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Casey Anthony is back in Florida, her attorney told Geraldo Rivera in a Fox News interview taped last night. She is awaiting a decision by the appellate court on whether she must report to a probation office by Friday, an order her lawyers are still fighting to stop . Also this…

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MLK Memorial Opens

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The official dedication isn’t until Sunday, but the Martin Luther King Jr. memorial on the National Mall opens today at 11am. The 30-foot-tall sculpture and 450-foot-long quotations-inscribed wall sit between the Lincoln and Jefferson memorials, the AP notes. A week of white-tie and black-tie events will precede Sunday’s dedication, with…

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Tripoli is largely in rebel hands today, but NATO vowed to keep sending out air patrols—and possibly launching strikes—until all of Moammar Gadhafi’s troops have surrendered or returned to their barracks. NATO’s secretary-general told the AP that Gadhafi’s regime is “clearly crumbling,” but said NATO would strike any…

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In 2006, their best year ever, the 10 biggest US banks and brokerage firms made $104 billion in profits. By 2008, they had taken more than six times that amount—$669 billion—in emergency Federal Reserve loans. That amount, as well as amount loaned by the Fed to all its…

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Letter on planning from Prince Charles’s office being kept secret

Admission the GLA is withholding correspondence comes after it emerged several of his charities had been lobbying ministers A letter from the office of the Prince of Wales to Boris Johnson, the mayor of London about planning issues in the capital is being kept secret because disclosure could undermine the prince’s “political neutrality”. The admission is likely to increase calls for greater transparency over the lobbying of ministers by Prince Charles, and his aides and charities. It comes amid continued concern that the prince’s involvement in political matters could cause a constitutional crisis if and when he becomes king. On Monday it emerged that several of the prince’s charities have been lobbying government ministers to change policy on issues ranging from VAT to regional development policy . The Guardian had asked City Hall to release correspondence between the prince and his aides, and elected representatives and officials at the Greater London Authority (GLA) about planning matters in the capital since Johnson became mayor, and specifically letters relating to the plans for the rebuilding of Chelsea Barracks and tall buildings in the capital, both topics the prince has spoken out on. City Hall replied that Sir Michael Peat, Prince Charles’s private secretary, had written to Johnson but the prince had not consented to disclosure of the letter and, although the request came under environmental information regulations, it would not be released. “Disclosure of this information would adversely affect the Prince of Wales because, as heir to the throne, the sensitivity of his communications with public authorities are unlikely to diminish with time due to the fact that once he is the sovereign he will remain in office for life,” City Hall said. “Disclosure therefore could appear to undermine his political neutrality. Furthermore, release of this information would impinge upon the Prince of Wales’s privacy.” James Grey, a spokesman for Republic, the campaign for an elected head of state, said: “This seems to be a clear admission that the Prince of Wales is himself compromising his supposed neutrality by what he is saying in private correspondence with politicians.. “The heir to the throne is required to be impartial in fact, and not just in appearance. The concept of the prince’s political neutrality is worthless unless public bodies can be open about what he is saying to them.” A handwritten letter from deputy mayor Kit Malthouse to the prince was also withheld “as it constitutes Kit Malthouse’s personal data”. “It sets out his opinions on the various matters discussed in the letter and is clearly a personal, rather than an official, note,” City Hall officials said. The GLA agreed it was in the public interest to release the data to help the understanding of “the level of influence (if any) exerted by the Prince of Wales on matters of public policy, such as the future of the Chelsea Barracks site”. But this was negated by arguments in favour of non-disclosure, the officials added, and it wasalso in the public interest that the heir to the throne is not perceived to be “politically biased”. The maintenance of “the convention that provides a confidential space in which the heir to the throne can communicate with government, and the principles of political neutrality which underpin it” outweighed the public interest in favour of disclosure. Prince Charles Boris Johnson Monarchy Planning policy London London politics Robert Booth guardian.co.uk

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Japan has been telling residents of the 12-mile evacuation zone around Fukushima Dai-ichi that they’ll likely be going home next year—but now it looks like the government is finally ready to say otherwise. With dangerous radiation still evident in the area, it could be decades before those who were…

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With kidnappings up 317% over the last five years—not to mention the disturbing fact that more than 20% of the crimes have allegedly involved police officers or soldiers—scared Mexicans are increasingly turning to a controversial method of protecting themselves: tracking devices. For $2,000 upfront and an additional…

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RAF to get 14 new Chinook helicopters in £1bn deal

Liam Fox says contract to expand Chinook fleet to 60 shows government is bringing ‘reality’ to the defence budget The Ministry of Defence is to buy 14 Chinook transport helicopters at a cost of £1bn, the defence secretary has announced. The contract, which will increase the number of Chinooks operated by the RAF to 60, will also include development and support costs for five years. In a speech at RAF Odiham in Hampshire, where the British Chinook fleet is based, Liam Fox said the deal showed that the government was bringing “reality” to the defence budget, enabling it to provide real equipment. In last October’s defence review the number of Chinooks the government planned to order was reduced to 12, half the number proposed in 2009. “We have brought reality to the defence budget and can start signing contracts that will deliver real equipment,” Fox said. The coalition has cut the defence budget by 8% as part of the attempt to slash the deficit, but Fox attacked the previous administration. He said: “The previous government promised more Chinooks, but never ordered them and never had the money for them. “It was just an aspiration. These additional helicopters will significantly enhance our existing heavy lift helicopter capability. This fleet will support our frontline troops in current and future operations for decades to come.” There have been persistent complaints by the RAF of shortages of helicopters and spare parts during the Afghanistan operation. Three years ago it was reported that only 17 were fit for active service of the-then fleet of 40 . The deal means that the RAF will continue to have the largest Chinook fleet in Europe. The heavy duty helicopters, used in Afghanistan for transporting troops and equipment, are manufactured by the US company Boeing. The first of the new batch of helicopters, which can carry up to 40 people or 10 tonnes of cargo, should be ready to enter service in 2014, with the full complement coming on stream two years later. That means they are unlikely to play any part in operations in Afghanistan. They have proved their worth in military conflicts over many years, from the Vietnam war onwards – the helicopters were first developed in the early 1960s. But they have also been involved in a number of disasters, including an incident in Afghanistan earlier this month when one containing 30 US troops was apparently brought down by ground fire. The RAF has used its Chinook fleet in all overseas conflicts since the 1970s, including the Falklands, Bosnia and Iraq as well as in Northern Ireland. Two were lost two years ago in Afghanistan, one of them being shot down by the Taliban. A Chinook was also at the centre of one of Britain’s greatest security disasters in modern times when a helicopter carrying high-ranking security and intelligence officers from Northern Ireland to a conference in Scotland crashed on the Mull of Kintyre in June 1994. Defence policy Liam Fox Ministry of Defence Military Stephen Bates guardian.co.uk

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RAF to get 14 new Chinook helicopters in £1bn deal

Liam Fox says contract to expand Chinook fleet to 60 shows government is bringing ‘reality’ to the defence budget The Ministry of Defence is to buy 14 Chinook transport helicopters at a cost of £1bn, the defence secretary has announced. The contract, which will increase the number of Chinooks operated by the RAF to 60, will also include development and support costs for five years. In a speech at RAF Odiham in Hampshire, where the British Chinook fleet is based, Liam Fox said the deal showed that the government was bringing “reality” to the defence budget, enabling it to provide real equipment. In last October’s defence review the number of Chinooks the government planned to order was reduced to 12, half the number proposed in 2009. “We have brought reality to the defence budget and can start signing contracts that will deliver real equipment,” Fox said. The coalition has cut the defence budget by 8% as part of the attempt to slash the deficit, but Fox attacked the previous administration. He said: “The previous government promised more Chinooks, but never ordered them and never had the money for them. “It was just an aspiration. These additional helicopters will significantly enhance our existing heavy lift helicopter capability. This fleet will support our frontline troops in current and future operations for decades to come.” There have been persistent complaints by the RAF of shortages of helicopters and spare parts during the Afghanistan operation. Three years ago it was reported that only 17 were fit for active service of the-then fleet of 40 . The deal means that the RAF will continue to have the largest Chinook fleet in Europe. The heavy duty helicopters, used in Afghanistan for transporting troops and equipment, are manufactured by the US company Boeing. The first of the new batch of helicopters, which can carry up to 40 people or 10 tonnes of cargo, should be ready to enter service in 2014, with the full complement coming on stream two years later. That means they are unlikely to play any part in operations in Afghanistan. They have proved their worth in military conflicts over many years, from the Vietnam war onwards – the helicopters were first developed in the early 1960s. But they have also been involved in a number of disasters, including an incident in Afghanistan earlier this month when one containing 30 US troops was apparently brought down by ground fire. The RAF has used its Chinook fleet in all overseas conflicts since the 1970s, including the Falklands, Bosnia and Iraq as well as in Northern Ireland. Two were lost two years ago in Afghanistan, one of them being shot down by the Taliban. A Chinook was also at the centre of one of Britain’s greatest security disasters in modern times when a helicopter carrying high-ranking security and intelligence officers from Northern Ireland to a conference in Scotland crashed on the Mull of Kintyre in June 1994. Defence policy Liam Fox Ministry of Defence Military Stephen Bates guardian.co.uk

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‘It’s game over, Gaddafi’: Tripoli’s citizens see violent birth of a new Libya

Most residents of the Libyan capital welcomed the rebels, but some had mixed feelings. And where was Gaddafi? For a brief few hours on Monday, Tripoli’s Green Square was a tranquil place. A rebel flag hung above the old Ottoman palace. A few curious locals emerged to take a look around. What they saw was a mess: the windows of the Saleem coffee shop had been blown in; a mangled truck lay next to a municipal pleasure park with palm trees and a pond. One Tripoli resident, Tariq Hussain, 32, said Gaddafi loyalists had fired at the square for four hours on Sunday. At midnight their bombardment stopped. After that people had flooded into the area – quickly renamed Martyrs’ Square – to celebrate the arrival of rebels from the Libyan capital’s western suburbs and the apparent end of Muammar Gaddafi’s regime. Hussain admitted to ambivalence about the rebels’ victory. “I’m afraid of them, to be honest,” he said. Others, however, were jubilant. “Forty-two years too much. It’s game over, Gaddafi,” Abdul Mohammad said, as a group of teenagers stomped on a green Gaddafi baseball hat. “There’s no person here supporting Gaddafi,” Nasar al-Fahdi, a translator, explained. “It was just about fear. When someone says you have to support him, and he has a whole army behind him, what can you say?” But a waiter also admitted he had mixed feelings. Surveying the destruction, he said: “There’s not going to be much money around here.” Certainly, most Tripoli residents welcomed the arrival of the rebels, who swept in riding a noisy cavalcade of pick-ups. But some did not. Gaddafi’s loyalists were putting up resistance. By late afternoon what had begun in the morning with isolated pockets of fire had morphed into a full-scale battle, as Tripoli echoed with the rattle of anti-artillery guns and the wumpf of mortars. From high buildings on the seafront – offering a spectacular view of Tripoli’s port and languid corniche – the rebels drilled fire on the old city. There didn’t seem to be any answer. The roads – a few hours earlier home to a tentative light traffic – rapidly cleared. Gaddafi may have disappeared, his long, strange leadership slipping into the realm of history. But his fanatical followers fought on. In areas liberated by the rebels, the mood was euphoric. Locals stood on street corners, flashing V-signs as opposition militia from towns across Libya swept past. Women cheered and whooped from upper storeys; by the afternoon mosques were broadcasting polite requests not to fire in the air but to conserve ammunition instead. Nobody listened. From checkpoints hastily set up, fighters continuously let off a festive pop-pop. In the district of Gurji, householders were sitting on the pavement, smiling and still evidently stunned by the events of the previous 12 hours. “We are with Cameron and Sarkozy 100%,” Walid Margani, a 45-year-old school inspector, offered spontaneously, in comments that will no doubt delight Downing Street. “They helped us in having a new life. For 42 years we’ve had no rights.” Margani was wearing an Umbro England football shirt. The shirt had a Nationwide logo. He was wearing it, he said, to express his thanks to the Nato coalition and its jets, without which Gaddafi would still be in power. But where was Gaddafi? The rumour in Tripoli was that he was hiding somewhere near the Algerian border – or had already crossed it. In a defiant audio broadcast Gaddafi had denounced his enemies – who began their uprising against him on 17 February – as “rats”. “He’s the rat,” Margani said. “We have not seen him on the TV for more than four months. He’s been hiding like a rat underground.” What should happen to him now? “We don’t want to hear his name any more. We want him to be judged and to disappear,” Ahmed Zidan, 45, said. It seems unlikely that Libya’s toppled leader will get this magnanimous treatment, should the rebels catch up with him. Over at the Mahgrab luxury village – an elite compound for expatriate workers – excited opposition fighters were interrogating two terrified prisoners from Chad. The rebels accused the pair of being snipers for Gaddafi. The men were made to kneel, glazed with fear. The first said he was called Mohamad Sala, the second Zane Al-Badine Ali. They were slapped, questioned, as a dozen rebel militia gathered round, one firing a silver handgun into the air. Gaddafi may indeed have hired the men as snipers – much of his army is comprised of mercenaries from African countries. Or they may simply have been employed to tend the compound’s lush gardens. The rebels told us to leave. The prisoners’ fate was unclear. Earlier in the morning, pro-Gaddafi gunmen had taken position at the eastern end of Gagaresh Street, opening fire at any vehicles that came too close. By the afternoon the street was calmer. Most private houses, though, were shut up, their inhabitants too frightened or too uncertain to venture out. There were no shops open. Nor was there any petrol. In the afternoon, electricity that had worked intermittently during this crisis went out. One local, Mohamad Ali Bara, said he was out collecting spent bullets as souvenirs for his nephew in the US. Bara admitted he was a former Libyan ambassador to Kuwait and Switzerland, notching up 37 years in Gaddafi’s diplomatic corps. “I knew him personally. He has a very cruel heart. Up until 1975 he was very good. After that he was like Hitler.” What changed? “Many things. His tribal mentality. He got his family around him. He started appointing ignorant people to be ambassadors.” Bara said there was no mystery why he had managed to stay in power for so long. “Gaddafi is very clever. He could keep Libya under his grip with a lot of security. Salaries are very low. But security people got a lot of benefits.” Bara said he retired from the foreign service in 2007, and had always expected the regime to be swept away by violent revolution. He finished: “I hope now that everybody likes to have real democracy.” This may take some time. Outside Tripoli, the rebels have control over most of Libya, following a spectacular push over the last 10 days from the west, south and east. Only three ago they were bogged down in the city of Zawiya, 30 miles west of the capital, and the scene of a week-long battle; now they are masters of Tripoli’s looping flyovers and its Mediterranean seaside restaurants. They were cruising around downtown commercial districts on Monday; they have the stock market. But before they can establish a new post-Gaddafi state they need to reach some kind of accord with the Gaddafi loyalists who were still fighting on Monday evening. At 5pm the rattle of heavy guns could be heard across the city, reverberating across the port in stately intervals. The regime may be finished but not everybody had absorbed this message. But it is only a matter of time. Teenage spraypainters were hard at work , covering the city’s walls with graffiti proclaiming the victory of the “February 17″ revolution. Clutching a black spray can in his hand, Rade, 22, put it like this: “It’s simple. We’ve won.” Libya Muammar Gaddafi Arab and Middle East unrest Middle East Africa Luke Harding guardian.co.uk

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