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Egypt shuts down al-Jazeera operations

Satellite TV channel’s Egyptian bureau closed and licenses and accreditation withdrawn from staff Egypt today shut down the operations of the Arabic satellite TV channel al-Jazeera, blaming it for encouraging the country’s uprising – and demonstrating that the repressive powers of central government are still functioning. The state-run Mena news agency reported that the information ministry had ordered “suspension of operations of al-Jazeera, cancelling of its licenses and withdrawing accreditation to all its staff, as of today”. The Egyptian government has never made a secret of its dislike for the channel, but the final straw may have been an interview it broadcast yesterday with the popular cleric Yusuf al-Qaradawi, who called on the Egyptian president, Hosni Mubarak, to leave the country immediately. Al-Jazeera has faced interference with its communications from Egypt since Friday. The Qatar-based channel immediately denounced the closure, but insisted that it would carry on regardless. “Al-Jazeera sees this as an act designed to stifle and repress the freedom of reporting by the network and its journalists,” a statement said. “In this time of deep turmoil and unrest in Egyptian society it is imperative that voices from all sides be heard. The closing of our bureau by the Egyptian government is aimed at censoring and silencing the voices of the Egyptian people. ” Al-Jazeera correspondents have been reporting round the clock, in Arabic and English, from Cairo, Suez and Alexandria since the unprecedented unrest erupted early last week. Qaradawi, often described as the spiritual leader of the Muslim Brotherhood – formally banned but still powerful in Egypt – addressed the president bluntly, saying: “Go away, Mubarak, leave the people alone. Enough – you’ve ruled for 30 years already. Dozens have been killed in one day. You cannot stay.” The Egyptian national, who now lives in Qatar, called on Mubarak to follow the example of the Tunisian president, Zine al-Abidine Bin Ali, and leave honourably. No country is more important to the Arab world than Egypt, and audiences across the region have been riveted by the unfolding drama on the satellite channel, popular precisely because it is so different from the normal run of self-censoring state media. It is not the first time Egypt has cracked down on al-Jazeera. The channel came under fire during the Israeli attack on Gaza in late 2008 amid charges that it was lionising the Palestinian Islamist movement Hamas and aggravating the rift between moderate and rejectionist camps in the Arab world. In 2006, its bureau chief in Cairo was charged with the false reporting of bomb blasts in the Sinai desert. Egypt also came under suspicion of jamming al-Jazeera broadcasts during the football World Cup in South Africa last summer. Al-Jazeera, which is owned by the emir of Qatar, is often accused of promoting populist and alternative agendas by attacking repressive regimes and supporting Hamas or Hizbullah in Lebanon. It was blamed for inciting unrest through its vivid coverage of the Tunisian uprising and was attacked by the Palestinian Authority over its recent coverage of the leaked Palestine papers. Egypt Middle East Al-Jazeera TV news Ian Black guardian.co.uk

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Injured protesters in Cairo

Volunteer surgeons treat people wounded during anti-government demonstrations in Egypt Peter Beaumont

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Hosni Mubarak’s new vice president —and possible successor—may help shore up support with Egypt’s powerful military and reassure the United States, but Omar Suleiman will do little to save Mubarak’s presidency. Suleiman leads Egypt’s foreign intelligence service, has similar political views as Mubarak, is considered the establishment pick by…

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Egyptian protests turn place of worship into desperately chaotic hospital

A mosque in Cairo has become a makeshift sickroom for the wounded and the dying, tended by crowds of volunteers The motorbikes skitter through Mohamed Mahmoud street and into a side alley, sending debris flying in their wake. Each one carries a lifeless figure, propped up between two others. They have to hang on grimly to the vehicle’s sides to avoid falling off; if it slows down even for a moment then the sniper shots or teargas may reach them. At the doorway of the Abad Rahman mosque, tucked in a back street behind Hardees burger restaurant, crowds of volunteers are waiting to receive the injured. The scene is desperately chaotic. Some young men have linked together to man a wooden barricade, ensuring only the medics and those in need of their help make it over the threshold; others are using sticks and rods to push back the throng, making space for ambulances to weave through the clutter. The Egyptian interior ministry, site of the day’s fiercest street fighting, is just a couple of blocks away, and the sound of live gunfire echoes off the walls. This place of worship is little more than a partially-roofed narrow passage between two tall buildings; now it has been transformed into a makeshift hospital, with blood soaking through the prayer mats. The muezzin’s microphone – normally used to send out the call to prayer – pressed into use by a thick-set, bearded imam who is shouting out instructions to the medics. Occasionally, he prays. “The police have been shooting at these people with live fire,” explains Dr Mona Mina, a paediatrician who had travelled from across the city to answer an urgent call for medical assistance. “I came down four hours ago, and I’ve seen six deaths here today – mostly from penetration wounds, but one was from gas suffocation.” As she talks a commotion breaks out near the doorway and a child is carried through, bleeding heavily. Dr Mina grabs a bundle of supplies from a nearby trestle table. “I have to go,” she says. On the white columns of the mosque volunteers taped IV drips and hung carpets to give some little privacy to the injured. Meanwhile bystanders joined hands to encircle those being treated on the floor and prevent them being jostled. “It shows the solidarity of the Egyptian people who are fighting for the end of this regime, and now for their lives,” Dr Ahmed Ali, an oncologist from the southern Cairo suburb of Maadi. “We’re advising people to halt the assault on the interior ministry because the police there have snipers and the youths have nothing but stones. They don’t stand a chance, but they keep going on anyway. And as long as they keep going we will too.” In the midst of one small group lay a man in his early 30s, his shirt pulled up to show a small ugly puncture on the right side of his stomach below his rib cage. A surgeon, still wearing his suit, is probing it with forceps while the man screams, pulling out a fragment of metal. “See this,” the doctor says holding it up. “Do you see this? They are shooting people with live rounds.” Another volunteer brings over a handful of .22 calibre shell casings. In a corner of the mosque a younger man is screaming as iodine is swabbed on his knee, punctured by a piece of buckshot. A young woman, inconsolable, falls into a faint after being told her husband has been killed. “Please, don’t stay here,” a volunteer implores. “It is too dangerous.” Half an hour later her husband’s blue jeans, now drenched red with blood, are hooked on to a stick and held aloft by a group of volunteers, who march out of the mosque and back round to Tahrir Square. ” Shaheed” – the Arabic word for martyr – is taken up by the crowd. It was not the first, or last time the cry went out on this day of violence in the capital. Egypt Middle East Protest Jack Shenker Peter Beaumont guardian.co.uk

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Cairo residents set up citizen guards

Police appear to have withdrawn from many parts of the Egyptian capital and it is the people who now own the streets. Locals armed with sticks and knives are setting up their own neighbourhood security groups to protect their homes and property. Al Jazeera’s Jacky Rowland reports from Nasr City in Cairo.

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Looters break into Cairo museum

Looters have managed to break into the Egyptian museum in Cairo during violent protests and Several priceless and ancient artefacts were damaged. Officials say nothing was stolen, but the images of empty cabinets suggest otherwise. Troops have now secured the museum and authorities at sites across the country have taken precautions to secure antiquities. Al Jazeera’s Will Jordan reports.

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Egypt spy chief made vice-president

Hosni Mubarak, the Egyptian president, has for the first time during his three decades in power appointed a vice-president. The move came after days of violent protests in which tens of thousands have called for Mubarak’s resignation. But the appointment has done little to quell the unrest. The man now second-in-command is Omar Sulemein, the country’s former spy chief, who has been working closely with Mubarak during most of his reign. The 75-year-old has been mediating in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and won the respect of both Washington and Israel. Al Jazeera’s Hoda Hamid portrays the military veteran whose nomination is seen is an attempt by Mubarak to retain international support.

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ABC Pushes for Tax Hike on Capital Gains, Ignores Likelihood of Tax Revenue Loss
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Even employed people can still be broke—and if you’re in that camp, allow Steve Roy to help. On Dumb Little Man , the financial planner offers up the “five reasons you will always be broke:” Your spouse is a spender : If one partner is out of touch with your financial…

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It is in the interest of autocratic Arab nations to note the mood in Egypt and effect change Days of rage in Egypt signify the end of days for Hosni Mubarak’s repressive and bankrupt regime. For 30 years, the president has held his country down through fear, secret police, emergency laws, American cash subsidies and a lamentable absence of vision and imagination. His crude, Gaullist message: without me, chaos. Now the chaos has come anyway. And Mubarak must go. Five days of rage on the streets of Cairo, Alexandria, Suez and dozens of other cities have transformed the way Egypt sees itself. For years, they said it was impossible. The regime was too powerful, the masses too apathetic, the security apparatus too ubiquitous. Like eastern Europeans trapped in the Soviet Union’s cold, pre-1991 embrace, they struggled in the dark, without help, without hope. Movements for change, such as Kefaya (Enough!), were brutally suppressed. Courageous dissidents such as Ayman Nour were harassed, beaten and imprisoned. Yet all the time, pressure for reform was rising. Every day, higher prices, economic stagnation, poverty and unemployment, political stasis, official corruption and a stifled, censored public space became less and less tolerable. Every day, impatience with the regime’s insulting insouciance bred more enemies. Hatred seeped like poison through the veins of the people. Until, at last, in five days of rage, as if as one, they cried: “Enough!” And now, Mubarak must go. Fittingly, Egypt’s youth led the way against the old order, using not guns or bombs but the arsenal of 21st-century information technology: social media, mobiles, texts and emails. The Paris mob of Bastille notoriety became, through peaceful evolution, the flash mob of Tahrir Square. They espoused no leaders. They wrote no plans. In fast-moving, separate but interconnected street offensives, they out-thought, outfoxed and outran the police. With the once omnipotent security forces looking beatable, Egyptians of all backgrounds rose to join the fight: students, trade unionists, women, rights activists, Islamists and, crucially, the great workers’ army of Egypt’s employed and unemployed. Here, truly, was people power in all its magnificent might. Here was democracy in the raw. Here was the legitimacy of an Egypt freed of its old fears and suddenly alive to its changing destiny. In five days of rage, they seized control of their country’s future. And so, inevitably, Mubarak must go. It is clear that Mubarak does not share this view and that the army, for now, is backing him. The 82-year-old’s television appearance on Friday night only underscored how little he understands the causes of the tumult. Like Tunisia’s recently deposed president, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, Mubarak chided the demonstrators, insisted stability was all and shifted the blame to others, sacking his cabinet and promising another. He gave no assurances about this autumn’s elections, made no mention of his intentions or those of his purported heir, Gamal, though his selection yesterday of his old henchman Omar Suleiman as vice president hinted at a new succession strategy, and offered no vision of reform. He made plain he would not go. This impasse is not acceptable, this deadlock cannot be sustained. It is damaging to the region, to Egypt’s western friends and, most of all, to Egypt itself. All concerned now have an urgent duty to think afresh. For unreformed Arab regimes that look to Egypt for leadership, the message is clear. Several, following Tunisia’s example, have been rattled by attempted uprisings. In Jordan, in Yemen, in Algeria, a common theme emerges: demands for inclusive, open, honest governance and for economic opportunity and social freedom. These demands may only be addressed by a root-and-branch reconstruction of governance. As a string of UN reports in the past decade has illustrated, the Arab world is being left behind by other regions, whether the benchmark be literacy, educational achievement, private enterprise, healthcare or women’s rights. These trends, if allowed to continue unchecked, promise only more days of rage, more instability and more grief. A good start would be the renunciation by Arab leaders of objectionable dynastic succession plans that, in Libya, Syria and elsewhere, have seen favoured sons follow, or be selected to follow, their fathers into power. In Egypt, Gamal Mubarak must state publicly he will not seek the presidency once his father has gone. For western countries, particularly the US, the paymaster of the Mubarak regime, a radical new approach is also now required. In recent days, Barack Obama has increased the pressure on Mubarak. But he has not, as yet, withdrawn his personal support. That should change. Obama, David Cameron and EU leaders must tell Mubarak that his time is up, that the appointment of an interim government of national unity, the release of political prisoners, the suspension of emergency laws and free and fair presidential and parliamentary elections is the only way forward they will support. Other autocratic Arab regimes must hear the same message. The west’s postwar dance with Middle Eastern tyranny is ending. That it would end in tears and teargas is wholly unsurprising. But end it must. The regimes must reform from within, with help from without. There is no sane or safe alternative. For sure, it is a fraught proposition. But what great reform moment is not? In place of Mubarak and men of his ilk, western leaders fear the rise of militant Islam, the ascendancy of groups such as Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood, and a general loss of influence and stability in a Middle East made free for democracy. As Palestine fractures under the weight of revelations about secret negotiations with Israel, as shaky Lebanon faces a new Hezbollah-led government, and as Iran crows over what it hopes will be the domino collapse of the “apostate” regimes, the US takes fright at a world unravelling beyond its control. Courage and vision are required in Washington as well as Cairo. The US, Britain and other western governments that have wrongly valued stability above freedom should take inspiration from the brave people of Egypt. They have shown the way. In five days of rage, they overcame their fears, broke with the old ways and made a glorious, chaotic yet purposeful lunge for a future full of hope for all. They made a reality of democracy. Now they must make their choice freely. So, first, Mubarak must go. Egypt Protest guardian.co.uk

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