Home » Archives by category » News » Politics (Page 1821)

Vodafone may have been forced to send out pro-Mubarak texts, but operating in oppressive countries is always risky for a brand Vodafone has admitted sending out pro-Mubarak text messages to users of its mobile service in Egypt – although as the company says, in a mea exculpa, it was obliged to by the government. I had seen the pictures on Flickr last night, and followed some debate (involving Graham Linehan on Twitter) in which people debated whether they could be faked, and whether the translations given really did indicate a pro-Mubarak instruction; one suggestion was that the words were somewhat in the Nostradamus mode, where the meaning depended on what you wanted it to mean. This will be seized on by people who already want to dislike Vodafone (hello, UK Uncut) as further evidence of corporate evil. Certainly, it’s the sort of thing that will have executives in technology companies heaving a sigh and being grateful it wasn’t them. Arguably, the staff at Vodafone Egypt didn’t have much choice; it may be only 44.7% owned by the government there, but possession of a gun (or tank, or army, or secret police force armed with knives and sticks and a ruthless approach) is nine-tenths – often more – of the argument. But technology companies can hardly pretend they’re surprised when they do business with autocratic regimes and then are unpopular when those regimes use their products to reinforce their diktat. Remember Nokia Siemens, which provided equipment that was used to monitor opposition in Iran ? Or how about Cisco, whose routers have been used to build China’s Great Firewall , which keeps the majority of its citizens in wilful ignorance of the opinions of the world beyond its shores? The fact is for any corporation that if you’re keen to do business with an autocrat, you’ll be part of the collateral damage if – when – the shit hits the fan. Yet like moths batting themselves against a lightbulb in the belief that it’s actually the sun, companies keep returning to do business with countries and regimes whose life spans must be limited because of their repressive nature: no tyrant is immortal, not even (despite appearances) Robert Mugabe, and Zimbabwe will be lucky if it survives his passing without turmoil. It’s not only technology companies, of course. I’m astonished that BP has thrown in its lot once more with the Russian government, having already had its ownership of one joint venture there simply stolen. But moths don’t think about their headache. They just see something and think it’s the sun. And the people who succeed Mubarak and Mugabe and the rest – in Burma, in Iran, in North Korea, at some point in China – will not forget the brands that helped in the conspiracy to keep them down. The only faint light for Vodafone is that even while it was sending out those messages, its technology enabled the rebellion. It will have to rehearse that argument well. It’s going to need it some time in the next few months. Vodafone Telecommunications industry Egypt Hosni Mubarak Middle East Charles Arthur guardian.co.uk

Continue reading …
Newstalgia Reference Room – The Freedom Of Information Act – March 30, 1965

Click here to view this media (Sen. Al Gore with Rep. John Moss – Next time you’re digging around the National Archives, thank the guy on the right.) On March 30, 1965, California Representative John Moss introduced legislation in Congress that would give the public access to the inner workings of the government. It was met with a lot of resistance. LBJ swore to veto it if it arrived on his desk. The idea that a government that was transparent, that actually would be accountable, where the press would actually have access to documents seemed very abstract to some. And it wasn’t until 1966, when LBJ had a change of heart (or a change of some provisions in the bill) that The Freedom of Information Act was finally signed into law. A lot of attempts have been made to stymie the law, including a Bush Executive Order which rendered it null for the better part of 8 years. Still, the bill came from someplace and it was someone’s idea that the people were entitled to know the truth. So here is a report by Fred Morrison from March 30, 1965, outlining the reactions on Capitol Hill to the newly introduced bill.

Continue reading …
MAP: Clashes in the heart of Cairo

Interactive map of Tahrir Square – the rally point for protesters. Go to english.aljazeera.net for more information on the running battles raging in the Egyptian capital Cairo.

Continue reading …
Dick Morris thinks Obama administration should back Mubarak and his thugs, ‘aggressively confront’ protesters

Click here to view this media Dick Morris has always given me the creeps, because he just gives off this nasty toe-sucking-troll-who-lives-under-the-bridge vibe. I guess after last night, we can make that a fascist toe-sucking troll: MORRIS: I think that what Mubarak should be doing and what the Obama administration should be doing is aggressively confronting the demonstrators. I think that if we encourage the military to stand down, if we encourage the Mubarak supporters to refrain from controversy or even from violence, we really are opening the door to Islamic fundamentalist domination. That was Morris describing why President Obama is really to blame for the crisis in Egypt to Laura Ingraham last night on Fox’s The O’Reilly Factor . Notice that Morris couches the words so that he’s not directly calling for the American administration to engage in acts of violence, but he does clearly say we should openly condone and support a dictator’s street thugs in committing acts of violence. This came as part of Morris’ ongoing campaign to claim the President Obama “lost Egypt”, or as he put it last night, Obama “broke Egypt, and now he owns it” — a claim that seems to be gaining some circulation at Fox, which is increasingly desperate for anything, anything it can grasp for attacking Obama in this situation. Even Dick Morris’s disgusting grunts from under the bridge. Todd Gregory at Media Matters has more.

Continue reading …
Tahrir Square battleground: ‘These people tried to slaughter us last night’

Anti-Mubarak protesters in Cairo fight to hold square littered with bricks and burnt-out vehicles after night of bloodshed They were barely visible at first, a glimmer of tan clothing among the ranks of pro-Mubarak fighters lined on a low overpass above the entrance to Tahrir Square. It was from here that rocks, petrol bombs and bullets had been raining down on the anti-regime opposition defending their barricades below. At 9am first one, then a second, and then dozens of Egyptian soldiers – the same military forces who had stood back and watched as last night’s bloodshed unfolded – finally appeared at this key strategic flashpoint and began driving back those on the bridge. Before them lay a no-man’s land littered with broken bricks and burnt-out vehicles that spoke of the extraordinary violence that had played out in the darkness. It was the beginning of a day of to-and-fro street clashes in the densely populated neighbourhoods surrounding the square, as anti-Mubarak protesters fought close-quarter battles to hold Tahrir and, in a hail of warning shots and automatic gunfire, the army sporadically attempted to establish buffer zones. A night of fighting that left more than 1,000 injured and several dead from gunshot wounds . Despite the denials of Egypt’s government and interior ministry, both of which claimed these events were not state-orchestrated, the evidence strongly suggested otherwise. Anti-Mubarak protesters dragged a supporter of the regime through their barricades just after 8am. In his pocket was an identity card showing him to be Ahmed Mahmoud Abdel Razik, a member of the police. His was not the only identity card taken. Others were on display, taken as their owners were led away for interrogation in the buildings on the back streets before being handed over to the army. Despite the tensions in the crowd most captured fighters were protected from retribution by responsible protesters. “These people tried to slaughter us last night – five of my fellow revolutionaries were killed by sniper fire at this location, and I saw one man collapse right in front of me at 4am with his brains falling out on to the road,” said Mahmoud Mustafa, a 25-year-old anti-Mubarak demonstrator. “But look around you – we remain peaceful, we remain united and we remain determined to bring down this regime. I was never involved in politics before, but now I will stay here until Mubarak leaves or I die, whatever comes first.” The north side of the square was a scene of devastation – both physical and human. At the makeshift aid stations, which have been manned by 70 volunteer doctors in the open air, casualties were still coming in. A man with a broken back was carried through the crowd on a piece of corrugated metal. Others came through with head injuries, broken arms and cuts. One of those treating the injured was Dr Ibrahim Fakhr, a surgical professor. “We had shooting at 11pm last night and then again at around four in the morning from a sniper on the roof of the Egyptian Museum. We saw the laser light coming from the weapon. The latest that we have is that seven have been killed by gunfire.” Like the doctors, those trying to defend the square have been forced to improvise. Crude helmets were constructed out of cardboard boxes; others strapped water bottles to their heads. They built makeshift shields and used plastic crates to catch the incoming stones at their barricades. “I’m an agricultural teacher by trade and I’ve never built weapons before, but I am good with my hands,” explained Said el-Zoughly, who was directing a group of protesters as they broke down a burnt-out vehicle to salvage defence materials and put together catapults and slingshots. “We’re not just running around wildly, we’re trying to be organised and efficient. Anyone who wants a shield can get one. We’ll stay for however long it takes – God is with us.” At the mouth of the square, buildings once held by the pro-Mubarak demonstrators had changed hands by morning. On the roof of one, a group of young men, equipped with stones and firebombs, were briefed by their leader, while others hauled sacks of rocks up the derelict stairs. “Today’s still early, but they’re scared of us,” he told those around him. “Don’t get burnt out. If you are tired get into the building. If you want to sleep stay away from the edges of the roof and its corners. “Then when they come into no-man’s land we can surprise them.” As more people arrived at the square bearing food and supplies for those inside, the clashes – smaller in intensity than those the night before – broke out again. The lines of soldiers between were hit by missiles, and tanks moved in. Mohamed Saleh, a 25-year-old senior accountant, surveyed the scene. “You must tell the world about this terrorism, government terrorism,” he said. “We’ve been sitting here for eight days with no trouble, no fires, no violence – just a peaceful desire for revolution. Now civilians are being indiscriminately massacred by thugs. If the west cares so much about terrorism then why doesn’t it act? “Mubarak says he wants eight more months in power to manage a peaceful transition. Just see what the first day of that peaceful transition looks like, then you’ll understand why we can’t stop protesting until he leaves immediately. He is a thug and a criminal and he wants to kill us. Can you imagine what would happen to us tonight if we stood down and stopped defending ourselves? We would be slaughtered. We’re fighting now for our lives.” On Twitter and by other means, anti-Mubarak protesters sent out appeals for medical supplies, blood donations and blankets, and exchanged information on which entrances and exits to the square were safe. On the fringes of Tahrir many people were assaulted and harassed by pro-Mubarak thugs, including dozens of local and international journalists who have been portrayed by state television as sympathisers of the revolution and accused of spreading misinformation and circulating drugs. Elsewhere reports filtered in of other institutions perceived to be anti-Mubarak coming under attack, including the Hisham Mubarak law centre, which has previously provided legal services for arrested democracy activists, and the El Nadeem Centre for Rehabiliation of Victims of Violence, which has campaigned against police torture. Egypt Middle East Protest Hosni Mubarak Peter Beaumont Jack Shenker guardian.co.uk

Continue reading …
Egypt’s army is the power behind the throne. And Mubarak knows it

Egyptian president need only remember 1952 to see what happens when the armed forces turn on those in power Egypt’s armed forces stand at the centre of the country’s drama, urged by pro-democracy protesters to defend them while commanders strive to ensure their status, power and influence are preserved once Hosni Mubarak has gone. As troops in Cairo’s Tahrir Square moved against pro-Mubarak loyalists , opposition leader Muhammad ElBaradei called on the army to intervene. The US and EU made clear they wanted to see the military act to maintain order. With veteran intelligence chief Omar Suleiman installed as vice-president, analysts predict key figures such as the defence minister, Field Marshal Mohammed Hussein Tantawi, and the chief of staff, Lieutenant General Sami Einan, may yet move to persuade Mubarak to step down before September’s presidential elections, as he has now pledged. “These men are all old friends and I would not be surprised if they are able to convince Mubarak that he needs to go and have more urgent medical treatment in Germany,” said a former senior western official. “Whatever it looks like on TV, Mubarak is finished.” Tantawi has been in contact with the US defence secretary, Robert Gates. The countries have a strategic relationship worth $1.3bn (£800m) a year in military assistance to Egypt that is seen as “untouchable compensation” for making and maintaining peace with Israel. Suleiman and Einan are well regarded in the US. Admiral Mike Mullen, the chairman of the US joint chiefs of staff, reportedly praised the Egyptian army for its “professionalism” after speaking to Einan. The Egyptian army’s influence is not new. With nearly 500,000 men it is the world’s 10th largest. Egypt’s 1952 revolution, which overthrew the monarchy, was carried out by Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser and his fellow “free officers”. Anwar Sadat and Mubarak – a former air force commander – kept it powerful through the 1967 and 1973 wars. In recent years the high command is known to have been unhappy with the idea that Mubarak might be succeeded by his businessman son Gamal, not least out of concern that his liberalising agenda and private sector cronies would undermine their own extensive economic interests. Military-owned companies run by retired generals are active in the water, olive oil, cement, construction, hotel and petrol industries. Large tracts of land are owned by the military in the Nile Delta and on the Red Sea, apparently a benefit in exchange for the military ensuring regime stability and security. Retired officers often fill top civilian jobs in key ministries, though privatisation has forced military-owned companies to improve the quality of their work. Recent US diplomatic cables released by WikiLeaks paint a picture of an institution facing severe internal challenges and a decline in status. Tantawi, at 85 even older than the president, is referred to by contemptuous junior officers as “Mubarak’s poodle”, according to a 2008 report. “In the cabinet, where he still wields significant influence, Tantawi has opposed both economic and political reforms that he perceives as eroding central government power,” the cable says. “He is supremely concerned with national unity, and has opposed policy initiatives he views as encouraging political or religious cleavages within Egyptian society.”In another dispatch the US embassy quoted “academics and civilian analysts [who] painted a portrait of an Egyptian military in intellectual and social decline, whose officers have largely fallen out of society’s elite ranks. They describe a disgruntled mid-level officer corps harshly critical of a defence minister they perceive as incompetent and valuing loyalty above skill in his subordinates. However, analysts perceive the military as retaining strong influence through its role in ensuring regime stability and operating a large network of commercial enterprises.” Egypt Hosni Mubarak Protest Middle East Ian Black guardian.co.uk

Continue reading …
Clashes continue in Cairo

Clashes continue in Cairo as army bids to curb violence on streets.

Continue reading …
George Bush says Tea Party suffers from "Nativism"

Click here to view this media George Bush has infuriated the Tea Party faction of the GOP when he spoke out January 24 at Southern Methodist University in Dallas against what he perceives is a historic shift back to the olden days of isolationism, protectionism and its demon-seed hellspawn, Nativism. Laura Ingraham filled in for O’Reilly and was furious at the president she once held so dear to her heart. Ingraham: Last November President Bush remarked that the Tea Party is good for the country. But why did he attack a key priority for many Tea Partiers, namely, getting our borders under control and preventing mass amnesty for illegal immigrants? Bush: What’s interesting about our country, if you study history, is that there are some ‘isms’ that occasionally pop up — pop up. One is isolationism and its evil twin protectionism and its evil triplet nativism. So if you study the ’20s, for example, there was — there was an American first policy that said who cares what happens in Europe?…And there was an immigration policy that I think during this period argued we had too many Jews and too many Italians; therefore we should have no immigrants. And my point is that we’ve been through this kind of period of isolationism, protectionism and Nativism. I’m a little concerned that we may be going through the same period. ” Ingraham: Now as someone who was at the forefront in opposing the 2006 Bush immigration reform effort, I was saddened, but not all that surprised by the President’s insulting characterization…. To say that it’s all about hostility to foreigners is ludicrous. To back up her position she uses a Dallas Tea Party poll which showed over 95% in favor of Arizona’s hateful SB1070 law. I guess that’s irrefutable proof that Conservative opposition towards immigration reform is anything but Nativism, right? Ingraham uses the phony Conservative claim that this is all about “the rule of law” as a crutch to back up her Nativist position on immigration. Jeb Bush also got under her skin when he spoke out against Republicans and called their opposition “wrong and stupid.” Laura wasn’t happy being tag teamed by the Bush Brothers. Ingraham: Now that’s an interesting way to court future GOP voters given their overwhelming opposition to amnesty, Gov. Bush. maybe President Bush was right. We are suffering from an outbreak of ism’s. Elitism comes to mind. Calling George and Jeb Bush ‘elitists’ are fightin’ words , young lady, since that’s the exact opposite of how she viewed them when they were in office. Oh, how times have changed — because here I am, writing about something that I agree with George Bush on, and here Laura Ingraham is, attacking the president she once defended to the hilt. That’s how far right the GOP has moved.

Continue reading …

The revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt are a great awakening for Arabs led to believe they were incapable of change The Arab awakening, for that is what it is, which began in Tunisia and is now gripping Egypt, has taken western powers, and indeed the world, by surprise. Yet it is the Arab people themselves, myself included, men and women of all ages, who have been most surprised by what is happening – perhaps even more than the region’s dictators and regimes. Until now, it has been accepted and tacitly taught in Arab society that Arabs are weak, incapable of change, of holding their destiny in their own hands. It is said that since the great Arab conquests of the first millennium and Saladin’s victories , Arabs have known only defeats, decline and degeneration, a fate doomed to persist. What is happening today has great political significance: in one form or another, there will be political change in Egypt, which will affect the whole region. But this revolution is also cultural: bringing an incredible shift in Arabs’ perception of themselves and what they’re capable of achieving. I am a Lebanese descendant of the generation that has seen the rise and fall of Arab nationalism. Carried by the idealism of the 1960s, we saw Nasser as the personification of those values of freedom, justice and dignity that spread across the world, from Cuba to Vietnam. But after his fall, and the defeat inflicted by Israel in the 1967 six-day war, the dreams of unity, self-determination and nationalism slowly disappeared. Not until the late 1990s did a powerful and inspiring figure appear to Arabs in the form of Hassan Nasrallah, leader of the Lebanese Shia resistance group Hezbollah. Through Hezbollah’s ending of the 25-year Israeli occupation of south Lebanon, he became the Middle East’s most popular figure. However, perhaps due to its Shia nature, its close relationship to Iran and Lebanon’s complex politics, Hezbollah’s victories failed to lift the morale of Arabs. This, combined with the autocratic leaders, monarchs and dictators, created a lack of belief in us Arabs, that we could aspire to belong to countries in which freedom, justice, creativity and democracy prevail. We have been led to believe that these are not Arab attributes. Instead, we are mostly known for our dictators, oil, conservatism, religious fundamentalism, illiteracy rate and last but not least ultra-consumerism (that old Gucci outfit underneath the burqa). This is the “Arab malaise”, to use the expression of the late Lebanese journalist Samir Kassir in his remarkable essay Being Arab . It penetrates to our core, to our history, eating away at our pride, even to our relation with Arabic. In Lebanon, more and more people take pride in not being able to speak Fusha (classical Arabic) properly – because the degree of one’s inability corresponds to how westernised (ie non-Arab) one is, which is seen as the aspirational goal. Parents address their children in English or French, leaving Arabic for school. As a result, for many young Lebanese, Arabic is not a language of the heart but a formal, impersonal language – only for TV news and old books no one reads.

Continue reading …
BBC defends scaling back World Service in Egypt

BBC says majority of World Service listeners in troubled Middle East nation tuned in on FM or via local broadcasting partners The BBC is standing by its decision to cut back its World Service broadcasts to Egypt despite the political crisis that has engulfed the country . Over the past week the popularity of the BBC’s Arabic website surged as president Mubarak’s government looked to clamp down on media reporting of the uprising, shutting down the al-Jazeera news channel , arresting journalists and pulling the plug on mobile phone and internet services . Short-wave broadcasts of the BBC Arabic service, which has around 400,000 listeners in Egypt, will be shut down as part of plans to save £46m from the World Service’s budget. The changes follow a 16% cut in its funding by the government and are likely to lead to the loss of 30 million listeners worldwide. There will also be “significant reductions” in the BBC’s Arabic TV services, according to the plans outlined by the BBC’s global news director, Peter Horrocks, last week . The National Union of Journalists described the World Service’s transmission policy as “short sighted”. “The Egyptian government’s attempt to close down the internet and mobile phone network demonstrates how short sighted the current World Service transmission policy is,” said an NUJ official at the World Service. “In a volatile world the World Service needs to maintain its own network of transmitters beyond the reach of dictators so it can continue to reach its audience.” The BBC said the majority of its World Service listeners in Egypt tuned in on FM or via local broadcasting partners. Short-wave broadcasts accounted for around 400,000 listeners out of the World Service’s Egyptian radio audience of 1.6 million, the corporation added. BBC Arabic’s total audience in Egypt, across TV, radio and online, was 3.4 million. “With satellite TV becoming virtually ubiquitous in the Arab-speaking world, and the success of its own TV channel, the BBC has decided to stop its short wave broadcasts to some countries in the Middle East,” the corporation said in a statement. “However, BBC Arabic will continue to serve its radio audiences on medium wave, through its network of FM relays and via existing and new rebroadcasting partnerships. “It will also continue to serve its most sensitive audiences in Sudan and Arabic peninsula with short wave and medium wave broadcasts. “We have seen a significant spike in the number of people visiting bbcarabic.com. It’s now at record levels – 1.3 million unique users in the week commencing 24 January, generating a total of 8.5m page impressions. “This is the highest weekly reach ever measured, more than twice as high as the average week in December, despite the fact that the majority of our audience in Egypt, our biggest market, cannot reach the website because of the internet restrictions introduced by the Egyptian government.” But one visitor to the Save World Service page on Facebook said: “With the events in Egypt this week where the internet was shut down, how can the BBC honestly believe that satellite and internet feeds will replace shortwave?” Another said: “As shown in Egypt the internet and cell phones can easily be cut off. In many places where the internet does exist service is not reliable … You cannot compare a relatively inexpensive radio set with a costlier computer or hand-held electronic device.” With short-wave broadcasts of the BBC Arabic service also due to cease in Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, the West Bank, Libya, Iraq and the Maghreb region of north Africa, it is expected to lead to the loss of around 5.7 million listeners across the region. •

Continue reading …