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The night before she was found dead, Amy Winehouse reportedly asked a drug “fixer” friend to hook her up with a dealer—and she bought nearly $2,000 dollars worth of crack cocaine and heroin, the fixer says. Tony Azzopardi, who met Winehouse through her ex-husband Blake Fielder-Civil, will be…

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Greece begins €50bn privatisation drive

Greek officials begin appointing advisers for fire-sale of state assets intended to raise €50bn by 2015 The starting gun for one of the biggest fire-sales in western history was fired as Greek officials began appointing advisers for the country’s ambitious privatisation drive. “Our target is clear, and it is to generate €1.7bn from privatisations by the end of September and €5bn by the end of the year,” said the finance minister, Evangelos Venizelos. After securing a second aid package to prop up an economy now dependent on international handouts to pay public wages and pensions, Athens has moved with record speed to divest itself of state assets ranging from prime real estate to loss-making companies. By any measure it is a gargantuan task. At stake is Greece’s €350bn debt, which before the EU and IMF agreed to bailout the country again was predicted to peak at 172% of GDP next year. The socialist government says it aims to raise €50bn through the campaign by 2015. Enough, it is hoped, to not only make a dent in the debt but send a convincing message to the markets that have pummelled Athens since the onset of the crisis 18 months ago. The prime minister, George Papandreou, has cancelled his summer holidays to accelerate the dismantling of a sector that his father Andreas – Greece’s fiery socialist premier in the 1980s – did much to foster. International lenders have warned that if there no progress with privatisations they will withhold the next tranche of aid in September. “In more ways than one Papandreou is paying for the sins of his father,” said Nikos Dimou, author of the bestselling book The Misfortune of Being Greek. “It was Andreas, after all, who did more than anyone else to run Greece into debt.” The appearance of For Sale and For Rent signs on everything from former Olympic venues to island locales, casinos, marinas and airports, has been met with unexpected acceptance by Greeks long weaned on state largesse. A growing majority appears to agree it is the only way of arresting soaring unemployment by attracting foreign investment. Experts estimate Athens could own around €300bn worth of state property, almost as much as the total Greek debt. “There has definitely been a shift in mood,” said Stefanos Manos, a former national economy minister in a centre-right government. “But that could easily change. It is very clear that the government is only doing this under great duress from [our] international creditors,” he said. “With timetables being so pressing, I worry that the whole process is very ill-prepared. If it there is not enough transparency we may end up like Russia, where only a cast of oligarchs end up benefiting.” With the privatisation drive now seen as crucial to reviving economic growth, the government has actively courted countries with big sovereign wealth funds to invest in Greece. Last week Europe’s paymaster, Germany, signalled it was interested in snapping up assets in the energy and tourism sectors. At home tycoons who control large sectors of the media have also started jockeying for position in what one commentator called the “beginning of a civil war” to buy stakes in state companies. “It is going to be a minefield for the government,” said political analyst Giorgos Kyrtsos. “The troika [of lenders] are not well-versed in Greek reality. The programme is overly ambitious.” After years of resisting privatisations, the breakneck speed at which Athens has agreed to conduct the sales – nearly one every 15 days – has raised fears that state jewels will be sold at rock-bottom prices. “In a buyer’s market our biggest concern is that this entire process will only serve to benefit the forces of capitalism and do nothing to create development,” said Yiannis Panagopoulos, president of the Confederation of Greek Workers, the country’s biggest labour grouping. “We will strongly oppose the sale of any sector in which the government has a strategic interest … there will be huge resistance if it tries to sell the electricity company, the water board, our post office or ports, sectors that are vital to developing this country.” Greece Europe European debt crisis Global economy Economics Helena Smith guardian.co.uk

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Greece begins €50bn privatisation drive

Greek officials begin appointing advisers for fire-sale of state assets intended to raise €50bn by 2015 The starting gun for one of the biggest fire-sales in western history was fired as Greek officials began appointing advisers for the country’s ambitious privatisation drive. “Our target is clear, and it is to generate €1.7bn from privatisations by the end of September and €5bn by the end of the year,” said the finance minister, Evangelos Venizelos. After securing a second aid package to prop up an economy now dependent on international handouts to pay public wages and pensions, Athens has moved with record speed to divest itself of state assets ranging from prime real estate to loss-making companies. By any measure it is a gargantuan task. At stake is Greece’s €350bn debt, which before the EU and IMF agreed to bailout the country again was predicted to peak at 172% of GDP next year. The socialist government says it aims to raise €50bn through the campaign by 2015. Enough, it is hoped, to not only make a dent in the debt but send a convincing message to the markets that have pummelled Athens since the onset of the crisis 18 months ago. The prime minister, George Papandreou, has cancelled his summer holidays to accelerate the dismantling of a sector that his father Andreas – Greece’s fiery socialist premier in the 1980s – did much to foster. International lenders have warned that if there no progress with privatisations they will withhold the next tranche of aid in September. “In more ways than one Papandreou is paying for the sins of his father,” said Nikos Dimou, author of the bestselling book The Misfortune of Being Greek. “It was Andreas, after all, who did more than anyone else to run Greece into debt.” The appearance of For Sale and For Rent signs on everything from former Olympic venues to island locales, casinos, marinas and airports, has been met with unexpected acceptance by Greeks long weaned on state largesse. A growing majority appears to agree it is the only way of arresting soaring unemployment by attracting foreign investment. Experts estimate Athens could own around €300bn worth of state property, almost as much as the total Greek debt. “There has definitely been a shift in mood,” said Stefanos Manos, a former national economy minister in a centre-right government. “But that could easily change. It is very clear that the government is only doing this under great duress from [our] international creditors,” he said. “With timetables being so pressing, I worry that the whole process is very ill-prepared. If it there is not enough transparency we may end up like Russia, where only a cast of oligarchs end up benefiting.” With the privatisation drive now seen as crucial to reviving economic growth, the government has actively courted countries with big sovereign wealth funds to invest in Greece. Last week Europe’s paymaster, Germany, signalled it was interested in snapping up assets in the energy and tourism sectors. At home tycoons who control large sectors of the media have also started jockeying for position in what one commentator called the “beginning of a civil war” to buy stakes in state companies. “It is going to be a minefield for the government,” said political analyst Giorgos Kyrtsos. “The troika [of lenders] are not well-versed in Greek reality. The programme is overly ambitious.” After years of resisting privatisations, the breakneck speed at which Athens has agreed to conduct the sales – nearly one every 15 days – has raised fears that state jewels will be sold at rock-bottom prices. “In a buyer’s market our biggest concern is that this entire process will only serve to benefit the forces of capitalism and do nothing to create development,” said Yiannis Panagopoulos, president of the Confederation of Greek Workers, the country’s biggest labour grouping. “We will strongly oppose the sale of any sector in which the government has a strategic interest … there will be huge resistance if it tries to sell the electricity company, the water board, our post office or ports, sectors that are vital to developing this country.” Greece Europe European debt crisis Global economy Economics Helena Smith guardian.co.uk

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Liberals are just a wee bit unhappy with the deal President Obama struck to increase the debt ceiling. The Progressive Caucus and the Black Caucus will hold a press conference today to announce their opposition to the deal, Raw Story reports. Black Caucus Chairman Emanuel Cleaver delivered the real money…

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Anders Behring Breivik’s Twitter account has been hacked, and hacker group Anonymous is taking credit for it, the Village Voice reports: “This Twitter account has been seized by #NORIA. @AnonymousNorway,” one tweet read. The account has since been wiped clean of tweets. Among the others that had appeared: “I dropped…

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Michele Bachmann is taking a break from the stump to vote against the debt deal. “Someone has to say ‘no.’ I will,” she said in a statement issued last night. “The ‘deal’ … spends too much and doesn’t cut enough,” she said. “Mr. President, I’m not sure what voice you’re…

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How should journalists talk to survivors of the attacks in Norway? | Helen Pidd

They are still too shocked to speak. I kept my distance but should I even be in their town? ‘I spoke to Roald this morning, and he is sorry, but he can’t talk to you,” said Arne Nysted, the deputy mayor of Bardu, a small town a few hundred kilometres north of the Arctic Circle, when I turned up there on Thursday. “He thought he was doing the right thing by agreeing to talk to Norwegian TV and didn’t realise that by speaking out, he would not be asked to do just one interview but very many, from newspapers and television from all over the world. Now he needs peace.” In Norway, most people’s landlines – and even mobiles – are listed in the phone book. So it was easy for reporters to directly contact Roald Linaker, the army chaplain at Bardu’s military base, to ask him to discuss his son Gunnar, the 23-year-old “calm, big teddy bear with lots of humour and lots of love”, who was one of 69 people murdered by Anders Behring Breivik on Utøya island on 22 July . That afternoon, Roald had received a phone call from his son. “Dad, Dad, someone is shooting,” said Gunnar. Unlike many of the other young people at the Labour party’s annual youth summer camp, Gunnar knew exactly what a gun sounded like. Living so close to Norway’s largest garrison, he could even tell the difference between a weapon being fired manually and on automatic. Many of his friends on Utøya thought they were hearing fireworks when Breivik unleashed his first few rounds. Gunnar knew differently. Later, his 17-year-old sister Hanne said he saved the lives of her and others by shielding them from Breivik’s bullets and telling them to run. He paid the ultimate price. Journalists, wherever possible, piece together a story from primary sources – people who were there when something happened. But what to do when the witnesses won’t talk to you? After I arrived, a nurse on Bardu’s crisis team had gently asked me not to approach Hanne or the three other young women from the town who had survived the atrocities. “It is too soon,” she said. “I hope you understand that.” Roald had asked for privacy. The parents of Anders Kristiansen, the 18-year-old local boy who had not been seen since the attack, were down in Oslo, waiting for police to confirm the grim news. When reporting a death, I have a few self-imposed rules. If I am specifically told to leave the families alone, I won’t go near them. If the police liaison officer hasn’t issued a warning, I will take a deep breath and knock on the parents’ door once, telling myself that sometimes people want to talk about those they have lost. It doesn’t feel good. If they say they don’t want to talk, I won’t return. Sometimes I put a sympathy card through their letterbox with my phone number so that they can call me later “if you feel able”. They very rarely do. I had decided to make the 1,500km plane journey from Oslo to Bardu late on Wednesday night. The idea was to go to a small community that had suffered disproportionately in relation to its population. Bardu, a municipality in the huge Arctic county of Troms, has just under 4,000 people scattered within its tree-covered borders. Of the seven young people it sent to Utøya, two returned in body bags, two came back with limbs in plaster and three with memories that will haunt them for the rest of their lives. Of course I wanted to talk to the survivors. I wasn’t the only one. Sitting on a picnic table by the town’s makeshift shrine under a surprisingly brutal Arctic sun, I met another journalist who had been hanging around for days in the hope of speaking to one of the girls Breivik failed to kill. If he couldn’t speak to a victim, there was no story, he said. It would be a waste of time and money. As we sat there, a car pulled up and out hobbled a young woman with one foot and arm in bandages: it was one of the survivors. I recognised her from a newspaper picture taken before she went to the island – Anders Kristiansen, smiling a huge grin, had his arm slung across her shoulder. Now, another young man put his arm around her, supporting her as she hopped a few metres to the town’s millennium memorial, which had become a shrine to the dead. She lay flowers and I stayed put. On Thursday evening, I couldn’t sleep. I’d stayed up late writing my dispatch for Saturday’s paper without speaking to a victim or the families of the dead, relying instead on testimony from the town’s priest, the deputy mayor and friends of those never to return. At 1am it was still light outside, so I left my hotel and got in my hire car, passing the Bible verse the owner had written on the whiteboard outside: Psalm 23, The Lord Is My Shepherd. Had I wasted the Guardian’s time and money? Should I have knocked on those doors, I wondered, as I drove past the Beware of Elk sign towards the Ice Peak mountains. I thought of the time I went to Pontardawe the day a young couple from a small village had been murdered on their honeymoon in Antigua. Of driving through Cumbria, trying to find people who saw Derrick Bird kill 12 people in June 2010. Of being on an estate in Bradford, asking the neighbours of a woman who worked as a prostitute how they felt after her remains had been fished out of a nearby river. Should I have been there? Should I be here? I didn’t have an answer. Norway Anders Behring Breivik Helen Pidd guardian.co.uk

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Micah Calamosca’s first mistake was allegedly trying to carjack a vehicle inhabited by … a plainclothes police officer. And the story only gets weirder from there: When the 21-year-old jumped into the car Saturday night and the detective drew his gun, Calamosca had his excuse ready. He told the Pittsburgh officer…

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Baader-Meinhof terrorist may have worked for the Stasi

German media claims Horst Mahler identified as an informant for East German secret police in leaked report into 1967 shooting He is one of the most paradoxical and notorious figures in modern German history: a social democrat lawyer turned leftwing terrorist who went to prison, turned to Maoism and then came out as a far-right nationalist. Now there is another twist: Horst Mahler, a founding member of the Red Army Faction, was also a Stasi informant. According to German newspaper reports, the revelation comes from a leaked report by state prosecutors re-investigating the shooting of a pacifist by a Berlin policeman during a 1967 protest. According to Bild am Sonntag, which claims to have seen the report into the death of Benno Ohnesorg, Mahler was a so-called inoffizielle Mitarbeiter (informal collaborator) for the East German secret service up until 1970. The outing of any public figure as an IM is a controversial affair, but with Mahler, who is in a Bavarian prison for denying the Holocaust, it is especially striking. If he really was collaborating with the Stasi, it shines a whole new light on his time with the Red Army Faction – better known in the UK as the Baader-Meinhof gang. Mahler represented the widow of 26-year-old Ohnesorg in a civil case she brought over her husband’s death. He also led the student movement’s own investigation into the shooting. The West Berlin policeman who pulled the trigger, Karl-Heinz Kurras, was exposed as a Stasi agent two years ago. The new leaked report even suggests he deliberately fired at Ohnesorg, though he was twice cleared of deliberate homicide. If Mahler was also working for the Stasi – a fact his lawyer suggests is unlikely – does this mean he was somehow in on a plot to disrupt West Germany by introducing violence into the student protests? Mahler, who was a little older than the other West German student leaders in the late 1960s, also represented Rudi Dutschke, the most prominent spokesman for the German student movement. Later on, when Mahler was in prison for bank robberies and assisting a prison escape, Gerhard Schröder, Germany’s future chancellor, became his lawyer. If the leaked investigation into Ohnesorg’s death is right, Mahler only stopped being a Stasi informant when he founded the Red Army Faction with Ulrike Meinhof, Andreas Baader and Gudrun Ensslin in 1970. He was arrested shortly afterwards and spent all of the 1970s in jail. The true circumstances of Ohnesorg’s death are important because the killing is widely credited as the catalyst for the radicalisation of the West German left, including those who went on to form the Red Army Faction. According to Bild am Sonntag, state prosecutors decided to reopen the investigation into the death in May 2009 after Kurras was outed as a Stasi agent. The newspaper claims the leaked report shows the East German secret police played a bigger role in the shooting than was previously thought. The GDR is already known to have tried to undermine West Germany by funding radical magazines and newspapers plotting its downfall, and, in the late1970s and 80s, offering sanctuary to Red Army Faction terrorists on the run. Mahler’s current lawyer, Mirko Röder, could not be reached by phone on Monday. But the Bild am Sonntag quoted the Berlin-based Röder as saying: “If the prosecutors’ findings point to him [Mahler] being an IM, I’m surprised how deeply the Stasi were able to infiltrate the political incidents of West Germany back then.” This is another intriguing piece in the wildly unusual jigsaw that is Mahler’s life, said Hans Kundnani, the author of Utopia or Auschwitz, a book about Germany’s 1968 generation. “Many members of the student movement who had grown up in West Germany and saw themselves as revolutionary socialists romanticised the GDR as the ‘better Germany’,” he said. “After the death of Ohnesorg, Mahler called for ‘resistance’ against the Federal Republic, which they saw as a fascist state. In that context, he may have seen the ‘anti-fascist’ GDR as a potential ally. In a sense, his whole life has been a struggle with the Nazi past.” Kundnani met Mahler when researching his book, first at a neo-Nazi retreat in Thuringia and then at his home in a Berlin suburb. “He preferred talking about Hegel than his own life,” said Kundnani. “When I asked him whether he accepted that he had changed his views since the 1960s, he said, ‘You have to see it dialectically. One changes, and at the same time one remains the same.’ ” Germany The far right Europe Helen Pidd guardian.co.uk

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Red Cross calls for more aid as supplies reach Somali famine victims

Emergency relief is getting to only a small percentage of those in need, says the Red Cross: 3.7 million Somalis still need food Significant amounts of food aid is being distributed in Somalia’s famine zone for the first time since the crisis became acute, according to aid agencies, though more will be required in the coming months. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) said 3,000 tonnes of food has been given to 162,000 people in southern and central Somalia, the drought- and violence-racked areas controlled by Islamist militia groups. Around 24,000 people in Lower Shabelle and Bakool, the two regions worst affected by the famine conditions, have been given a month’s supply of rice and beans. However, the UN has warned that the rest of southern Somalia is likely to be officially declared a famine zone within the next two months. The response to the disaster has been difficult and slow owing to security concerns and restrictions placed on aid agencies by the militia group al-Shabab, who banned some organisations from working in their areas, including the UN World Food Programme which would normally lead the relief effort. The group has accused the UN of distorting local markets and being anti-Muslim. A few humanitarian organisations, including the ICRC, have been allowed access to the controlled areas, though their relief work has been hampered. The Somali Red Crescent is also helping severely malnourished children in remote rural areas. Last week an Al-Shabab spokesman claimed there was no famine in Somalia , but the scale of the current food distribution suggests an increasing recognition of the seriousness of the situation. Nevertheless, emergency relief is getting to only a “small percentage of those in need”, the ICRC said. “More aid will be required to help the population bridge the gap until the next harvest in December,” said Andrea Heath, the group’s economic security co-ordinator for Somalia. According to the UN 3.7 million Somalis, about half the population, need food aid. Most are in the al-Shabab-dominated south, including 1.5 million who face famine. A further 8.2 million people require food aid in Kenya, Ethiopia and Djibouti, which have also been hit by the severe drought in the Horn of Africa, compounded by soaring crop prices. The situation in Somalia is more acute because of the fighting between al-Shabab and other militias, the absence of effective government and lack of humanitarian access. The UN estimates that tens of thousands of Somalis may have died due to lack of food. Hundreds of thousands more have trekked vast distances to refugee camps in Kenya, Ethiopia and the Somali capital, Mogadishu. The Somali government controls a little more than half of Mogadishu due to the presence of some 9,000 African Union (AU) peacekeepers. AU troops last week embarked on an offensive against the rebels, capturing territory during fierce battles. The insurgents retaliated yesterday when two peacekeepers were killed by suicide bombs. Famine Somalia Kenya Africa Xan Rice guardian.co.uk

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