Home » Archives by category » News » World News (Page 2283)
Egypt’s day of rumour and expectation ends in anger and confusion

Vast crowds in Tahrir Square expected a victory party after the departure of Mubarak – but it was not to be Rain is rare in Cairo, thunder even more so. Tahrir Square experienced both, and those on the ground took it as a seal of approval for their revolt. As one demonstrator said, looking skyward: “You don’t bring down a 30-year dictatorship without a bit of hand-clapping from the gods.” But the turbulent weather turned out to be an omen for something else – another night of bitter disappointment and confusion. Tahrir has been no stranger to mood swings over the past 17 days, but none have been as devastating as this. As darkness fell tens of thousands streamed in to join an ocean of songs, drums and flags; with Mubarak’s resignation expected imminently, it seemed as if the Egyptian capital was gearing up for the biggest street party the Arab world has ever seen. By half past 10, when the president finally shuffled on to the stage, a deathly hush swept the square. Everywhere groups huddled round transistor radios, straining to hear his words. Some thrust camera phones high into the air. “I want to capture the very moment of his departure so I can show my future children,” whispered one. That moment never came. With the crowd desperate to hear what he had to say, Mubarak’s staid nationalistic rhetoric squeaked out of a hundred tiny speakers into near silence. There was no interruption when he called for national unity, and only the faintest of tuts when he tried to invoke the memory of those who had died in Egypt’s anti-government uprising, deaths many in the square attribute to his forces. But then he told the listening protesters that he too was a young man once, and could understand their concerns. In an instant, Tahrir shook with fury. Many took off their shoes and waved them in the air (below). Pockets of protesters launched different chants: “Down, Down, Hosni Mubarak” and “We’re not going until he goes”. Soon they coalesced, and the square spoke as one with a single word. ‘Irhal’ (‘Leave’), it cried. “It’s another piece of empty manipulation, the same thing he’s tried time and time again,” said Fakhr El-Sanhoury, a 26-year-old architect who listened to the speech through his earphones and had the unenviable task of relaying Mubarak’s words to a throng of protesters gathered around him. “This time though it won’t work, this emotional rhetoric will not strike a chord with the Egyptian people.” Behind him, a young man yelled at those around him to march to the presidential palace and tear Mubarak out in person. “The response from the people here is massive and direct,” added El-Sanhoury. “He can be as stubborn as he likes, but the will of the people is clear.” Mubarak’s refusal to step down was all the more painful because of the anticipation that preceded it. “It’s been a day of rumour and conjecture,” one demonstrator, Simon Hanna, said earlier. “People started celebrating here and there when reports came through that Mubarak had gone. Then things calmed down, as it was feared there might be a government trick to put that rumour around. But as the day has gone on, there’s is an increasing feeling that Mubarak really is on the way out. The mood is ecstatic. There’ll be celebrations throughout the night, and tomorrow it will all start again.” It was not to be. Those who had come to be at the heart of a party were well aware that their festivities might end in different ways, even in a military coup. But few thought President Mubarak would still try to tough it out. Many said proudly that whatever happened, they felt a corner had been turned. It would now be impossible for any future leader to treat them, the Egyptian people, the way they had been treated for more than a generation. Nisma Said, a secretary aged 26, said: “Some people here worry about what is going to happen next, but I’m not scared. Just like the Tunisians did to Ben Ali, we will follow their example. We have won, whatever comes next.” In the square, Egyptian flags were everywhere, but Tunisian colours could also be seen in significant numbers for the first time since it all began on 25 January, as if to acknowledge the revolt’s parentage as it reached its conclusion. Amid the excitement, some sat on the grass circle at the centre of Tahrir, wrapped in flags and rocking gently as if they couldn’t quite believe that the autocrat would really go. They turned out to be prescient. Some joined in communal chanting, whilst others sang softly to themselves. As Tahrir began to fill, the crowd flowed freely through its entrances, which at one stage had been violent flashpoints. The army was at the main approach, but soldiers waved people through. Past the checkpoints newcomers weaved through welcoming committees, human tunnels of drums and flags with placards denoting entry to “Liberated Egypt”. Some acknowledged, even at the height of the initial celebrations, that they might be in a fool’s paradise, but the communal instinct was to celebrate and deal with tomorrow when it arrived. Lina Attalah, the managing editor of Egyptian media outlet al-Masri al-Youm, said: “At times Tahrir has felt like a political rally. At other times it felt like a festival. Today the festival has become political, and that is an exciting thing to see.” As she spoke, activists moved through the crowd urging people to stay on regardless of what unfolded over the course of the night, and to return if needs be until the protesters had secured concrete constitutional reform. Mostafa Hussein, a rights activist aged 30, said: “It’s hard to describe my emotions. I have to admit I feel anxious about the future. I worry the military will try to control the country with an iron fist. The only thing I can be certain of is that they won’t open fire and try to kill us en masse.” But he remained optimistic. “What you have to understand is that Egypt changed forever on 25 January. The moment we took to the streets in large numbers and beat back Mubarak’s police, this revolution was triumphant.” “Whatever comes next, the politicians know the people can mobilise in an instant,” Hussein added. “The dismantling of the regime started on that day, and it continues with the strikes that have swept the country recently. We are seeing a withering away of the state as we know it … Beyond that, we just don’t know.” Throughout the day, word came of events around the country which confirmed the overwhelming feeling that Egypt had gone beyond the point of no return. Strikes were multiplying across the country – a bus strike in Cairo, electricity staff and service technicians at the Suez canal, textile factories, steel plants, and hospitals. Wael Eskander, a Copt in his 20s, was insistent Mubarak would be forced out and that the reverberations of his downfall would travel far beyond Tahrir Square and Egypt’s borders. “The impact of what we do here today is going to be huge. When Mubarak falls, every country nearby is going to be shaking.” He left frustrated a few hours later, vowing to return the next day. Around him youths banged drums and chanted: ‘For the sake of the martyrs, come back tomorrow – the revolution continues’. Egypt Hosni Mubarak Middle East Jack Shenker Julian Borger guardian.co.uk

Continue reading …

Ow, ow, ow: A nurse in Minnesota allegedly shot herself up with some of the pain medication allotted to a patient just before his surgery for kidney stones, reports the Minneapolis Star-Tribune . When the patient was in agony on the operating table, the nurse told him to “man up” and…

Continue reading …
Mubarak’s defiance could spell disaster

The stubbornness of the beleaguered Egyptian president has embarrassed the army and endangered the people Egypt ‘s popular uprising seemed on course for a significant escalation – and possibly for direct military intervention – last night after a defiant Hosni Mubarak handed some powers to his vice-president but again flatly refused to bow to demands that he stand down at once. Mubarak dashed what turned out to be catastrophically misplaced expectations that he was finally about to go – fuelled by apparent signs that the army was stepping in to ensure stability after more than two weeks of unprecedented unrest. The president said he was committed to key constitutional amendments – though he gave no timetable – and announced a bigger, though undefined, role for Omar Suleiman, his newly appointed deputy and veteran intelligence chief. In a bizarre performance on state TV , Mubarak played father to his people, self-centred, angry and above all determined not to be forced from office before September, when new presidential elections are due. Looking grave, he repeated his most memorable line from his last big speech, vowing that he would “not leave this soil until I am buried underneath it” – a sharp reminder, amid speculation about retirement to Sharm al-Sheikh or medical treatment in Germany, that he will not follow in the footsteps of the deposed Tunisian leader Zine al-Abdine Bin Ali, now living in gilded exile in Saudi Arabia. Suleiman, reviled by many opposition supporters as being too close to Mubarak, the US and Israel, pledged in a televised statement of his own that he was committed to an orderly transition, but warned that Egyptians would not be dragged into chaos or used as “tools for sabotage”. Mubarak’s speech came at the end of an extraordinary day during which all the evidence seemed to indicate decisive intervention by the military, with officers telling protesters in Tahrir Square that their demands would be met. Even more significantly, state TV broadcast pictures of the higher armed forces council meeting without Mubarak, the commander-in-chief, reinforcing the impression the generals and the defence minister, Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi , were moving against him. Tantawi is said to be close to and in close contact with the US government. The council’s statement – the title “communique number one” redolent of past military interventions in Egypt and across the Arab world – said it would “remain in continuous session to discuss what measures and arrangements could be taken to safeguard the homeland and its achievements, and the aspirations of the great Egyptian people”. Omar Ashour, an Egyptian academic at Exeter University, said: “We may be seeing factional fighting inside the regime and in the end the Mubarak faction won. Or maybe we see him attempting to cling to power regardless of the views of the military. This is certainly embarrassing for them.” Mohamed ElBaradei , the nearest the fractured opposition has to a single well-known leader, said Egypt’s fate now lay in the hands of the military. “The army must save the country now,” he said. The concessions Mubarak did offer, to amend key provisions of the constitution including hated anti-terrorist laws, are certainly important, but little more than small print in the big picture of thirst for radical change and profound mistrust of the regime’s true intentions. Mubarak portrayed himself as a patriot overseeing a stable and orderly transition until September — the date of an election in which he said last week neither he nor his son and onetime heir apparent Gamal would now stand. Above all, the embattled president sang his own praises, reminding Egyptians – the silent majority – of his sacrifices as a war hero and his defence of the country’s interests in peacetime. “I have lived for this nation,” the former air force commander declared, visibly emotional about his own efforts. “I have exhausted my life defending the land and its sovereignty. I have faced death on my occasions. I never bent under foreign pressure. I never sought false power or popularity. I am certain that the majority of people are aware who Hosni Mubarak is.” He clearly meant that those who were roaring their anger and disapproval for the world’s TV cameras did not. Ibrahaim Arafat, a political scientist at Qatar University, warned that Mubarak’s defiant performance would radicalise the situation. “The more stubborn and defiant the president sounded, the more stubborn and defiant the street becomes,” he told al-Jazeera TV, suggesting an attempt to provoke serious trouble to give the army a pretext to declare martial law. “I think it is strange,” political scientist Osama Ghazli Harb told Reuters news agency. “It means the president doesn’t understand anything. I think it could be catastrophic. His intention is to continue in power in spite of the will of the people. For two weeks people have said, ‘Go.’ Now I’m afraid for the future.” Egypt Hosni Mubarak Protest Middle East Ian Black guardian.co.uk

Continue reading …
Fury in Egypt as Mubarak refuses to leave

Massive protest expected after president hands over some powers to vice-president Suleiman – but remains in office President Hosni Mubarak dashed the hopes of hundreds of thousands of Egyptians waiting for what they thought would be his resignation speech last night by defiantly announcing that he would not bow to domestic or foreign pressure to quit. In a televised address that has set the stage for further confrontation on the streets – as well as heightened tensions with the US – Mubarak said he would hand powers to his deputy, Omar Suleiman, but would stay on as president, with his regime controlling the transition to free elections. Although he appeared to have surrendered much of his power, Mubarak said he will stay in office until an orderly transition to an elected government, planned for September. He repeated a pledge not to seek re-election and said there was no going back on a commitment to long-term political reform, after the two weeks of protests demanding his resignation. But while the president’s surrender of his legal powers was a significant concession, unthinkable just a month ago, it fell far short of the demands of the shocked crowds packed into Cairo’s Tahrir Square, the centre of protests against Mubarak’s 30-year rule. In a day of growing euphoria, many had come to believe he was about to resign entirely after senior government politicians predicted as much. The president’s defiant tone and attempts to paint the revolt as inspired by foreign interference angered the crowds. As the mood turned sour, protesters waved their shoes, a sign of contempt, and chanted: “He must leave” and “We’re off to the presidential palace. We’re going as millions of martyrs.” Opposition leaders said the transfer of power to Suleiman, the former intelligence chief who has played a central role in years of political repression, did not change the regime. They said they will escalate the protests, which in recent days have spread to include strikes that have shut down the public transport system, some hospitals and factories. Mohamed ElBaradei, the Nobel peace prize winner and retired nuclear inspector who is now a leading opposition politician, wrote on Twitter: “Egypt will explode. Army must save the country now.” But the role of the military remained unclear when, earlier, it said it would act to “protect the rights of the people”. Egyptians will be watching to see if the army allows the latest of the mass protests, planned for today, to go ahead without interference. Mubarak’s speech also wrongfooted the US administration, which has been pressuring him to take steps toward democratisation, including lifting the hated state of emergency which has been used to suppress political activity. Last night, Barack Obama convened a meeting with his security team to discuss the crisis. The Egyptian leader appealed to the protesters, suggesting that his refusal to resign was due to national dignity because he was resisting foreign pressure. “Your demands are legitimate and just … There is no shame in hearing your voices and opinions, but I refuse any and all dictations from abroad,” he said. “I have announced my commitment to peacefully hand over power after upcoming elections … I will deliver Egypt and its people to safety.” Mubarak said he would transfer powers to Suleiman to prove that the demands of protesters for political change will be met. Shortly afterwards, Suleiman appeared on television and missed a chance to win over the protesters by announcing immediate and major political changes. Instead, he aggravated tensions by warning that he would not allow the country to be dragged into chaos and appealing for the protesters to return to work. “Youth of Egypt, go back home, back to work, the nation needs you to develop, to create. Don’t listen to foreign radio and TV, whose aim is to tarnish Egypt,” he said. ElBaradei dismissed Suleiman as an alternative to the president. “There is no way that the Egyptian people right now are ready to accept either Mubarak or his vice president,” he told CNN. “Suleiman is considered to be an extension of Mubarak, they are twins. Neither of them is acceptable to the people – even Suleiman is less acceptable.” Stunned protesters listened to Mubarak in disbelief. In the hours before his speech, thousands of pro-democracy activists had poured in to Tahrir Square for an impromptu victory party in expectation that the president was about to quit after the prime minister, Ahmed Shafiq, and other senior politicians said they expected him to announce he would go as the political crisis deepened with the spread of strikes and demonstrations across the country. Hossam Badrawi, the new secretary general of the ruling party, was quoted in the state press as saying he had requested that Mubarak transfer his powers to Suleiman, who had appeared to be running the country in recent days. The mood of optimism had been reinforced when General Hassan al-Roueini, military commander for the Cairo area, told the crowd: “All your demands will be met today.” State television shifted from relentless anti-protester propaganda to showing Tahrir Square, in what was widely seen as reflecting a political change. But, behind the scenes, there appeared to be a struggle involving the army underway over the terms of Mubarak’s departure. Activists have also been demanding an immediate lifting of the 30 year state of emergency that has been used to lock up the government’s opponents without trial. They have also been pressing for parliament, elected in a tainted ballot last year from which leading opponents including the Muslim Brotherhood were barred, to be dissolved. Some opposition leaders have said they would accept an interim administration, controlled by civilians with the military, for up to a year to make constitutional changes to permit free elections and also to allow for the creation of new political parties and to give them a chance to become rooted. Egypt Hosni Mubarak Middle East Chris McGreal guardian.co.uk

Continue reading …

It’s been hours since the last Apple product rumor , so here we go: The company is working on a smaller, cheaper iPhone, reports Bloomberg . This version would sell for $200—a price point that would help Apple compete better with Androids—and would not require the standard two-year service contract….

Continue reading …

‘He’s not going? What the hell does he want?’ Ahdaf Soueif in a packed square in Cairo on the reaction to Mubarak’s speech The clock on the Arab League building said 8.30. Everyone was in Tahrir Square. I stood in front of one of the many impromptu stages – stood isn’t quite right. I bounced. Everybody was clapping, swaying, singing. Wust el-Balad was playing: “Put your shoulder by my shoulder/ we’ll break bread together/ and however hard it is/ we’ll invent/ a modern revolution.” The square was rocking. There was even a half moon nestling in the fronds of a palm tree above us. The air was happy, excited, anticipatory. Now, at midnight, how very different. We stood in the square and listened to Mubarak’s speech over a loudspeaker. Every once in a while someone would start an angry chant but people would shush them. Everyone was listening intently, and no one could believe their ears. Exclamations erupted: “He’s not going? What the hell does he want?” When Mubarak started on the “I was once young like you” riff, a great collective groan went up. As he finished his speech the drums and chanting started: “Don’t you understand? We. Will. Stand!” This was interspersed with the usual “Irhal!” – depart. The dominant feeling at that moment was of disbelief. No one could credit that after millions of people had demanded the departure of the regime and all the scandals that have erupted over the past days, Mubarak could come on and simply repeat the same tired old tropes. Adding to them a further smokescreen about not succumbing to foreign pressure. It defied belief that a president who has alienated and ruined his country by following American policies for 30 years was now staking a claim to independence of foreign influence. The other dominant feeling was that we, the people, had been insulted. Mr Mubarak patronised the protesters – again. And once again, he demonstrated how much less he is than the people he has brutalised for so long. The protests, as the whole world knows, have been open, peaceable, cohesive, good-humoured. Once again, the president played the divisive card: here was a man standing against foreign intervention, worried about the economy, wanting security and stability for his country – every one of these a misrepresentation aimed at discrediting the protests. By choosing this path, Mubarak is deliberately pushing Egypt further into crisis. He is putting the army in a position where they will soon have to confront either the Egyptian people or the president and his presidential guard. He is also ensuring that by the time the revolution is victorious, the military will be in a far stronger position than when all this started. We are on the streets. There is no turning back. Egypt Protest Middle East Ahdaf Soueif guardian.co.uk

Continue reading …
Egypt’s economy suffers as strikes intensify

Thousands of workers walked out from their jobs, piling pressure on a political leadership already rocked by protests Control of Egypt’s economy appeared to be slipping out of the government’s hands, as strikes multiplied across the country and leading business figures sought to disassociate themselves with the Mubarak regime. Thousands of workers in key industries walked out from their jobs, piling pressure on a political leadership already rocked by the 17th straight day of street protests calling for the president to stand down. In a further blow to leading NDP members, who in recent years have styled themselves as pro-business reformers, several large companies took out adverts in local newspapers putting distance between themselves and the regime. “There’s a lot of nervousness among the business community,” said Issandr El Amrani, a prominent analyst and blogger. “Elements of this regime are clearly on their way out, and that worries certain businessmen who have made a fortune off the back of their links with parts of that regime. With those connections now crumbling, a big realignment is taking place and people are unsure about where the new centre of power is going to be. It’s not surprising that in that environment some businesses are seeking to distance themselves from the political elite.” Senior business sources who preferred to remain anonymous confirmed to the Guardian that there was a great deal of concern over political transition, but insisted that it was tempered by optimism that a stronger Egyptian economy would emerge from the turmoil. “Not everyone has succeeded because of their links to Mubarak’s circle; some have done well in spite of the government, not because of it,” said one. “Behind the scenes many business leaders have been furious with the regime for years over the hurdles placed in their way when they wanted to expand. A lot of people you might think are in bed with Mubarak have privately lost patience with it for some time.” Earlier this month Naguib Sawiris, an Egyptian telecoms tycoon and one of the world’s richest men, gave his tacit support to the anti-government uprising, claiming that the end result would be “a more solid foundation for future growth”. Despite worries about short-term instability, other major business players appear to be backing Sawiris’s position. “Anti-government sentiment is not calming down, it is gaining momentum,” Wael Ziada, head of research at Egyptian investment bank EFG Hermes, told the Guardian. “This latest wave is putting a lot more pressure on not just the government but the entire regime; protesters have made their demands clear and there’s no rowing back now. Everything is going down one route. There are two or three scenarios, but all involve the same thing: Mubarak stepping down – and the business community is adjusting its expectations accordingly.” Labour unrest has erupted in a wide breadth of sectors, including postal workers, electricity staff and service technicians at the Suez Canal, in factories manufacturing textiles, steel and beverages and hospitals. A bus strike snarled traffic in Cairo, a city of 18 million where many of its impoverished residents rely on public transport. Few buses were seen on the streets, which were jammed and slow moving because of the extra reliance on cars. Around 800 public transport workers blocked a main Cairo thoroughfare with a protest, demanding salary increases, and they said at least 3,000 of their co-workers were rallying in other parts of the city. If demands are not met, “we will join Tahrir and camp there,” said one bus driver, Mustafa Mohammed, who said he has been working since 1997 and only earns 550 Egyptian pounds a month (£58). “We are immersed in debt,” he said. On Thursday, hundreds of doctors in white coats marched down a street from one of the biggest state hospitals, Qasr el-Aini, to Tahrir Square, chanting “Join us, oh Egyptian,” witnesses said. From another direction, crowds of lawyers in black robes marched from their union to the square, waving Egyptian flags and circling Tahrir’s roundabout with chants of “Mubarak, you pilot, how did you get $70bn?” referring to the president’s past as the air force commander. Egypt Hosni Mubarak Middle East Jack Shenker guardian.co.uk

Continue reading …

The president’s obstinacy puts the military on the spot at a time when the power of the people has spilled across the country’s political landscape President Mubarak last night laid a powder trail that could explode today in the disastrous confrontation between the army and the people which Egypt has managed to avoid until now. The military now faces an enormous dilemma. President Mubarak’s brief and mumbling reference to handing over some powers to his vice-president last night will satisfy nobody. Will the army now attempt, on the back of suppressive action in the streets, to shape a new version of the Nasserist state, or will the demonstrators shouting “We want a civilian government” in Tahrir Square prevail? The president’s obstinacy puts the army on the spot at a time when the power of the people, like the Nile flooding its banks, has spilled across Egypt’s political landscape in a torrent hardly imaginable only a few weeks ago. As the waters recede a new Egypt will be revealed, but still nobody knows how much of the old will remain and how much of the new will persist. What is clear is that the army must move swiftly to demonstrate that they are in charge and that Mubarak is now an irrelevance if a violent deterioration of the situation is not to take hold. In effect the soldiers have to decide whether Egypt is revisiting 1952, to create a supposedly better version of the hybrid military-civilian state that was set up by the Free Officers, or going back to the revolution of 1919, to renew the British-style parliamentary democracy that was created after that upheaval. It is a momentous decision. Egypt is split between an older generation of leaders, including some in the established opposition, most of whom appear mystified by what has happened, and a younger generation, who have been propelled by events into the political frontline. Many of these newcomers may be as confused as their elders. If the older generation have shown themselves reluctant to cede power, the younger generation is unprepared to exercise it. But that is the way things are when the impulses for change have been dammed up for so long. The most notable thing about the situation in Egypt is the absence of strong leaders on all sides. The barons of the army and the ruling party are elderly, and compromised by their complicity in the oppressive system they have served. On the opposition side, both the head

Continue reading …

What a mess for Mexican President Felipe Calderón: A top female journalist in the nation says he forced her bosses to fire her because she raised allegations on radio that he’s got a drinking problem, reports the Wall Street Journal . Carmen Aristegui, also an influential columnist, isn’t going away quietly,…

Continue reading …
Scenes from Tahrir Square: Mubarak’s Non-Resignation

On the afternoon of Thursday, February 11, rumors flew that Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak, in power now for 30 years, planned on resigning – a step that would fulfill the hopes of protesters who have occupied central Cairo’s Tahrir Square for 17 days. Instead, late on Thursday night, Mubarak delivered a meandering, 15-minute speech in which he delegated powers to his vice president but refused to resign. The crowd reacted with anger, and protesters vowed to redouble their efforts.

Continue reading …