In between taking potshots at ObamaCare and the economy, Michele Bachmann had some words of comfort for President Obama yesterday: Not to worry, because after she kicks him to the curb next year, he won’t have to join the ranks of the unemployed. “I want you to know, as president…
Continue reading …The Puerto Rican singer talks about his struggle with his sexuality, his happiness at having finally come out and the ‘very erotic’ show he is bringing to London Ricky Martin would like to make one thing completely clear. The show he is bringing to London this month is “erotic”, he says, leaning towards me. “Very erotic,” he lowers his voice meaningfully. There’ll be fetish play, whips, chains, nudity (on film), he tells me, and an onstage orgy involving him and his eight dancers. He predicts the 18,000-strong audience will want to join in. And it’s this that worries me. When I go to his Madrid show the next day, the temperature outside is 33C. Inside, in a stadium heaving with heavily perfumed women and heavily muscled men, the temperature is anyone’s guess. When the fiftysomething woman beside me stands up, howling, at Martin’s first appearance, a slug of her sweat hits me, and I suck my teeth nervously. It’s a bacterial breeding ground, I think. When this orgy gets under way, veruccas will be spreading like wildfire. But I needn’t worry. The show is less erotic, more exuberant. Martin bounds around the stage like a huge, horny chipmunk, thrusting, hopping and swaying through the daffy charms of Shake Your Bon-Bon and She Bangs . There is a sweetness about him, a yearning for approval, that recalls his boyband childhood, and his enormous success in the late 1990s; when he sings the lyric “I wanna be your lover” and mimes holding a massive phallus, eyes astonished, then beseeching, it calls to mind nothing so much as a child proffering a large frog. The crowd screams when he opens his shirt, they punch the air to his 1998 football anthem La Copa de la Vida , and lose it when he sings his recent Spanish language release Más . As the gig ends, Martin gazes out at the audience, sweaty with joy. These are ecstatic times for him. Last year, after more than a decade of rumours and sniping about his sexuality, Martin announced online that he was “a fortunate homosexual man” ; he followed this statement with his autobiography, Me, in which he described his sheer pride and relief at coming out. For this, his first UK newspaper interview since the announcement, we meet in a hotel suite in Madrid, and he is warm and open, all hugs, as are his entourage of family and lifelong friends. When I ask whether he still feels as euphoric as he did while writing the book, he sprawls on the couch, and starts running his hands wildly over his chest. He is the most physically expansive person I’ve ever interviewed. “I feel liberated ,” he laughs. “I feel in touch with myself.” Then he sits up, suddenly serious. “I feel protected. I don’t feel alone. Because sometimes when you’re quiet about yourself, you feel all alone. And all of a sudden you come out and you have this amazing community, the LGBT community, and LGBT-friendly people, who are giving you nothing but love. And if I focus on this, I get tears in my eyes, because, oh my God, I wish everyone that was struggling right now could feel what I’m feeling as I’m talking to you. It’s just love coming from every fucking direction!” This is particularly poignant for Martin because of the years spent dodging questions and insinuations. The most notable incident was when Barbara Walters, the veteran US journalist, interviewed him for an Oscars special in 2000, and badgered him to address the rumours . (She has since said those questions were “inappropriate”, the one regret in her three decades of Oscar interviews.) He replied that “sexuality and homosexuality should not be a problem for anybody” and refused to say much more; back then, he was terrified of what would happen if he came out, the possible rejection. “I hated it when people tried to force me out when I wasn’t ready,” he says. “It was very painful, and it actually pushed me away from doing so.” The salacious tone of the coverage only made him more convinced that people would react badly when he did. At 39, it’s clear he’s spent much of his life trying to understand and control his sexuality. “If I had spent a quarter of the time that I spent manipulating my sexuality in front of a piano instead, I would be the most gifted piano player of my lifetime,” he says. “What people were expecting from me was not who I was, and I forced myself to believe that what they wanted could be my truth, my reality, and I went after it hardcore. What I’m trying to say is this: I don’t think I was lying . . . I would have my flings [with men], and I would think, OK, maybe I’m bisexual, but then, no – because I can be with a girl, and it feels amazing.” In his book, Me, he seems genuinely smitten when he writes about his female lovers. He writes of one that “she hated her breasts, but they made me crazy. I loved looking at her body; it was like a painting that I could describe to the last detail. Her legs and the little toes on her feet lit me up. I wanted to devour them – and I always did.” And so these feelings made him think, “I’m not gay,” he says. “And you would watch TV, and you would see this caricature of someone who’s in the LGBT community and you’d say, ‘Well, I’m definitely not that.’ And then you start convincing yourself, or trying to prove to yourself, that you’re not gay. If you add to that the amount of success I was having,” he pounds his fist against his palm, “I’m singing La Vida Loca and enjoying it and being successful and accepted , and I thought, let’s keep pushing towards this, because who’s not seduced by acceptance?” Martin’s early life, particularly his years in the boy band Menudo , would probably have confused any gay child. He grew up in Puerto Rico, the only child of psychologist Enrique Martin and accountant Nereida Morales; his parents split up when he was two, and both had children with other partners, but doted on him. At just three or four, he realised he had an attraction “to my friends, to the same sex – I felt something really magnetic about boys. And then I thought, no, I’m not supposed to be feeling this.’ But it was very powerful.” He was Catholic, believed in the church’s teachings, and loved being an altar boy. “I thought, I’m supposed to like girls, because that’s what the church says, and that’s what my priest told me . . . Unfortunately, according to my faith, what I was feeling was evil, and I struggled.” He always wanted to be in the spotlight, and at nine he started appearing in TV commercials; by 10, in the early 80s, he wanted nothing more than to join Menudo. The band had released their first album in 1977, and had a distinctive structure – when members hit their 16th birthday they would be replaced by someone new. At his first couple of auditions he was too short. But when he was 12, he was accepted, and early the next morning was on his way to the band’s base in Orlando, Florida, to start a new life. His job, from now on, was to be appealing to girls. In his autobiography, Martin says Menudo cost him his childhood, but he equivocates slightly now. “A child is a child, no matter what,” he says. “But I became a rock’n’roll star slash sex symbol at a very young age. I was thinking: what do I have to do to get the attention of the girls? It was my job to move my hips, because then they scream, and that meant I was successful, like the rest of the guys. Was I ready for that? I don’t know. But that’s what I was supposed to go through, according to my karma.” (Martin no longer follows a specific religion – he has a T-shirt that reads “God is too big to fit in one religion” – but he refers to his spiritual beliefs passionately and often. His autobiography begins with a quote from Gandhi, and is sprinkled liberally with references to yoga and swamis, which can be hard to take seriously. At one point in our interview he says: “Buddhism has a very beautiful teaching that says the worst thing you can do to your soul is to tell someone their faith is wrong.” His eyes widen with awe. “And when I heard that I was like: ‘Oooh! That’s a tweet!’”) He says he was 13 “when this obsession with being accepted kicked in. You needed to say yes, because if you said yes, the girls liked you, the girls screamed, and the media would talk about you. I was travelling all over the world, and I had girls following me, private jets, private suites. You would look out of the window and you would have thousands of people . . .” He throws his arms in the air, mimes screaming wildly. The media called it Menuditis. Sounds painful, I say. “Like meningitis!” he laughs. Martin was in the band for five years, and then went to live in New York, where he spent a lot of time sitting on park benches, exhausted and reflective. But he was soon appearing in a musical in Mexico, then a soap opera, and at 18 he signed a contract with Sony Music and began making Spanish language albums. He played a singing bartender on the US soap General Hospital, and by the late 1990s he had an enormous hit with World Cup anthem La Copa de la Vida (The Cup of Life). It reached No1 in more than 60 countries. This led to a star-making performance at the 1999 Grammy Awards, a duet with Madonna, and the release of his first English-language album, Ricky Martin. The standout track, Livin’ La Vida Loca, dominated the summer of 1999 – it was an ear-worm of a song about a wild, superstitious young woman who encourages people to take their clothes off and go dancing in the rain. He was everywhere. The album sold almost 17m copies worldwide, his personal appearances brought Oxford Circus to a halt, it was rumoured his trousers had to be triple-stitched to keep his pelvis-thrusting performances in check and he was the subject of countless drooling interviews about his sex symbol status. He seemed unstoppable, but the pressure of work, and the media attention surrounding his sexuality, started to feel oppressive. So in the early 2000s, he cancelled a concert in Buenos Aires, and went home. “I didn’t like who I was,” he writes in Me. “I moped around my house and had very little sense of humour.” He describes a friend telling him he was screwed up. He responded by throwing a glass against the wall. Was he depressed? “A doctor never told me that,” he says, “so it was not diagnosed. But a lot of people around me were like: ‘Oh my God, we lost him . . .’ But rather than depression, I think it was a touch of rebellion, you know? It was the first time in 10 years that I was relaxing in my house, waking up when I wanted, watching movies until the sun came out, going to a club if I wanted to. It was the first time in my life I was not dealing with a schedule.” Martin continued to record – Spanish-language albums, and the English-language album, Life, which came out in 2005. But his thoughts were turning to family. He wanted children. And so he said: “OK, what are my options? Am I going to adopt? I just sat in front of the computer, doing research, until I found surrogacy, and I was like: ‘Woah! This looks really interesting.’ I interviewed so many people that were part of this beautiful world, and I decided this was going to be my way.” When he told his mother, “she was like ‘surr-o-ga-what? This is like a movie of the future, Rick.’ And I replied, ‘Well, Mom, we’re part of the future.’” He found an egg donor, and another woman to carry the baby, but it was a closed surrogacy – neither woman knew then, or now, that Martin was the father. In August 2008 his twin boys, Matteo and Valentino, were born. He was determined to look after them without help, until his mother said: “‘You’re like a zombie.’ And I’m like, ‘No, I’m noooooooot’” – he pretends to fall asleep, mid-speech – “because I wanted to do it all.” He makes a loud snoring noise, and drops his head again. “And that’s when I said, ‘OK.’” I ask whether he wants more kids, and he says he’d like “a daddy’s girl”. He’s going to be living in New York next year, playing Che Guevara in Evita on Broadway, and he plans to start the whole process again. “I’ll be steady in New York, and then, after I do the play, the baby [will be] born, and I’m going to be able to spend time with her.” It was having his kids that gave Martin the final push to come out; he told Oprah Winfrey last year that he didn’t want his family “to be based on lies”. Still, when it came to announcing the news, he was seriously nervous. “When I pressed send, I was really scared,” he says. “I went to my room, and I was holding my pillow, and three minutes later I called a very good friend and said: ‘Tell me what they’re saying.’ And she’s on the other line, crying: ‘You don’t understand the amount of love you’re receiving.’” He’s been in a relationship for almost four years now, and says that he can’t believe it. “That was not in my plans – not part of the schedule! His name is Carlos, and he’s an amazing human being. He works with the other side of the brain, because he’s a financial adviser, a stockbroker.” Does he think they’ll get married? “It’s funny because, you know, we never talked about it, but now the question is coming up [in interviews] all the time. The other day we were reading a magazine and,” he mimes them looking at each other, “we were like: ‘You’re cool with this, right? No pressure?’ And I’m like: ‘I’m cool, everything is cool.’ Not yet. Whenever it’s time. I would love the option to marry in my land, my island [Puerto Rico], but unfortunately it’s not an option for us yet, which I think is ridiculous. But it’s part of a very beautiful process that’s happening around the world little by little. Hopefully I will see it, and my kids will see it.” Martin’s career will probably never return to its late-90s peak, but it is healthy: he is about to release a new greatest hits collection in the UK, is on a tour that will last until the end of the year and he has 3 million followers on Twitter. Until now, much of his success seems to have been driven by the need to avoid asking himself difficult questions, to keep moving and pushing ahead. Is he still as hungry as ever? “My priorities are different,” he says quietly. “My priorities are: I need to be good; I need to be well within for my children to be well within; and then the creative process flows, organically and smoothly. I’m not looking to experience what I went through in the Livin’ La Vida Loca days again. Now I just get really turned on by the audience.” He pauses significantly. “Really turned on.” Ricky Martin’s Greatest Hits is out now. He plays the HMV Apollo Hammersmith on 12 July. Ricky Martin Gay rights Kira Cochrane guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Secession will see Nubian people ruled by Khartoum with scant hope that the south will support calls for autonomy As southern Sudan prepares for independence on Saturday, residents of the Nuba mountains near the new border are pushing for a breakaway state rather than affiliation with the north or the south. The region lies in the Arabised north of Sudan, although its people have long been sympathetic to the south. But conflict in the area in recent weeks has cast a shadow over independence and bodes ill for the stability of Sudan after partition. “There is no way for me to be part of the north anymore,” said 35-year-old Yohanes Mudier. “I haven’t fought for so many years just to fall under the same government again.” Like many of his fellow Nubians, Mudier joined southern Sudan’s rebel movement at the start of the 1983-2005 Sudanese war to support what he thought would be a struggle towards freedom. He spent 14 years in the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) without going to see his family. When he came back to the Nuba mountains in 2006, after peace deals had been signed, many of his relatives were dead. Mudier says there is no reason for him to celebrate independence. “I am part of the SPLA, but I feel I have been left behind. We will never get anything out of Khartoum through a political process. There is no point in talking to them any more.” His remarks reflect the views of a growing number of Nubians who feel betrayed by all the players involved in the peace agreement: the Sudanese government, the international community, and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), the political wing of the SPLA. Most Nubians are still affiliated with the northern wing of the movement, but many would prefer independence to joining the south. In the past weeks, the SPLM-dominated government in south Sudan has stressed that it will not engage in another war against Khartoum. Still bearing the scars of 20 years of a devastating conflict, the leadership of the south will focus on development rather than putting its new sovereignty in jeopardy by throwing its military weight behind the Nuba people. There are those who still have faith in the SPLM, insisting that after Saturday’s independence, troops and weapons will start flowing from Juba, the capital of south Sudan, to the Nuba mountains. But others, such as Montasir Nasir Waren Kalo, are more sceptical. In 2005, he was part of a Nubian youth delegation that lobbied the SPLM not to sign the peace agreement. “We have been the wheel of freedom for the whole African people of Sudan, but we never enjoyed the fruits of our struggle. We were always sacrificed for the benefit of others, and the [peace deal] is no exception to that,” he said. The recent misfortunes of Nubians started in 2005 when John Garang, the long-time leader of the SPLA/M, died in a helicopter crash a few days after the war ended. His Mandela-style vision of a united “new Sudan”, where Arabs and Africans would coexist under a new political leadership, was then substituted by the new SPLM leaders with a more achievable goal: the independence of the south. But according to the 1956 Sudanese borders, on which the peace agreement is based, the Nuba mountains will fall under the control of the north. “When I read the conditions of the [peace deal], I thought the southern leadership had sold us off,” said a local social worker, who asked not to be named for fear of retaliation. “When the SPLM/A was marred by internal division in the 90s, Nubians were the ones who supported Garang. Without us, the movement would have died and the south would have never been independent.” Instead of the referendum on independence given to southerners, the Nuba mountains were granted only ill-defined “popular consultation” to express their opinion on the peace deal. Six years later, no date has been set for the consultations. Many here believe the Khartoum government will never allow them to take place. Nubians are divided between those who want complete independence, and those who still support the SPLM/A as the best hope of freedom; but they are united in their determination to control their own destiny. “A wrong peace is worse than a war,” said a Nubian SPLM MP, who asked for anonymity. “We would rather take our weapons again to achieve a just one, than settle for the current situation.” His opinion is shared by Mudier: “If the south does not help us, we will have to fight the northern regime to the last man,” he said. “Maybe only our grandchildren will see that day.” Sudan Africa guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Anti-monarchist separatist movement tells ‘parasite’ duke and duchess to go home Prince William and the royal party could have been forgiven for not noticing, but there was a part of Quebec that had no intention of welcoming him and his wife, except with whistles, saucepan lids, vuvuzelas and, incongruously, bagpipes. The prince – a rare British royal venturing into the heart of francophone, would-be separatist Quebec – received a formal welcome and inspection parade outside the city hall by the bearskin-helmeted members of the locally recruited 22nd regiment, known as “Les Van Doos”. The mayor’s words of welcome were warm, and even the regimental goat, Baptiste, looked benignly upon him. So far, all in a day’s work. But a few streets away, around 300 demonstrators had a different message. Mostly young, T-shirt clad and some facially studded, but with a scattering of older folk, they had gathered outside an Irish pub to bellow, toot and whistle the message that the monarchy should get out of Canada. Blue and white fleur-de-lys Quebec flags were waved, as was the green, white and red standard of the failed insurrection of 1837. Their handmade banners told the story: “Parasite go home” said one, “And don’t come back” added another. “Pay for your trip” said a third. “William dégage ” was the message. Even more bluntly and in English: “Kate go UK yourself”. And one for students of Britain’s victory over France in the seven years war: “We are still waiting for your excuses for 1755.” Their cries scarcely wafted up the hill to the prince in city hall – a double line of gendarmes prevented the demonstrators from getting any closer – but they lacked nothing in passion. The arrival of a busload of reinforcements from Montreal was greeted with passionate fraternal cheers. It may be rather doubtful, however, if those storming the Bastille in 1789 handed out leaflets urging: “No violence will be tolerated in the ranks, nor towards the admirers of royalty, nor the police or other demonstrators … gardez votre calme .” “We have no bad feelings about the British empire,” explained Julien Gaudreau, 23-year-old spokesman for the Quebec Resistance Movement. “We want to change the constitution here, not because of what happened in the past, but what will happen in the future. We have hired a plane to fly overhead with a banner for free Quebec, but we don’t know whether it is going to be able to take off with the weather around. “We think the monarchy should be abolished in Quebec. It may not be a good time for independence, but we are all right with that. We are young and we are going to be about for a long time. Independence is not going to go away.” Polls indicate that a majority of francophone residents support the idea of independence, but don’t see its practicality, and the separatist Bloc Québécois was thrashed in May’s federal election, losing all but four of its 47 seats. Up the hill, the prince was trying out his schoolboy French – ” C’est un honneur pour nous d’être parmi vous … merci votre patience avec mon accent ” – and was cheered for doing so. Overhead, the plane and its banner finally made an appearance – a $1,000 gesture it looked as though the demonstrators could ill afford. There was also a demonstration at the couple’s earlier engagement in Montreal on Saturday evening when a group of young protesters with placards gathered outside the Sainte-Justine university hospital next to a larger crowd of wellwishers. This was a minor quirk in a day of engagements: a tree-planting and meeting with war veterans in Ottawa, the hospital tour to visit sick children and premature babies, and to conclude a cookery lesson at a training college for chefs in Montreal. The latter is the sort of thing the royals have to endure on tours: a strangely artificial demonstration of ordinariness at which they are either supposed to show surprising aptitude or – all the better for the media – hopeless ineptitude. There, the prince was shown how to prepare a lobster souffle and Kate was given instruction in the not-too-difficult creation of an amuse-bouche of foie gras on a toasted brioche. Theresa Rindress, the student asked to show the duchess how to do it, confided afterwards: “She was fantastic. She was very competent with the knife. I asked her if she liked to cook at home and she said she likes to cook but does not do fancy things. She more makes big batches, throws a few ingredients together, trying new things. That’s how chefs experiment.” Last night the royals were heading back to anglophone Canada – to Prince Edward Island, land of one of the duchess’s favourite books, Anne of Green Gables – and the prince’s spokesman could afford to be condescending towards the demonstrators: “The couple are taking it in their stride. They are getting a very warm welcome. They consider [the demonstrations] as all part of the rich fabric of Canada.” Canada Prince William Kate Middleton Monarchy Stephen Bates guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Youtube video follows footage of ‘activist and blogger’ Diyya al-Najjar being shot in the head by security forces in Homs Shocking video footage has emerged from the Syrian city of Homs in which a young man filming against a background of gunfire in the streets appears to be shot dead in cold blood by the sniper he zooms in on. A clip circulating on YouTube begins with a male voice describing “someone shooting at citizens in Karm al-Sham on July 1st without any reason and no demonstrations.” The cameraman is filming from an upper floor against a background of slogans being chanted. Jerky images of the street and balconies are followed by a blurred glimpse of a man in olive green, standing in the shadows, carefully moving forward and raising and firing a weapon – followed by a single shot, moaning, and distraught voices pleading for help. The cameraman’s identity is not known. Foreign journalists and human rights groups are largely banned from Syria and it has not been possible to authenticate the video. The caption describes the gunman as a member of the Shabiha, a militia used by the Assad regime. Last Friday’s demonstrations were described as the biggest yet during the three and half month uprising. Human rights groups say the death toll in Homs, Syria’s third city, is continuing to rise as security forces and gangs loyal to the Assad regime seek to crush protesters who come out in growing numbers in separate neighbourhoods on a daily basis. Tanks remain positioned in the city. Separate films posted online on Saturday and Sunday appear to show the killing of a young man named as Diyya al-Najjarwhen security forces opened fire on protesters gathered in the al-Qarabis neighbourhood of Homs. Crowds are seen running and scattering as gunfire rings out. One young man is shot in the middle of the street, as two men point weapons from the cover of parked cars. On Friday a witness told Human Rights Watch. “I saw Diyya al-Najjar shot by a sniper in his head right in front of me. The sniper was in a Land Cruiser car four or five meters away from protesters.” Al-Najjar was being described by some Syrian sources as an “activist and blogger.” His body was taken to al-Barr hospital in Homs, where a doctor confirmed to Human Rights Watch that he died from a bullet to the head. According to the doctor, 10 protesters wounded by bullets had arrived at his hospital by 6pm on Friday. Video showed the bodies of two men identified as al-Najjar and Bassam Saqeene. Al-Najjar’s face was surrounded with flowers, his body wrapped in the Syrian flag. Saqeene was killed in Homs on Thursday, according to Syrian opposition sources. • Nidaa Hassan is a pseudonym for a journalist in Damascus Syria Middle East Arab and Middle East unrest Nidaa Hassan Ian Black guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …A new poll indicates that French people are divided over whether Dominique Strauss-Kahn should re-enter French politics after the weakening of the sexual assault case against the former International Monetary Fund chief. Forty-nine percent of those surveyed in the Harris Interactive poll for French newspaper Le Parisien responded “yes” to…
Continue reading …Opposition says post-surrender deal could allow Gaddafi to remain in Libya under international supervision Muammar Gaddafi can live out his retirement in Libya if he surrenders all power, the country’s opposition leader has said. Gaddafi is facing an international arrest warrant and has resisted all demands to step down, but members of his inner circle have indicated they are ready to negotiate with the rebels, including on the Libyan leader’s future. Mustafa Abdel Jalil, who heads the rebels’ national transitional council, told Reuters: “As a peaceful solution we offered that he can resign and order his soldiers to withdraw from their barracks and positions, and then he can decide either to stay in Libya or abroad. “If he desires to stay in Libya, we will determine the place and it will be under international supervision. And there will be international supervision of all his movements.” Speaking in the rebels’ eastern Libyan stronghold of Benghazi, Jalil, who was formerly Gaddafi’s justice minister, said he made the proposal about a month ago through the UN but had yet to receive any response from Tripoli. He said one suggestion was that Gaddafi could spend his retirement under guard in a military barracks. The Libyan government has repeatedly insisted that Gaddafi is a symbolic figurehead who has no involvement in the day-to-day running of the country. The regime’s spokesman, Moussa Ibrahim, said it was willing to “set down in writing” that Gaddafi would have no political or military powers under a new constitution. Asked if this would leave Gaddafi’s role comparable to that of the Queen in the UK, Ibrahim added: “Maybe for the sake of argument, something like that.” But pressed on the latest concession by Jalil he was dismissive, saying that any such decisions should be left to the Libyan people. “What we are doing is legally and morally and politically far more convincing,” he said. “We are saying Libyans should decide for everyone on the position of the leader. Now who is more democratic, us or the rebels?” Gaddafi’s daughter Aisha has said her father would be prepared to cut a deal with the rebels though he would not leave the country, and his son, Saif al-Islam, said the leader would step down if that was the will of the Libyan people. Turkey, which had close economic ties to Gaddafi before the uprising, has pledged £125m in aid for the rebels in addition to the £62m it announced in June. “Public demand for reforms should be answered, Gaddafi should go and Libya shouldn’t be divided,” Turkish foreign minister Ahmet Davutoglu told Reuters in Benghazi, adding that he saw the rebel council as the “legitimate representative” of the people. The conflict in Libya is close to deadlock, with rebels on three fronts unable to make a decisive advance towards Tripoli and growing strains inside Nato about the cost of the operation and lack of a military breakthrough. Libya Muammar Gaddafi Middle East Africa Arab and Middle East unrest David Smith guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Opposition says post-surrender deal could allow Gaddafi to remain in Libya under international supervision Muammar Gaddafi can live out his retirement in Libya if he surrenders all power, the country’s opposition leader has said. Gaddafi is facing an international arrest warrant and has resisted all demands to step down, but members of his inner circle have indicated they are ready to negotiate with the rebels, including on the Libyan leader’s future. Mustafa Abdel Jalil, who heads the rebels’ national transitional council, told Reuters: “As a peaceful solution we offered that he can resign and order his soldiers to withdraw from their barracks and positions, and then he can decide either to stay in Libya or abroad. “If he desires to stay in Libya, we will determine the place and it will be under international supervision. And there will be international supervision of all his movements.” Speaking in the rebels’ eastern Libyan stronghold of Benghazi, Jalil, who was formerly Gaddafi’s justice minister, said he made the proposal about a month ago through the UN but had yet to receive any response from Tripoli. He said one suggestion was that Gaddafi could spend his retirement under guard in a military barracks. The Libyan government has repeatedly insisted that Gaddafi is a symbolic figurehead who has no involvement in the day-to-day running of the country. The regime’s spokesman, Moussa Ibrahim, said it was willing to “set down in writing” that Gaddafi would have no political or military powers under a new constitution. Asked if this would leave Gaddafi’s role comparable to that of the Queen in the UK, Ibrahim added: “Maybe for the sake of argument, something like that.” But pressed on the latest concession by Jalil he was dismissive, saying that any such decisions should be left to the Libyan people. “What we are doing is legally and morally and politically far more convincing,” he said. “We are saying Libyans should decide for everyone on the position of the leader. Now who is more democratic, us or the rebels?” Gaddafi’s daughter Aisha has said her father would be prepared to cut a deal with the rebels though he would not leave the country, and his son, Saif al-Islam, said the leader would step down if that was the will of the Libyan people. Turkey, which had close economic ties to Gaddafi before the uprising, has pledged £125m in aid for the rebels in addition to the £62m it announced in June. “Public demand for reforms should be answered, Gaddafi should go and Libya shouldn’t be divided,” Turkish foreign minister Ahmet Davutoglu told Reuters in Benghazi, adding that he saw the rebel council as the “legitimate representative” of the people. The conflict in Libya is close to deadlock, with rebels on three fronts unable to make a decisive advance towards Tripoli and growing strains inside Nato about the cost of the operation and lack of a military breakthrough. Libya Muammar Gaddafi Middle East Africa Arab and Middle East unrest David Smith guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Latest volumes of former spin doctor’s diary reveal fears that rivalry risked harming Britain’s interests on the world stage MI6 handed Tony Blair a private intelligence assessment which showed that the French and German governments drew up plans to exploit his divisions with Gordon Brown, according to Alastair Campbell. In a sign of how the rivalry risked harming British interests on the world stage, Campbell wrote in his diary that Blair was told by “the spooks” that Paris and Berlin hoped to use his rivalry with Brown to “divide them even further”. The latest volumes of Campbell’s diaries, serialised in the Guardian today, will also undermine the attempt by Ed Balls to claim that he was not a divisive figure during Blair’s premiership, after damaging private papers were published recently by the Daily Telegraph. Blair repeatedly told Campbell that Balls, then Brown’s chief lieutenant, was a highly disruptive influence who used to treat him like a junior official. “TB … said he had just about had enough of Ed Balls talking to him like something on his shoe,” Campbell wrote on 25 April 2001. Balls breached Treasury rules by leaking details of the government’s response to the fuel duty protests – that fuel duty would be frozen for two years – before Brown’s pre-budget report in November 2000, according to Campbell. “It was wrong to leak tax measures … it was misleading,” Campbell wrote after Brown outlined plans for Balls to brief the Times and the Mirror. But the diaries also show that Balls and Brown helped save Britain from direct involvement in the current Greek euro debt crisis after Blair made clear in private – at one point even to the Sinn Féin leadership – that he would take Britain into the euro. Brown campaigned hard against Blair on the euro and in October 1999, as they finalised plans for the launch of the Britain in Europe group, said to his face: “Do you want to be held responsible for mass unemployment?” Campbell left much of the Blair-Brown tensions out of the first condensed version of his diaries, which were published in 2007 shortly after Blair stood down as prime minister. But in the latest volume, covering the years 1999-2001, Campbell provides vivid details of their turbulent relationship. He reveals that: • Brown put pressure on Blair to give a date for his departure before the 2001 election – earlier than had been thought. In April 2001 Brown told Blair he was “crap” and that he should stand down to allow for the restoration of cabinet government. • Just two months before the 2001 election Brown accused Blair of having “betrayed” him when he stood for the Labour leadership in 1994 and of having taken “that job away from me”. • Before the 2001 election Blair said he expected Brown to strike against him. He appealed to Campbell to remain on board on the grounds that he was his “Exocet”. • On the day before the 2001 general election Blair told his inner circle he had “sadly, very sadly” reached the conclusion that Brown was working against him. But he said it was impossible to sack him or move him from his position as chancellor. • Relations became so fraught that in 2000 Blair asked Lord (Richard) Attenborough, the veteran actor and film director, to mediate. Attenborough was told by the Brown camp that Blair needed to say in 2003 when he would stand down. • Blair said that Brown lied to him in 2001 when he tried to secure money for schools and hospitals. • Blair turned “white with fury” – and later rebuked Brown in private – when his chancellor responded with “venom and contempt” to his question at a presentation by Treasury officials. • On 9/11 Blair declined to invite Brown to a smaller ministerial meeting in Downing Street, following the main Cobra crisis meeting, because his answers had become “monosyllabic” in recent discussions. Campbell believed that the splits were being picked up in Europe. On 12 October 2000 he wrote: “TB showed me a piece of intelligence which showed that the Germans assessed our problems on Europe not as one of public opinion, or the Tories, but a sense that TB and GB were on a different track to each other. So it was out there, probably picked up when some Foreign Office people were in Berlin.” A few months later at an EU summit in Nice, on 7 December, Campbell wrote: “The French and Germans, according to the spooks, were exploiting the fact that GB was seen as a rival to TB, to try to divide them further.” Campbell also shows that Brown had never reconciled himself to Blair’s election as Labour leader in 1994 after he stood aside as part of the “Granita pact”. Brown saw this as a noble and selfless act; Blair saw it as a recognition of his status as the frontrunner. Nearly a decade later this was on Brown’s mind even at the height of the foot and mouth crisis. On 11 April 2001 Campbell wrote: “He [TB] said on Monday, GB had started a conversation with him straight out with the words: ‘You betrayed me. You said you would never challenge me and you took that job away from me.’ TB said GB was still very sore, and operated on the basis there was a genuine grievance, which TB did not accept. GB was back to saying TB had an operation ready to roll in 1994.” The diaries also show that Brown was the decisive strategic thinker in the government who often outshone Blair in cabinet. Blair regarded him as one of the top five politicians of the 20th century, on a par with Lloyd George. Campbell told the Guardian on Sunday that, for all his faults, Brown was indispensable. Campbell said: “As Tony made clear in his book, he viewed Gordon as both brilliant and impossible. What is interesting from these extracts is that even when we felt Gordon was wanting Tony out, and the division was causing real damage, Tony was always able to see the strengths that made him want to keep him as chancellor and later support him as leader. “I shared that ambivalence which is why even though I lived through some of these difficulties and divisions, when push came to shove I went back to try to help Gordon in the last election campaign. He could be a complete nightmare, but he could also be absolutely brilliant and it is important people remember that. Tony was always the more rounded figure, and in my view a remarkable political leader, but Gordon also had formidable strengths.” Tony Blair Gordon Brown Ed Balls Alastair Campbell MI6 Labour Nicholas Watt guardian.co.uk
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