. Several hundred activists are protesting the environmental impacts of natural gas outside the Pennsylvania Convention Center. But McClendon says they’ve got their facts wrong. He says he’s glad to be inside the Pennsylvania Convention Center with the “factivists” and not outside with the “fractivists.” McClendon is telling the luncheon crowd that natural gas brings jobs, and has little harmful effects on the environment. With a powerpoint presentation, he’s outlining his own facts. Chesapeake has fracked 16,000 wells and he says critics can point to only one or two instances of groundwater contamination in the entire history of gas drilling. McClendon says only a couple dozen homeowners in northeast Pennsylvania have suffered from methane migration. And yet, he says, hundreds of thousands of dollars of wealth has been created in Pennsylvania. “Wealth over health!” How’s that for a slogan? He doesn’t mention how many of the people who sold drilling rights are suffering remorse — and strange symptoms. McClendon is pitching the economic benefits of drilling in the Marcellus. He calls each well a $30 million dollar factory that will never close, and will employ at least a dozen people each. Chesapeake itself employs 12,000 people and has openings for thousands more, he says, from PhD’s to high school drop-outs. But wait there’s more, McClendon says Chesapeake has one million landowners under lease across the country, paying out $9 billion in lease bonuses, and $5 billion in royalty payments within the last five years. “What jobs have the protestors created?,” he asked. Remember: As long as you produce jobs, you get to destroy people’s health — and the water supply. It’s only fair. McClendon says the environmentalists outside live in a “fantasy land of a world without fossil fuels.” He’s fighting back against gas drilling critics, dismissing their claims, and saying environmentalists want to turn the clock back to a time without electricity. Yeah, because we all hate electric lights, cell phones and computers. Uh huh. Just keep telling yourself that, Mr. Fancy Pants.

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Egypt declares state of alert after Israeli embassy broken into

Storming of building comes after demonstrations two days before Turkish leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan visits country Egypt declared a state of alert early this morning after a group of 30 protesters broke into the Israeli embassy in Cairo last night and dumped hundreds of documents out of the windows. The storming of the building came after a day of demonstrations outside where crowds swinging sledgehammers and using their bare hands tore apart the embassy’s security wall. Hundreds of people converged on the embassy throughout the afternoon and into the night, tearing down large sections of the graffiti-covered security wall outside the 21-storey building. For hours, security forces made no attempt to intervene. A security official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because not authorised to speak to the media, said that one group of protesters reached a room on one of the embassy’s floors at the top of the building just before midnight and began dumping Hebrew-language documents from the windows. The prime minister, Essam Sharif, summoned a crisis cabinet meeting to discuss the situation. In Jerusalem, an Israeli official confirmed the embassy had been broken into, saying it appeared that the group reached a waiting room. In Cairo, officials at the capital’s airport said the Israeli ambassador was there waiting for a military plane to evacuate him, and other Israelis were also waiting for the flight to take them back to Israel. Barack Obama expressed concern at the intrusion and told the Israeli prime minister, Binyamin Netanyahu, that he was taking steps to help resolve the situation without further violence. Obama called on the Egyptian government to honour its international obligations to safeguard the embassy. The attack came two days before a scheduled visit by the Turkish prime minister to Cairo amid concern in Israel that he may seek an alliance between the two countries with the aim of increasing the Jewish state’s isolation in the region. Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s visit, the first by a Turkish leader for 15 years, comes against the backdrop of a spiralling diplomatic offensive against Israel by Ankara which the US is seeking to contain. During Monday’s talks, Turkey and Egypt are expected to explore co-operation, and Erdogan may offer the post-Mubarak government much-needed financial aid, which would inevitably secure him leverage. “Turkey may be ready to invest a lot of money and effort into building Egypt as a regional ally,” said Alon Liel, a former Israeli envoy to Ankara. “He may try to persuade them to downgrade relations with Israel.” According to Yossi Alpher , an analyst and co-editor of the bitterlemons website, Erdogan “is flexing Turkey’s muscles. He’s now trying to project Turkish influence into Egypt. There’s concern he will offer financial aid to Egypt, which needs it desperately, and that will give him a degree of influence. There’s concern Erdogan will hook up with the Egyptian Islamists, who are growing in influence. “And there’s concern that he will persuade the Egyptians to allow him to visit Gaza, where he’ll proclaim himself its saviour. None of this is good from Israel’s perspective.” In Gaza, Erdogan would get a hero’s welcome and incur Israel’s anger. But an Israeli government source said that it had not picked up indications the Egyptians had agreed to Erdogan crossing their border into Gaza. The visit to Cairo follows a series of punitive measures by the Turkish government – including expelling the Israeli ambassador, suspending defence trade agreements and threatening to deploy the Turkish navy to patrol the eastern Mediterranean – since Israel refused to apologise for its deadly attack on a Gaza-bound flotilla last May. A UN report published a week ago concluded Israel had used “excessive and unreasonable” force in stopping the Mavi Marmara, although it also stated that the Israeli naval blockade of Gaza was legal. Nine Turkish activists were killed on the ship, for which Turkey demanded an apology and compensation for the men’s families. Israel’s refusal to apologise contrasted with its swift statement of regret three weeks ago when Egyptian security personnel were shot dead after a militant attack near the Egypt-Israel border in which eight Israelis were killed. “The mistakes that Israel is making are much more evident in the case of Turkey than in the case of Egypt,” said Alpher. “Damage control was relatively more forthcoming with the apology to Egypt than in the case of Turkey, where we basically allowed ourselves to walk right into repeated traps that Erdogan has set for us.” The regret expressed to Egypt was not enough to prevent days of anti-Israel protests in Cairo. To Israel’s alarm, the post-Mubarak government made it clear it was listening to the mood on the street. Israel can ill afford to lose regional allies, especially in the runup to an expected vote to recognise a Palestinian state at the UN general assembly this month. Turkey and Egypt are backing the Palestinian bid. As well as wide political ramifications, a breach with Turkey could have serious economic consequences, Stanley Fischer, governor of the Bank of Israel, warned this week. Trade between the countries is worth $3.5bn-$4bn a year. The breach “will affect tourism, trade, culture and sport” as well as diplomatic relations, said Liel. Israeli government ministers and officials have been issued clear instructions to refrain from comment in an attempt to de-escalate the crisis. But the Israeli paper Yedioth Ahronoth reported on Friday that Avigdor Lieberman, the provocative rightwing foreign minister, is considering a series of measures against Turkey in retaliation for Ankara’s moves. According to Alpher, that would exacerbate the current crisis. “We have a lot to lose not just economically but also regionally, to the extent that we get drawn deeper into a clash with Turkey,” he said. “We were foolish not to apologise [for the Mavi Marmara deaths]. We should still be trying to maintain a low profile and hope friends like the US can try to some extent mend fences here before things get worse.” Egypt Middle East Africa Israel Turkey Europe Protest Harriet Sherwood guardian.co.uk

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Barney Frank: Republicans Don’t Want the Economy or Obama to Succeed

Click here to view this media After discussing the Republicans reaction to President Obama’s speech laying out his proposals for job creation and their scornful reaction to the President mentioning that Warren Buffett pays a lower tax rate than his secretary, Lawrence O’Donnell asked Rep. Barney Frank whether there was any chance of his bill passing through the House of Representatives. Rep. Frank stated the obvious reasons why it won’t. As Frank noted, Republicans do not accept the notion that government is capable of doing anything to improve people’s lives, they don’t believe in government, period, and they don’t want the economy to get any better because that would mean President Obama’s chances of getting reelected get better. And as Frank pointed out, the Republicans have already said their number one goal was to keep the President from being reelected. O’Donnell asked Frank what he thought about the idea of President Obama going around to different Republican House districts and show the roads and bridges that need to be rebuilt there, the teachers that could be hired there and what not and whether that strategy might work or not. FRANK: I believe the president should try and will try, but let me… let’s go with the metaphor here. Air Force One is a transport plane, it’s not a bomber. The president can’t go over districts and bomb them into submission. Frank also pointed out the other problem with that strategy, which is that the dominating force in Republican politics is their extreme right-wing base, that is pushing them further and further to the right and away from what most of the country wants in order to get Americans back to work, but they’re the ones who show up to vote in the primaries, so the Republicans are beholden to them.

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WaPo’s Dionne: ‘Time to Leave 9/11 Behind’ as ‘A Simple Day of Remembrance’

Having read E.J. Dionne's Wednesday column in the Washington Post (HT Jim Taranto at the Wall Street Journal's Best of the Web), I am sooooo comforted — not. Dionne assures his readers that “Al-Qaeda is a dangerous enemy. But our country and the world were never threatened by the caliphate of its mad fantasies.” Thus, the last 10 years of the “war on terrorism” (lowercase letters and quote marks are his) have apparently largely been a waste of time and treasure, which is why, on the tenth anniversary of the September 11, 2001 attacks, Dionne asserts that “we need to leave the day behind,” and relegate it to “a simple day of remembrance.” Dionne is of course entitled to his opinions but not his facts. In addition to dangerously underestimating global jihad's devastating potential, Dionne overestimated what he must believe is a “lost decade” media meme, and completely misinterpreted the meaning of Lincoln's Gettysburg Address. What follows are excerptes from Dionne's column (bolds and numbered tags are mine): After we honor the 10th anniversary of the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, we need to leave the day behind. As a nation we have looked back for too long. We learned lessons from the attacks, but so many of them were wrong. The last decade was a detour that left our nation weaker, more divided and less certain of itself. Reflections on the meaning of the horror and the years that followed are inevitably inflected by our own political or philosophical leanings. It’s a critique that no doubt applies to my thoughts as well. We see what we choose to see and use the event as we want to use it. This does nothing to honor those who died and those who sacrificed to prevent even more suffering. In the future, the anniversary will best be reserved as a simple day of remembrance in which all of us humbly offer our respect for the anguish and the heroism of those individuals and their families. But if we continue to place 9/11 at the center of our national consciousness, we will keep making the same mistakes. Our nation’s future depended on far more than the outcome of a vaguely defined “war on terrorism,” and it still does. Al-Qaeda is a dangerous enemy. But our country and the world were never threatened by the caliphate of its mad fantasies. [1] Forgive me, but I find it hard to forget former president George W. Bush’s 2004 response to Sen. John Kerry’s comment that “the war on terror is less of a military operation and far more of an intelligence-gathering and law-enforcement operation.” Bush retorted: “I disagree — strongly disagree. . . . After the chaos and carnage of September the 11th, it is not enough to serve our enemies with legal papers. With those attacks, the terrorists and their supporters declared war on the United States of America, and war is what they got.” What The Washington Post called “an era of endless war” is what we got, too. [2] Bush, of course, understood the importance of “intelligence gathering” and “law enforcement.” His administration presided over a great deal of both, and his supporters spoke, with justice, of his success in staving off further acts of terror. Yet he could not resist the temptation to turn on Kerry’s statement of the obvious. … In the flood of anniversary commentary, notice how often the term “the lost decade” has been invoked. [3] … We have no alternative from now on but to look forward and not back. This does not dishonor the fallen heroes, and Lincoln explained why at Gettysburg. “We can not dedicate — we can not consecrate — we can not hallow this ground,” he said. “The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.” The best we could do, Lincoln declared, was to commit ourselves to “a new birth of freedom.” [4] This is still our calling. Explanations of the numbered tags follow. [1] — The idea that the U.S. or the world were never threatened by Al Qaeda is sheer, obvious fantasy. It's as if Dionne doesn't believe what he's been reading in his own newspaper during the past decade. In July 2009, Heritage listed in detail 23 terrorist plots against the United States which had been foiled since the 9/11 attacks. At least a half-dozen had direct Al Qaeda links, while others were more than likely inspired by Al Qaeda's “successes.” Worldwide, ReligionOfPeace.com has details of 17,715 attacks carried out by Islamic terrorists since 9/11. Major attacks with high body counts I can recall off the top of my head include Spain, London, Bali, and Mumbai. [2] — The disingenuous Dionne knows darned well that Kerry was talking about taking terrorists through our court system instead of treating them as enemy combatants. The WaPo writer's argument about the relative resources devoted to law enforcement vs. military efforts is irrelevant. As to the “endless war,” well, September 11, 2001 is when we finally recognized the reality that we had been in an “endless war” for some time — something George Bush's predecessor would not acknowledge, even after bombings at American embassies in Africa, Khobar Towers in Saudia Arabia, and the USS Cole. [3] — I did three related searches on ["September 11" "lost decade"] (typed exactly as indicated between brackets) at about 6:30 p.m. Results: Google News (past 30 days, sorted by date): 12, including Dionne's column; Google News Archive from January 1 through August 10, 2011 (sorted by date): 2; and Google Web from January 1 to September 9, 2011 (sorted by date): 349 (the first page says there are ” about 20,100 ,” but it's really 349 ). These are extremely sparse results, and certainly don't support Dionne's contention that the term “lost decade” is being used in “the flood of anniversary commentary.” Maybe at the WaPo water cooler, but that's about it. [4] — Dionne seems to have missed his calling. He should be in the meat processing business, given how he butchered the meaning of the Gettysburg address beyond recognition. The complete text of the segment of the address Dionne cited reads as follows (words Dionne quoted are in bold to highlight his selectivity): But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate — we can not consecrate — we can not hallow — this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us — that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion — that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain — that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom — and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth. Dionne wants readers to believe that Lincoln was only narrowly worried about “a new birth of freedom” in some abstract, undefined form. It's clear in the full text above that Lincoln was saying that the North, to honor the soldiers who died, had to renew its resolve to prosecute and win the Civil War, reunite the country, and end slavery. That was the “new birth of freedom” he sough. Additionally, even then, with its relatively slight worldwide influence, it's clear that Lincoln saw the United States as the best hope for freedom to prevail on earth. There's nothing even resembling “let's move on (and compartmentalize our memories)” in the address. One wishing to properly apply Lincoln's words today would have to conclude that he would have advocated a robust effort to win the War on Terror (my caps with no quotes, E.J.). It's also clear that he would not want us to relegate 9/11 to “a simple remembrance,” and that he would never want us to forget the entirely of the horrors which happened that day. Taranto at Best of the Web recommends that Dionne be considered an object of ridicule: When we gave E.J. “Baghdad Bob” Dionne his nickname, we worried that we were perhaps being excessively cruel. After all, liberals have feelings, or so we've been told. But based on Dionne's column yesterday, it looks as though he's embracing the moniker. Ridicule is fine to a point, but if there has even been a place to also include scorn, this would be it. Here we have a guy whose employer's headquarters is a very short distance from a place where hundreds died in a terrorist attack dismissing those who carried it off as on the whole “dangerous” but not threatening. This is ignorant, derelict, horribly irresponsible — and, I'm afraid, all too typical of the establishment media elite who bring us our daily news. Cross-posted at BizzyBlog.com .

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The Cure’s Robert Smith: ‘I’m uncomfortable with politicised musicians’

The Bestival headliner despairs at the riots, wealth inequality, and the UK ‘sliding into a police state’: just don’t ask him to write a song about it I’ve got a Facebook page,” says Robert Smith, “but I’ve never put anything on it. I’ve got a presence on all the social networks, in fact, but I’ve never once sent a message. I’m there because otherwise, someone’s going to pretend to be me. The idea of doing an interview nowadays … I have no interest or desire in having a conversation with anyone other than the people that I know. I’m in the strange position of the world drifting away from me, but you know what? I’m actually quite content with that. It doesn’t bother me in the slightest. I don’t feel like, ‘Oh God, I’m being left behind.’” Like a pan-sticked Peter Pan, there is something eternally teenage about Robert Smith. He is an excellent interviewee: forthcoming, erudite – even slightly mischievous. Any such levity, however, is leavened by the tacit acknowledgment that existence is futile, and we are all just bags of flesh and bones whiling away the days before death and putrefaction sets in. “Your paper’s got the most respect, though, hasn’t it?” says the crown prince of 80s gloom. “Particularly with all the recent stuff that’s gone on, the phone hacking.” Given his moping, introspective image, it is something of a surprise to find Smith is politicised, a proud Guardianista and, he says, “a liberal kind of guy”. He no longer lives in London, but followed the recent riots on TV. “I’m old enough to remember the Brixton riots – I remember the police and the miners’ strike and how very brutal that was, and it was a very different thing, it felt very political. This sort of is – but it also isn’t, because people are breaking into stores just to steal stuff. That’s where it all breaks down. It’s wanton destruction in many ways. It’s really sad. You can sort of understand, because a million people go on a march to try to stop a war and nobody takes any notice. But you don’t respond to it by stealing trainers and burning down fucking doughnut shops.” He ponders the negative effects of our 24-hour news culture. “They keep showing the same images over and over, and it gives the impression it’s happening everywhere, all the time. Perspective has been lost. Suddenly you’ve got these polls saying, ‘Give the police live ammunition.’ And I’m like, ‘Hold on! It’s not that bad, really’!” It is, he thinks, “a dream come true for Theresa May … it just paves the way for the police to be armed, curfews to be put in. It’s like we’re all sliding inexorably towards this fucking police state, populated with roaming gangs, like a 2000AD comic.” ‘In the west, we see people being rewarded for doing nothing; it wouldn’t matter if they died, but we see them being rewarded with massive sums of money’ So what broke Britain? Inequality, thinks Smith. “The top 1% is hundreds of times richer than the bottom 30, and it’s got worse – it’s got worse under Labour, and why is nothing being done about it? In the west, we see people being rewarded for doing nothing; they create nothing, it wouldn’t matter if they died, but we see them being rewarded massive sums of money … even I get angry.” It’s been well over two years since the Cure – the band that a teenage Smith formed with a few schoolmates at a Sussex comprehensive way back in 1978 – have played a show in the UK. In the run-up to the release of their last album, 2008′s 4:13 Dream , the band embarked on a year-long world tour. Shows drew on songs from throughout the Cure’s catalogue, some sets breaking the three-hour mark, and Smith returned to the UK to be showered in plaudits including NME’s Godlike Genius award, plus a different sort of landmark – his 50th birthday. For a while, though, he says, he was unsure if the Cure would ever play live again. “I hated the idea of sliding into the twilight zone, going through the motions,” he says. “My whole life I’ve played music for my own personal enjoyment and the idea of it becoming a machine or a business is just horrible.” For 18 months, then, Robert Smith all but disappeared. He listened to music he hadn’t listened to for years, old blues and jazz records, and read voraciously. He recorded a handful of guest vocals, for Crystal Castles and the Japanese Popstars . The world turned awhile. Then, in early 2011, the Cure’s management got a call from Bestival , who wondered if the Cure might want to headline this year’s event. They did, although the idea that this is a fully fledged return comes with some qualification. He’s only speaking to the Guardian today, Smith says, because [organiser] “Rob da Bank said, ‘Will you do one interview for us?’ And I said yes. So this is for them. Dunno why Björk’s not doing it; she’s playing, isn’t she?” Rising out of the murky post-punk ferment, the Cure came to characterise a distinct moment in UK music, as the urgent energy of punk hollowed out into something beautiful and bleak. Throughout the early-80s, they crafted a string of peerlessly gloomy records – dark ink-blots of despair like 1981′s Faith and 1982′s Pornography – before changing direction and guiding their sound into poppier realms. Songs such as The Lovecats and Friday I’m In Love , says Smith, didn’t grow out of any commercial ambition, but because they just, well, seemed right. “Faith was the sound of extreme desolation because that’s how we felt at the time,” he says. “But we didn’t continue doing that because that’s what we thought our fans wanted. Five years later we were on all sorts of stupid pop shows taking the piss out of ourselves. Down the years, we’ve done primarily what I feel, and to a great extent what the people around me feel; when people cease to feel the same way they slip out of that inner circle.” Even today, Smith bristles slightly at the term “goth”, not because he dislikes the term, but because “it’s only people that aren’t goths that think the Cure are a goth band … we were like a raincoat, shoegazing band when goth was picking up.” The tag has stuck, probably, because of Smith’s signature look – the backcombed hair, the messily applied lipstick. “It’s an identifying process I’ve kept down the years. I wear black – I’m wearing black now, I always have. I don’t do it because I’m making a statement, I do it because it’s … I don’t know, slimming? You don’t have to wash so often? Probably the main reason is that all my clothes are black. I often ask, ‘Does it come in white?’ and people just stare at me.” ‘As a character, a public persona, I’m not perceived as politicised; I don’t think I have the gravitas, the way I look, to pull it off’ In the last decade or so, he says, he’s tried to write more songs that engage with the real world. “But very few of them make it on to the final album,” he says. “It has always seemed slightly uncomfortable, the idea of politicised musicians. Very few of them are clever enough to do it; if they’re good at the political side, the music side suffers, and vice versa. As a character, a public persona, I’m not perceived in that way; I don’t think I have the gravitas, the way I look, to pull it off.” Instead, he continues to return to more personal, introspective themes. There’s a live version of a Cure song called A Boy I Never Knew floating around online, a song that’s not yet made it to a studio album. Smith’s lyric is heartfelt, tender – “I’d love to watch him dream/ Love to see him sleep/ To have his arms around me,” he sings – and fans have speculated it is a song about fatherhood, or the lack of (Smith and his wife, Mary, have chosen to remain childless). Smith admits the song is personal, partly inspired by friends that have lost children, but reveals its initial seed was the story of Turkana Boy, a fossil discovered by the paleoanthropologist Richard Leakey. “He was a million years old, so he was not quite one of us, but close enough. I read a very moving article that pieced together his last day: he fell in mud by a riverbank, died, and was fossilised. The bond between parent and child is something I’ll only experience one way, and it seems to transcend pretty much everything. Every animal would rather die themselves than lose their offspring. But it’s just genes, isn’t it? All of our existence is spent worrying about the next generation, but we don’t actually seem to get anywhere. It’s me worrying about that, really.” So he’s never wanted to pass on his own genes? “I’ve never regretted not having children. My mindset in that regard has been constant. I objected to being born, and I refuse to impose life on someone else. Living, it’s awful for me. I can’t on one hand argue the futility of life and the pointlessness of existence and have a family. It doesn’t sit comfortably. “I enjoy myself hugely,” he says, with a laugh, “but you know, it’s despite myself, really.” The Cure play Bestival, Saturday 10 September 2011, 10pm Sky Arts 1 The Cure Indie Pop and rock Bestival Louis Pattison guardian.co.uk

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The Cure’s Robert Smith: ‘I’m uncomfortable with politicised musicians’

The Bestival headliner despairs at the riots, wealth inequality, and the UK ‘sliding into a police state’: just don’t ask him to write a song about it I’ve got a Facebook page,” says Robert Smith, “but I’ve never put anything on it. I’ve got a presence on all the social networks, in fact, but I’ve never once sent a message. I’m there because otherwise, someone’s going to pretend to be me. The idea of doing an interview nowadays … I have no interest or desire in having a conversation with anyone other than the people that I know. I’m in the strange position of the world drifting away from me, but you know what? I’m actually quite content with that. It doesn’t bother me in the slightest. I don’t feel like, ‘Oh God, I’m being left behind.’” Like a pan-sticked Peter Pan, there is something eternally teenage about Robert Smith. He is an excellent interviewee: forthcoming, erudite – even slightly mischievous. Any such levity, however, is leavened by the tacit acknowledgment that existence is futile, and we are all just bags of flesh and bones whiling away the days before death and putrefaction sets in. “Your paper’s got the most respect, though, hasn’t it?” says the crown prince of 80s gloom. “Particularly with all the recent stuff that’s gone on, the phone hacking.” Given his moping, introspective image, it is something of a surprise to find Smith is politicised, a proud Guardianista and, he says, “a liberal kind of guy”. He no longer lives in London, but followed the recent riots on TV. “I’m old enough to remember the Brixton riots – I remember the police and the miners’ strike and how very brutal that was, and it was a very different thing, it felt very political. This sort of is – but it also isn’t, because people are breaking into stores just to steal stuff. That’s where it all breaks down. It’s wanton destruction in many ways. It’s really sad. You can sort of understand, because a million people go on a march to try to stop a war and nobody takes any notice. But you don’t respond to it by stealing trainers and burning down fucking doughnut shops.” He ponders the negative effects of our 24-hour news culture. “They keep showing the same images over and over, and it gives the impression it’s happening everywhere, all the time. Perspective has been lost. Suddenly you’ve got these polls saying, ‘Give the police live ammunition.’ And I’m like, ‘Hold on! It’s not that bad, really’!” It is, he thinks, “a dream come true for Theresa May … it just paves the way for the police to be armed, curfews to be put in. It’s like we’re all sliding inexorably towards this fucking police state, populated with roaming gangs, like a 2000AD comic.” ‘In the west, we see people being rewarded for doing nothing; it wouldn’t matter if they died, but we see them being rewarded with massive sums of money’ So what broke Britain? Inequality, thinks Smith. “The top 1% is hundreds of times richer than the bottom 30, and it’s got worse – it’s got worse under Labour, and why is nothing being done about it? In the west, we see people being rewarded for doing nothing; they create nothing, it wouldn’t matter if they died, but we see them being rewarded massive sums of money … even I get angry.” It’s been well over two years since the Cure – the band that a teenage Smith formed with a few schoolmates at a Sussex comprehensive way back in 1978 – have played a show in the UK. In the run-up to the release of their last album, 2008′s 4:13 Dream , the band embarked on a year-long world tour. Shows drew on songs from throughout the Cure’s catalogue, some sets breaking the three-hour mark, and Smith returned to the UK to be showered in plaudits including NME’s Godlike Genius award, plus a different sort of landmark – his 50th birthday. For a while, though, he says, he was unsure if the Cure would ever play live again. “I hated the idea of sliding into the twilight zone, going through the motions,” he says. “My whole life I’ve played music for my own personal enjoyment and the idea of it becoming a machine or a business is just horrible.” For 18 months, then, Robert Smith all but disappeared. He listened to music he hadn’t listened to for years, old blues and jazz records, and read voraciously. He recorded a handful of guest vocals, for Crystal Castles and the Japanese Popstars . The world turned awhile. Then, in early 2011, the Cure’s management got a call from Bestival , who wondered if the Cure might want to headline this year’s event. They did, although the idea that this is a fully fledged return comes with some qualification. He’s only speaking to the Guardian today, Smith says, because [organiser] “Rob da Bank said, ‘Will you do one interview for us?’ And I said yes. So this is for them. Dunno why Björk’s not doing it; she’s playing, isn’t she?” Rising out of the murky post-punk ferment, the Cure came to characterise a distinct moment in UK music, as the urgent energy of punk hollowed out into something beautiful and bleak. Throughout the early-80s, they crafted a string of peerlessly gloomy records – dark ink-blots of despair like 1981′s Faith and 1982′s Pornography – before changing direction and guiding their sound into poppier realms. Songs such as The Lovecats and Friday I’m In Love , says Smith, didn’t grow out of any commercial ambition, but because they just, well, seemed right. “Faith was the sound of extreme desolation because that’s how we felt at the time,” he says. “But we didn’t continue doing that because that’s what we thought our fans wanted. Five years later we were on all sorts of stupid pop shows taking the piss out of ourselves. Down the years, we’ve done primarily what I feel, and to a great extent what the people around me feel; when people cease to feel the same way they slip out of that inner circle.” Even today, Smith bristles slightly at the term “goth”, not because he dislikes the term, but because “it’s only people that aren’t goths that think the Cure are a goth band … we were like a raincoat, shoegazing band when goth was picking up.” The tag has stuck, probably, because of Smith’s signature look – the backcombed hair, the messily applied lipstick. “It’s an identifying process I’ve kept down the years. I wear black – I’m wearing black now, I always have. I don’t do it because I’m making a statement, I do it because it’s … I don’t know, slimming? You don’t have to wash so often? Probably the main reason is that all my clothes are black. I often ask, ‘Does it come in white?’ and people just stare at me.” ‘As a character, a public persona, I’m not perceived as politicised; I don’t think I have the gravitas, the way I look, to pull it off’ In the last decade or so, he says, he’s tried to write more songs that engage with the real world. “But very few of them make it on to the final album,” he says. “It has always seemed slightly uncomfortable, the idea of politicised musicians. Very few of them are clever enough to do it; if they’re good at the political side, the music side suffers, and vice versa. As a character, a public persona, I’m not perceived in that way; I don’t think I have the gravitas, the way I look, to pull it off.” Instead, he continues to return to more personal, introspective themes. There’s a live version of a Cure song called A Boy I Never Knew floating around online, a song that’s not yet made it to a studio album. Smith’s lyric is heartfelt, tender – “I’d love to watch him dream/ Love to see him sleep/ To have his arms around me,” he sings – and fans have speculated it is a song about fatherhood, or the lack of (Smith and his wife, Mary, have chosen to remain childless). Smith admits the song is personal, partly inspired by friends that have lost children, but reveals its initial seed was the story of Turkana Boy, a fossil discovered by the paleoanthropologist Richard Leakey. “He was a million years old, so he was not quite one of us, but close enough. I read a very moving article that pieced together his last day: he fell in mud by a riverbank, died, and was fossilised. The bond between parent and child is something I’ll only experience one way, and it seems to transcend pretty much everything. Every animal would rather die themselves than lose their offspring. But it’s just genes, isn’t it? All of our existence is spent worrying about the next generation, but we don’t actually seem to get anywhere. It’s me worrying about that, really.” So he’s never wanted to pass on his own genes? “I’ve never regretted not having children. My mindset in that regard has been constant. I objected to being born, and I refuse to impose life on someone else. Living, it’s awful for me. I can’t on one hand argue the futility of life and the pointlessness of existence and have a family. It doesn’t sit comfortably. “I enjoy myself hugely,” he says, with a laugh, “but you know, it’s despite myself, really.” The Cure play Bestival, Saturday 10 September 2011, 10pm Sky Arts 1 The Cure Indie Pop and rock Bestival Louis Pattison guardian.co.uk

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The Cure’s Robert Smith: ‘I’m uncomfortable with politicised musicians’

The Bestival headliner despairs at the riots, wealth inequality, and the UK ‘sliding into a police state’: just don’t ask him to write a song about it I’ve got a Facebook page,” says Robert Smith, “but I’ve never put anything on it. I’ve got a presence on all the social networks, in fact, but I’ve never once sent a message. I’m there because otherwise, someone’s going to pretend to be me. The idea of doing an interview nowadays … I have no interest or desire in having a conversation with anyone other than the people that I know. I’m in the strange position of the world drifting away from me, but you know what? I’m actually quite content with that. It doesn’t bother me in the slightest. I don’t feel like, ‘Oh God, I’m being left behind.’” Like a pan-sticked Peter Pan, there is something eternally teenage about Robert Smith. He is an excellent interviewee: forthcoming, erudite – even slightly mischievous. Any such levity, however, is leavened by the tacit acknowledgment that existence is futile, and we are all just bags of flesh and bones whiling away the days before death and putrefaction sets in. “Your paper’s got the most respect, though, hasn’t it?” says the crown prince of 80s gloom. “Particularly with all the recent stuff that’s gone on, the phone hacking.” Given his moping, introspective image, it is something of a surprise to find Smith is politicised, a proud Guardianista and, he says, “a liberal kind of guy”. He no longer lives in London, but followed the recent riots on TV. “I’m old enough to remember the Brixton riots – I remember the police and the miners’ strike and how very brutal that was, and it was a very different thing, it felt very political. This sort of is – but it also isn’t, because people are breaking into stores just to steal stuff. That’s where it all breaks down. It’s wanton destruction in many ways. It’s really sad. You can sort of understand, because a million people go on a march to try to stop a war and nobody takes any notice. But you don’t respond to it by stealing trainers and burning down fucking doughnut shops.” He ponders the negative effects of our 24-hour news culture. “They keep showing the same images over and over, and it gives the impression it’s happening everywhere, all the time. Perspective has been lost. Suddenly you’ve got these polls saying, ‘Give the police live ammunition.’ And I’m like, ‘Hold on! It’s not that bad, really’!” It is, he thinks, “a dream come true for Theresa May … it just paves the way for the police to be armed, curfews to be put in. It’s like we’re all sliding inexorably towards this fucking police state, populated with roaming gangs, like a 2000AD comic.” ‘In the west, we see people being rewarded for doing nothing; it wouldn’t matter if they died, but we see them being rewarded with massive sums of money’ So what broke Britain? Inequality, thinks Smith. “The top 1% is hundreds of times richer than the bottom 30, and it’s got worse – it’s got worse under Labour, and why is nothing being done about it? In the west, we see people being rewarded for doing nothing; they create nothing, it wouldn’t matter if they died, but we see them being rewarded massive sums of money … even I get angry.” It’s been well over two years since the Cure – the band that a teenage Smith formed with a few schoolmates at a Sussex comprehensive way back in 1978 – have played a show in the UK. In the run-up to the release of their last album, 2008′s 4:13 Dream , the band embarked on a year-long world tour. Shows drew on songs from throughout the Cure’s catalogue, some sets breaking the three-hour mark, and Smith returned to the UK to be showered in plaudits including NME’s Godlike Genius award, plus a different sort of landmark – his 50th birthday. For a while, though, he says, he was unsure if the Cure would ever play live again. “I hated the idea of sliding into the twilight zone, going through the motions,” he says. “My whole life I’ve played music for my own personal enjoyment and the idea of it becoming a machine or a business is just horrible.” For 18 months, then, Robert Smith all but disappeared. He listened to music he hadn’t listened to for years, old blues and jazz records, and read voraciously. He recorded a handful of guest vocals, for Crystal Castles and the Japanese Popstars . The world turned awhile. Then, in early 2011, the Cure’s management got a call from Bestival , who wondered if the Cure might want to headline this year’s event. They did, although the idea that this is a fully fledged return comes with some qualification. He’s only speaking to the Guardian today, Smith says, because [organiser] “Rob da Bank said, ‘Will you do one interview for us?’ And I said yes. So this is for them. Dunno why Björk’s not doing it; she’s playing, isn’t she?” Rising out of the murky post-punk ferment, the Cure came to characterise a distinct moment in UK music, as the urgent energy of punk hollowed out into something beautiful and bleak. Throughout the early-80s, they crafted a string of peerlessly gloomy records – dark ink-blots of despair like 1981′s Faith and 1982′s Pornography – before changing direction and guiding their sound into poppier realms. Songs such as The Lovecats and Friday I’m In Love , says Smith, didn’t grow out of any commercial ambition, but because they just, well, seemed right. “Faith was the sound of extreme desolation because that’s how we felt at the time,” he says. “But we didn’t continue doing that because that’s what we thought our fans wanted. Five years later we were on all sorts of stupid pop shows taking the piss out of ourselves. Down the years, we’ve done primarily what I feel, and to a great extent what the people around me feel; when people cease to feel the same way they slip out of that inner circle.” Even today, Smith bristles slightly at the term “goth”, not because he dislikes the term, but because “it’s only people that aren’t goths that think the Cure are a goth band … we were like a raincoat, shoegazing band when goth was picking up.” The tag has stuck, probably, because of Smith’s signature look – the backcombed hair, the messily applied lipstick. “It’s an identifying process I’ve kept down the years. I wear black – I’m wearing black now, I always have. I don’t do it because I’m making a statement, I do it because it’s … I don’t know, slimming? You don’t have to wash so often? Probably the main reason is that all my clothes are black. I often ask, ‘Does it come in white?’ and people just stare at me.” ‘As a character, a public persona, I’m not perceived as politicised; I don’t think I have the gravitas, the way I look, to pull it off’ In the last decade or so, he says, he’s tried to write more songs that engage with the real world. “But very few of them make it on to the final album,” he says. “It has always seemed slightly uncomfortable, the idea of politicised musicians. Very few of them are clever enough to do it; if they’re good at the political side, the music side suffers, and vice versa. As a character, a public persona, I’m not perceived in that way; I don’t think I have the gravitas, the way I look, to pull it off.” Instead, he continues to return to more personal, introspective themes. There’s a live version of a Cure song called A Boy I Never Knew floating around online, a song that’s not yet made it to a studio album. Smith’s lyric is heartfelt, tender – “I’d love to watch him dream/ Love to see him sleep/ To have his arms around me,” he sings – and fans have speculated it is a song about fatherhood, or the lack of (Smith and his wife, Mary, have chosen to remain childless). Smith admits the song is personal, partly inspired by friends that have lost children, but reveals its initial seed was the story of Turkana Boy, a fossil discovered by the paleoanthropologist Richard Leakey. “He was a million years old, so he was not quite one of us, but close enough. I read a very moving article that pieced together his last day: he fell in mud by a riverbank, died, and was fossilised. The bond between parent and child is something I’ll only experience one way, and it seems to transcend pretty much everything. Every animal would rather die themselves than lose their offspring. But it’s just genes, isn’t it? All of our existence is spent worrying about the next generation, but we don’t actually seem to get anywhere. It’s me worrying about that, really.” So he’s never wanted to pass on his own genes? “I’ve never regretted not having children. My mindset in that regard has been constant. I objected to being born, and I refuse to impose life on someone else. Living, it’s awful for me. I can’t on one hand argue the futility of life and the pointlessness of existence and have a family. It doesn’t sit comfortably. “I enjoy myself hugely,” he says, with a laugh, “but you know, it’s despite myself, really.” The Cure play Bestival, Saturday 10 September 2011, 10pm Sky Arts 1 The Cure Indie Pop and rock Bestival Louis Pattison guardian.co.uk

Continue reading …
The Cure’s Robert Smith: ‘I’m uncomfortable with politicised musicians’

The Bestival headliner despairs at the riots, wealth inequality, and the UK ‘sliding into a police state’: just don’t ask him to write a song about it I’ve got a Facebook page,” says Robert Smith, “but I’ve never put anything on it. I’ve got a presence on all the social networks, in fact, but I’ve never once sent a message. I’m there because otherwise, someone’s going to pretend to be me. The idea of doing an interview nowadays … I have no interest or desire in having a conversation with anyone other than the people that I know. I’m in the strange position of the world drifting away from me, but you know what? I’m actually quite content with that. It doesn’t bother me in the slightest. I don’t feel like, ‘Oh God, I’m being left behind.’” Like a pan-sticked Peter Pan, there is something eternally teenage about Robert Smith. He is an excellent interviewee: forthcoming, erudite – even slightly mischievous. Any such levity, however, is leavened by the tacit acknowledgment that existence is futile, and we are all just bags of flesh and bones whiling away the days before death and putrefaction sets in. “Your paper’s got the most respect, though, hasn’t it?” says the crown prince of 80s gloom. “Particularly with all the recent stuff that’s gone on, the phone hacking.” Given his moping, introspective image, it is something of a surprise to find Smith is politicised, a proud Guardianista and, he says, “a liberal kind of guy”. He no longer lives in London, but followed the recent riots on TV. “I’m old enough to remember the Brixton riots – I remember the police and the miners’ strike and how very brutal that was, and it was a very different thing, it felt very political. This sort of is – but it also isn’t, because people are breaking into stores just to steal stuff. That’s where it all breaks down. It’s wanton destruction in many ways. It’s really sad. You can sort of understand, because a million people go on a march to try to stop a war and nobody takes any notice. But you don’t respond to it by stealing trainers and burning down fucking doughnut shops.” He ponders the negative effects of our 24-hour news culture. “They keep showing the same images over and over, and it gives the impression it’s happening everywhere, all the time. Perspective has been lost. Suddenly you’ve got these polls saying, ‘Give the police live ammunition.’ And I’m like, ‘Hold on! It’s not that bad, really’!” It is, he thinks, “a dream come true for Theresa May … it just paves the way for the police to be armed, curfews to be put in. It’s like we’re all sliding inexorably towards this fucking police state, populated with roaming gangs, like a 2000AD comic.” ‘In the west, we see people being rewarded for doing nothing; it wouldn’t matter if they died, but we see them being rewarded with massive sums of money’ So what broke Britain? Inequality, thinks Smith. “The top 1% is hundreds of times richer than the bottom 30, and it’s got worse – it’s got worse under Labour, and why is nothing being done about it? In the west, we see people being rewarded for doing nothing; they create nothing, it wouldn’t matter if they died, but we see them being rewarded massive sums of money … even I get angry.” It’s been well over two years since the Cure – the band that a teenage Smith formed with a few schoolmates at a Sussex comprehensive way back in 1978 – have played a show in the UK. In the run-up to the release of their last album, 2008′s 4:13 Dream , the band embarked on a year-long world tour. Shows drew on songs from throughout the Cure’s catalogue, some sets breaking the three-hour mark, and Smith returned to the UK to be showered in plaudits including NME’s Godlike Genius award, plus a different sort of landmark – his 50th birthday. For a while, though, he says, he was unsure if the Cure would ever play live again. “I hated the idea of sliding into the twilight zone, going through the motions,” he says. “My whole life I’ve played music for my own personal enjoyment and the idea of it becoming a machine or a business is just horrible.” For 18 months, then, Robert Smith all but disappeared. He listened to music he hadn’t listened to for years, old blues and jazz records, and read voraciously. He recorded a handful of guest vocals, for Crystal Castles and the Japanese Popstars . The world turned awhile. Then, in early 2011, the Cure’s management got a call from Bestival , who wondered if the Cure might want to headline this year’s event. They did, although the idea that this is a fully fledged return comes with some qualification. He’s only speaking to the Guardian today, Smith says, because [organiser] “Rob da Bank said, ‘Will you do one interview for us?’ And I said yes. So this is for them. Dunno why Björk’s not doing it; she’s playing, isn’t she?” Rising out of the murky post-punk ferment, the Cure came to characterise a distinct moment in UK music, as the urgent energy of punk hollowed out into something beautiful and bleak. Throughout the early-80s, they crafted a string of peerlessly gloomy records – dark ink-blots of despair like 1981′s Faith and 1982′s Pornography – before changing direction and guiding their sound into poppier realms. Songs such as The Lovecats and Friday I’m In Love , says Smith, didn’t grow out of any commercial ambition, but because they just, well, seemed right. “Faith was the sound of extreme desolation because that’s how we felt at the time,” he says. “But we didn’t continue doing that because that’s what we thought our fans wanted. Five years later we were on all sorts of stupid pop shows taking the piss out of ourselves. Down the years, we’ve done primarily what I feel, and to a great extent what the people around me feel; when people cease to feel the same way they slip out of that inner circle.” Even today, Smith bristles slightly at the term “goth”, not because he dislikes the term, but because “it’s only people that aren’t goths that think the Cure are a goth band … we were like a raincoat, shoegazing band when goth was picking up.” The tag has stuck, probably, because of Smith’s signature look – the backcombed hair, the messily applied lipstick. “It’s an identifying process I’ve kept down the years. I wear black – I’m wearing black now, I always have. I don’t do it because I’m making a statement, I do it because it’s … I don’t know, slimming? You don’t have to wash so often? Probably the main reason is that all my clothes are black. I often ask, ‘Does it come in white?’ and people just stare at me.” ‘As a character, a public persona, I’m not perceived as politicised; I don’t think I have the gravitas, the way I look, to pull it off’ In the last decade or so, he says, he’s tried to write more songs that engage with the real world. “But very few of them make it on to the final album,” he says. “It has always seemed slightly uncomfortable, the idea of politicised musicians. Very few of them are clever enough to do it; if they’re good at the political side, the music side suffers, and vice versa. As a character, a public persona, I’m not perceived in that way; I don’t think I have the gravitas, the way I look, to pull it off.” Instead, he continues to return to more personal, introspective themes. There’s a live version of a Cure song called A Boy I Never Knew floating around online, a song that’s not yet made it to a studio album. Smith’s lyric is heartfelt, tender – “I’d love to watch him dream/ Love to see him sleep/ To have his arms around me,” he sings – and fans have speculated it is a song about fatherhood, or the lack of (Smith and his wife, Mary, have chosen to remain childless). Smith admits the song is personal, partly inspired by friends that have lost children, but reveals its initial seed was the story of Turkana Boy, a fossil discovered by the paleoanthropologist Richard Leakey. “He was a million years old, so he was not quite one of us, but close enough. I read a very moving article that pieced together his last day: he fell in mud by a riverbank, died, and was fossilised. The bond between parent and child is something I’ll only experience one way, and it seems to transcend pretty much everything. Every animal would rather die themselves than lose their offspring. But it’s just genes, isn’t it? All of our existence is spent worrying about the next generation, but we don’t actually seem to get anywhere. It’s me worrying about that, really.” So he’s never wanted to pass on his own genes? “I’ve never regretted not having children. My mindset in that regard has been constant. I objected to being born, and I refuse to impose life on someone else. Living, it’s awful for me. I can’t on one hand argue the futility of life and the pointlessness of existence and have a family. It doesn’t sit comfortably. “I enjoy myself hugely,” he says, with a laugh, “but you know, it’s despite myself, really.” The Cure play Bestival, Saturday 10 September 2011, 10pm Sky Arts 1 The Cure Indie Pop and rock Bestival Louis Pattison guardian.co.uk

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Egyptian protesters break into Israeli embassy in Cairo

Group of protesters march from Tahrir square, where thousands more demonstrated against Egypt’s ruling generals A group of about 30 protesters broke into the Israeli embassy in Cairo on Friday and threw hundreds of documents out of the windows, Egyptian and Israeli officials have said. Hundreds of protesters had been converging on the 21-story building housing the embassy throughout the afternoon and into the night, tearing down large sections of a security wall. For hours, Egyptian security forces made no attempt to intervene. Just before midnight, a group of protesters reached a room on one of the embassy’s lower floors at the top of the building and began dumping Hebrew-language documents from the windows, according to an Egyptian security official who spoke on condition of anonymity. In Jerusalem, an Israeli official confirmed the embassy had been broken into, saying it appeared the group reached a waiting room on the lower floor. He spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not permitted to release the information. Since the fall of President Hosni Mubarak, calls have grown in Egypt for ending the 1979 peace treaty with Israel, a pact that has never had the support of ordinary Egyptians. Anger increased last month after Israeli forces – responding to a cross-border attack – mistakenly killed five Egyptian police officers near the border. Seven months after the popular uprising, Egyptians are still pressing for a list of changes, including more transparent trials of former regime figures accused of corruption and a clear timetable for parliamentary elections. Egyptians have grown increasingly distrustful of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, which took control of the country when Mubarak was forced out on 11 February after nearly three decades in power. The council, headed by Mubarak’s defence minister, Muhammad Hussein Tantawi, has voiced its support for the revolution and those who called for democracy and justice. But activists accuse it of remaining too close to Mubarak’s regime and practicing similarly repressive policies, including abusing detainees. The trials of thousands of civilians in military courts has also angered activists. Protesters marched to the Israeli embassy from Cairo’s Tahrir square, where thousands more demonstrated against Egypt’s ruling generals. Demonstrators in Cairo also converged on the state TV building, a central courthouse and the interior ministry, a hated symbol of abuses by police and security forces under Mubarak. Protesters covered one of the ministry’s gates with graffiti and tore off parts of the large ministry seal. Protests also took place in Alexandria, Suez and several other cities. Up to 90 people were injured, the health ministry said. Egypt Israel Arab and Middle East unrest Middle East Africa Protest guardian.co.uk

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