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The military is supposed to be physically rigorous, but some service members are resorting to measures such as starvation diets, dehydration, and even liposuction to meet requirements, reports the Washington Post . What’s worse, the service members complain that they’re perfectly fit—it’s just that requirements such as the “tape test”…

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‘How dare he talk to us like children?’ say demonstrators. ‘If he’s here until September then so are we’ The crowd had rigged up a huge screen to show al-Jazeera. Mubarak’s speech was broadcast live. As he announced that he would not be standing for another term, the rally exploded in anger. The screen was pelted with bottles and the cry ” Ir hal, ir hal” went up repeatedly: “Leave, leave”. It was taken up by the hundred thousand people who thronged Tahrir Square. At one point demonstrators held up their shoes to the screen – an insulting gesture in Arab culture. None of them were appeased by Mubarak’s announcement. If anything, they were emboldened to step up their protests and to push their demands further. Many were saying that not only must Mubarak leave immediately but that the whole of his National Democratic party regime had to go and should be put on trial. “If he’s here until September then so are we,” said Amr Gharbeia, an activist who is camping out in the square. “Perhaps this would have been enough to appease people a few days ago but it’s much too late now. He has to leave and he has to leave today,” added Ibraheem Kabeel, a 26-year-old physician. “This has only made us angrier. He must leave today. He can’t wait until September. Mubarak’s plane is ready,” said Ahmed Defouki, a 30 year old pharmacist. “Everybody here has different opinions politically but on this issue we are united: Mubarak leaves today.” A new energy infused the crowds. People seemed more excited, sensing that they could bring Mubarak down. Another protester added: “This is the Tunisian scenario, where Ben Ali promised to stand down eventually but was quickly removed.” A prominent liberal dissident, Gamila Ismail, dismissed the president’s overtures. “He gave us nothing concrete,” she said. “You can’t have clean elections and a fair parliament until you have a political system untainted by emergency law. “You can’t have political justice while the state security holds the political apparatus in its grip. Mubarak danced around these issues, preferring instead to show off his muscles to us. He’s trying to intimidate us. “He did not mention the citizens who have died from the bullets and bombs of his police force. This will provoke us even more. He wants this country to be burned down. This is a president playing with fireworks.” Karim Medhat Ennarah, a 27-year-old worker, said: “I watched this speech in a coffee house downtown where everybody was winding down after a long day’s protest but when the speech ended the whole coffee house rose as one and began marching back to Tahrir Square. He’s a man trying to bargain without realising that he has nothing left to bargain with.” Another demonstrator, Abdallah Moktar, caught the mood. “This speech has angered us much more now. How dare he talk to us like naughty children? He must go immediately,” he said. In Alexandria, however, following Mubarak’s broadcast his supporters clashed with protesters occupying the main square. Sticks were brandished and rocks thrown. Bursts of gunfire were heard, thought to have been soldiers shooting into the air in an attempt to separate the two factions. There were no immediate reports of casualties. There were similar, small-scale confrontations in central Cairo. Hundreds of pro-Mubarak activists, some on motorcycles, tried to march on Tahrir Square following the speech but were repelled by the demonstrators. Some, carrying sticks, were chanting: “We love you Hosni” and “We will defend you with our blood and souls.” Earlier hundreds of thousands of people had crammed into Tahrir Square to call for an end to Mubarak’s three decades in power. Government security forces were nowhere to be seen. The protesters hung vast banners from buildings, beat drums and chanted, they picnicked with their children on patches of scrubby grass, and walked round the square holding up vast Egyptian flags. Most of all they called for their president to go in a multitude of different ways. “Wake up, Mubarak, this is your last day,” they chanted. “We won’t leave until you do.” Their banners – in Arabic, English, French and Spanish, a nod to the international audience watching this extraordinary uprising unfold – said “Game over” and “Leave now and we’ll leave you alone”. Above the crowd a helicopter circled, feeding live images to Mubarak’s senior security officials. They will have seen the crush below, but not the detail in it: families and friends, bearded Islamic students, work colleagues, the rich, the middle-class and the poor putting hands on shoulders to move through the vast press of bodies in snaking lines. They won’t have seen the happy chance meetings of friends and colleagues; the intense pockets of debate about the future of the revolution that broke out on dozens of street corners; the faces lit up with the exhilaration of free expression and free assembly, as exciting as for any crowd at a football match or a rock concert. It was, as one banner had it, a festival of freedom. But what was truly extraordinary about this gathering was how far Egypt has come in a week. People who once would not have thought of coming to protest, who would never have thought of speaking ill of a president who has ruled for 30 years or given their names to foreign journalists, have found a voice. So they filed in their hundreds and thousands through checkpoints run by the army and checkpoints run by volunteers – who frisked all male protesters, checking their IDs to ensure that no plain clothes police officers could infiltrate the crowd. The volunteers passed out printed leaflets from soldiers asking for a peaceful assembly. Young men came with free boxes of mango juice and water to hand out, round bread and biscuits, cheese and dates. Others moved through the throng collecting litter and holding up signs for the camera. It was a victory over fear that was assisted by a declaration from Egypt’s army last night that it would not use force against those who came out on the streets today. So they came in numbers vaster than anyone had predicted, gathering not only in the capital, but also in Alexandria, Suez and other major cities. The march of the million, Egypt’s protest movement called it. Even if it is not certain whether they reached that figure, it is clear that a transformation has taken place. In Alexandria, at the height of the demonstration, the crowd went wild as a man in army fatigues was hoisted on to shoulders and carried into the square. He brandished his ID card and waved a national flag before the cheering masses. Was he a soldier? “Of course,” said Marwa Massoud, 34. “We are the army and the people, united.” The reasons protesters gave for their presence varied only in the words they chose, not their substance. “Mubarak has lost the legitimacy of his people. It is the end of 30 years of dictatorship,” said Khaled Mohammed, 52. “We want the same as every civilised nation, fair elections.” A man in a wheelchair grinned and gave a thumbs-up: “Egypt! Egypt!” A group of doctors in white coats unfurled a banner demanding the fall of the president. Almost all the signs were scrawled on cardboard ripped from cartons, a sign of a grassroots revolt. The crowd roared: “Wake up, Mubarak, today is your last day.” The streets belonged to Mubarak’s opponents; those with different views kept their heads down. “Not everyone wants him out,” said a taxi driver. “He’s not all bad. These people are crazy.” Commenting on the military’s assurances regarding protesters’ security, Muhammad Warsi, a 60-year-old surgeon, in Cairo said: “The high command of the army delivered a hidden message. “It is the same message that the elites of the country’s society are delivering. They’re saying [to Mubarak], ‘We loved you 30 years ago. We don’t want to humiliate you. We don’t want you to end like [Romanian president] Nicolae Ceausescu. Go in peace.’” Admiration for Egypt’s youth was a common theme running through the crowd. “I’m ashamed of my generation. We old people sat back and lived through decades of corruption without lifting a finger,” said Aza el-Hadari, a 63-year-old bookshop owner. “This new generation has given me the best years of my life back. “I feel sorry that Mubarak, who was after all a hero of the 1973 war effort, should be reduced to leaving with such little dignity, but he has brought this upon himself. “Mubarak will go down in Egyptian history as the president who ordered security forces to fire live bullets into the bodies of his sons and daughters. There’s no way back from that.” Mohamed Warsi was sitting on a bench waiting for his daughters, like many other recent additions to Egypt’s burgeoning revolution. He told a joke doing the rounds. “OK,” he says, “So Hosni Mubarak is lying on his death bed and his doctor comes and says: ‘Hosni, you have to prepare a message to say goodbye to your people.’ ‘For my people?’ asks Mubarak. ‘Why? Where are the people going?’” Today the answer came – to Tahrir Square, to bid their president of 30 years goodbye. Egypt Middle East Hosni Mubarak Jack Shenker Peter Beaumont Harriet Sherwood guardian.co.uk

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Egypt protests: In Alexandria, demonstrators clash with Mubarak supporters

Egyptian army tanks attempt to stop clashes as gunfire erupts in Alexandria following President Mubarak’s vow to stand down at the next election. Footage from al-Jazeera

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Food fight in Maine, and this one doesn’t involve lobsters. Instead, it’s about whoopie pies—”creamy frosting sandwiched by a pair of chocolate cakes,” explains the Kennebec Journal for the uninitiated. Health food it’s not, but whoopies are so beloved that the state legislature is considering a bill to declare…

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Hosni Mubarak’s speech: full text

Egypt president delivers TV address to the nation – and pledges to step down at the next election and pave way for new leader “I talk to you during critical times that are testing Egypt and its people which could sweep them into the unknown. The country is passing through difficult times and tough experiences which began with noble youths and citizens who practise their rights to peaceful demonstrations and protests, expressing their concerns and aspirations but they were quickly exploited by those who sought to spread chaos and violence, confrontation and to violate the constitutional legitimacy and to attack it. Those protests were transformed from a noble and civilised phenomenon of practising freedom of expression to unfortunate clashes, mobilised and controlled by political forces that wanted to escalate and worsen the situation. They targeted the nation’s security and stability through acts of provocation theft and looting and setting fires and blocking roads and attacking vital installations and public and private properties and storming some diplomatic missions. We are living together painful days and the most painful thing is the fear that affected the huge majority of Egyptians and caused concern and anxiety over what tomorrow could bring them and their families and the future of their country. The events of the last few days require us all as a people and as a leadership to chose between chaos and stability and to set in front of us new circumstances and a new Egyptian reality which our people and armed forces must work with wisely and in the interest of Egypt and its citizens. Dear brothers and citizens, I took the initiative of forming a new government with new priorities and duties that respond to the demand of our youth and their mission. I entrusted the vice president with the task of holding dialogue with all the political forces and factions about all the issues that have been raised concerning political and democratic reform and the constitutional and legislative amendments required to realise these legitimate demands and to restore law and order but there are some political forces who have refused this call to dialogue, sticking to their particular agendas without concern for the current delicate circumstances of Egypt and its people. In light of this refusal to the call for dialogue and this is a call which remains standing, I direct my speech today directly to the people, its Muslims and Christians, old and young, peasants and workers, and all Egyptian men and women in the countryside and city over the whole country. I have never, ever been seeking power and the people know the difficult circumstances that I shouldered my responsibility and what I offered this country in war and peace, just as I am a man from the armed forces and it is not in my nature to betray the trust or give up my responsibilities and duties. My primary responsibility now is security and independence of the nation to ensure a peaceful transfer of power in circumstances that protect Egypt and the Egyptians and allow handing over responsibility to whoever the people choose in the coming presidential election. I say in all honesty and regardless of the current situation that I did not intend to nominate myself for a new presidential term. I have spent enough years of my life in the service of Egypt and its people. I am now absolutely determined to finish my work for the nation in a way that ensures handing over its safe-keeping and banner … preserving its legitimacy and respecting the constitution. I will work in the remaining months of my term to take the steps to ensure a peaceful transfer of power. According to my constitutional powers, I call on parliament in both its houses to discuss amending article 76 and 77 of the constitution concerning the conditions on running for presidency of the republic and it sets specific a period for the presidential term. In order for the current parliament in both houses to be able to discuss these constitutional amendments and the legislative amendments linked to it for laws that complement the constitution and to ensure the participation of all the political forces in these discussions, I demand parliament to adhere to the word of the judiciary and its verdicts concerning the latest cases which have been legally challenged. I will entrust the new government to perform in ways that will achieve the legitimate rights of the people and that its performance should express the people and their aspirations of political, social and economic reform and to allow job opportunities and combating poverty, realising social justice. In this context, I charge the police apparatus to carry out its duty in serving the people, protecting the citizens with integrity and honour with complete respect for their rights, freedom and dignity. I also demand the judicial and supervisory authorities to take immediately the necessary measures to continue pursuing outlaws and to investigate those who caused the security disarray and those who undertook acts of theft, looting and setting fires and terrorising citizens. This is my pledge to the people during the last remaining months of my current term: I ask God to help me to honour this pledge to complete my vocation to Egypt and its people in what satisfies God, the nation and its people. Dear citizens, Egypt will emerge from these current circumstances stronger, more confident and unified and stable. And our people will emerge with more awareness of how to achieve reconciliation and be more determined not to undermine its future and destiny. Hosni Mubarak who speaks to you today is proud of the long years he spent in the service of Egypt and its people. This dear nation is my country, it is the country of all Egyptians, here I have lived and fought for its sake and I defended its land, its sovereignty and interests and on this land I will die and history will judge me and others for our merits and faults. The nation remains. Visitors come and go but ancient Egypt will remain eternal, its banner and safekeeping will pass from one generation to the next. It is up to us to ensure this in pride and dignity.” Hosni Mubarak Egypt Middle East guardian.co.uk

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Ian McEwan misleadingly calls the West-Eastern Divan Orchestra “Daniel Barenboim’s … Orchestra” ( Letters , 26 January). In fact the orchestra was established by Barenboim together with my late husband, Edward Said . In responding to the writers urging Mr McEwan not to accept the Jerusalem prize, Mr McEwan says “there are ways in which art can have a longer reach than politics and for me the emblem in this respect is […] the West-Eastern Divan Orchestra”. But there is a significant difference between our project and his accepting the Jerusalem prize. The Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement’s policy is “to impose broad boycotts and implement divestment initiatives against Israel”. It does not call for a boycott against all Israelis, but those affiliated with institutions that support the Israeli state and its policies and who do not express support for the Palestinian struggle against occupation. Barenboim, Said, myself and the West-Eastern Divan Orchestra do not meet any of those criteria. Mr McEwan is going to accept a prize sponsored by the municipality, a key institution of the Israeli state. In accepting the prize, Mr McEwan does indeed meet the criteria outlined by the Boycott movement. Mariam Said New York • As an elected member of the Israeli parliament, Haneen Zoabi can perhaps afford to take her hardline stance ( Comment , 31 January), whereas the official Palestinian representatives, whom she so decries, must take a more reasonable and practical position. It is ironic that she can express her views with impunity from the heart of, and courtesy of the freedoms provided by, the Jewish state, while in the same breath denying it recognition or legitimacy. It’s time for the Muslim world to accept and recognise the legitimacy and permanence of Israel as a Jewish state because this too is not negotiable. Impasse? Alastair Albright London • Whatever the outcome in Egypt ( Reports , February 1), one hopes Israel, at least, has learned one salient lesson. Israel relinquished the Sinai peninsula, captured in 1967, together with its oilfields and the resort of Sharm el-Sheikh, for a peace treaty with Egypt. It now appears that this piece of paper is worth no more than the staying power of this Egyptian administration. A sobering lesson for any future “peace treaties”. Allan Solomon Watford, Hertfordshire • America’s credibility problem has become acute. It claims to support democracy in the Middle East, but at any time in the last 30 years it could have used pressure to guide Mubarak’s regime towards at least minimal reforms. On the other hand, it slapped crippling sanctions on the Palestinians when they voted, in free and fair elections, for a party the US and Israel disliked. Hilary Wise London Israel Palestinian territories Middle East Ian McEwan Egypt Hosni Mubarak guardian.co.uk

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The country’s most important issue is not when the leader goes, but whether the regime will go with him President Mubarak’s announcement, under American pressure, that he will not seek re-election in September marks an end to one phase of the Egyptian crisis. But it does not resolve it. First, it is far from clear that Egyptians will accept him remaining in even nominal control. Secondly, the real struggle in Egypt is not between Mr Mubarak and the bulk of the Egyptian people. It is between the entrenched political, military and economic elites who have come to dominate Egyptian society in the years since independence and the classes they have increasingly excluded, coerced and manipulated. These elites have worked for Mr Mubarak, fought for his favour, and been controlled by him while at the same time using him to defend their collective interests. A dictator never stands alone. “Irhal!” (“Go!”) the protesters cry, but the most important issue is not when Mr Mubarak goes but what goes with him. The manner in which he leaves office is nevertheless important because it will be an indication of how much of the old system is likely to survive in the new era. Mohamed ElBaradei, representing the views of much of the opposition, has said there can be no discussions with what remain of the authorities until Mr Mubarak steps down. Another wing of the opposition has split over whether there can be contacts before that moment. Even as the crowds pour into Tahrir Square in search of the catharsis Mr Mubarak’s early departure will bring, those on both sides of what used to be the divide between government and opposition are examining what trade-offs might be, could be, or should be considered. They are doing this not only with a graph of rising popular anger in mind but to a short timetable set by the relentless degradation of the Egyptian economy . Empty shops, closed banks, deserted tourist hotels and dry petrol stations cannot be borne for long by a society with Egypt’s limited margins and reserves. Mr Mubarak’s main personal concern may well be to withdraw from the scene in what he deems to be an honourable way. But those who have constituted the pillars of his regime are interested in survival, not withdrawal. The officer corps wants to preserve its power and privileges. Yet the Egyptian army is oversized and over-armed, and ought, in any sensible reordering of Egypt’s political system, to be reduced and depoliticised. The older leaders of the ruling National Democratic party, where some remnants of the original Free Officers’ idealism may still just be discerned, also want a place in any new order, and may have a sort of constituency in Egypt’s enormous bureaucracy. Yet that, too, should be reduced. The Egyptian business class, particularly that section of it which gravitated toward Gamal Mubarak, the president’s son, will plead that its capital, competence and contacts are vital if Egypt’s economy is to be restored, and threaten dire consequences if the deals and depredations of the past are unearthed. Yet that class is properly seen as part of the problem and not part of the solution. The police, lowest of the low on the regime totem pole, will be calculating that sooner or later their brutal skills will once again be needed. Yet they must be curbed if Egypt is to make a genuine new start. The divisions on the opposite side, notably between the Muslim Brotherhood and more secular groups, and, potentially, between all of the established opposition and the new, younger protesters who so dramatically initiated change in Egypt, are obvious. They may also have spread the impulse for change further afield, as yesterday’s reshuffle of the Jordanian government shows. The demonstrators in the square say they have only one demand, that Mr Mubarak step down. In the euphoria of the moment some of them see his departure as the answer to everything that is wrong in the land of Egypt. But whether that departure comes sooner or later, it will not be that. Egypt Hosni Mubarak Protest guardian.co.uk

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Steve Bell on Hosni Mubarak and Egypt

Egypt’s president finds himself fenced in Steve Bell

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Protesters in Cairo’s Tahrir Square react to Mubarak’s speech

A crowd of thousands rushed to speakers and projection television screens to listen to their president address the unrest that has swept over the nation in the past eight days. They weren’t happy with what they heard and told an Al Jazeera web producer they would remain in the square until Mubarak leaves.

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The Internet—and Facebook in particular—is making it hard to break up and stay broken up, a new survey suggests. Nearly 60% of people stay Facebook friends with their exes after the split, and 74% admit to Googling them, the New York Post reports. One-third say they’ve had sex…

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