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Art meets politics in the desert

Dubai’s art fair and biennial are using current protests to make the sparks fly between art and politics Last week saw the opening of Art Dubai , the Middle East’s biggest art fair, and the Sharjah Biennial in Dubai’s neighbouring emirate. On the same day, the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) sent troops to help crush the resurgent protests in Bahrain . Though the troops are probably from Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates – a key member of the GCC – is now participating in the Arab spring, but on the wrong side. Suddenly, Art Week and the well-respected Sharjah Biennial assumed exponentially more meaning. The bubble of the art world didn’t burst – the art fair and the biennial are patronised by Dubai and Sharjah’s ruling families respectively – but the membrane between art and politics was infiltrated in ways alternately impressive, opportunistic, courageous and frustratingly inadequate. Dubai’s art scene is booming, even if the city is not. Its art fair is now in its fifth year and has 82 galleries – up from 72 last year – hailing from 43 countries, mostly from the “central world”, of which Dubai claims to be the capital. The fair took place in the halls of the Madinat Jumeirah hotel, next-door to the iconic sail-like building of the seven-star Burj al Arab . On the opening morning, I latched on to the entourage of Dubai’s ruler, Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid al-Maktoum, taking a tour of the fair. Sheikh Mo clearly appreciates the entrepreneurial spirit of the fair and the cultural cachet it gives his maligned city, the victim of seemingly insatiable schadenfreude since the crash two and a half years ago. (The latest screed, maybe the most hysterical and myopic in the new tradition of Dubai-bashing, comes from AA Gill in Vanity Fair .) Front-line art I deviated from the sheikh’s tour to take in the booth of Artspace, one of eight galleries from Dubai at the fair. It was the “revolution” booth, with several works referencing Egypt. Khaled Hafez’s mural-sized canvas features collages of soldiers and protesters in Tahrir Square on a background of blobby pixels and dribbles of paint. “From the front lines,” whispered a voice behind me as I leant in to the painting. The voice belonged to Hafez himself, who explained that the piece started off as an abstract colour field. But with the revolution unfolding as the paint dried, he transformed it into a tribute to his protesting comrades in Cairo’s art scene, creating an “open source” collage of their snapshots of the action. Hafez, 47, has long made politically charged paintings and video work. “My generation spent so much time blaming and criticising,” he said. “But it never crossed our minds to spend 18 days in Tahrir Square simply demanding what we want.” Artists of the younger generation were acting as citizens first, aesthetic ciphers second, which seems to be a good model for how to be a political artist in revolutionary times (American art critic Ben Davis wrote very eloquently on this recently ). Artspace showed another insta-response to revolution: a painting called Bye Bye Hosni, by the Moroccan artist Zakaria Ramhani, of a protester with a huge Facebook-like button on his back, tearing down a poster of Mubarak. It’s an uncomplicated statement of solidarity, but in the context of the art fair feels opportunistic and overly media-friendly – a too-perfect metonym of the revolution. Only a handful of the galleries at Art Dubai are recognisable to the many people here on the bandwagon of the western art fair circuit. Assar Art Gallery from Tehran is one of the unknown galleries that makes this fair more exciting than the big daddies. Assar’s standout work was a mock stain-glass window by Iranian artist Roxana Manouchehri, featuring an intricate mixture of Arabic and Gaelic text, Christian saints and Islamic iconography. The gallerist told me Manouchehri was inspired by a recent trip to Ireland. When I asked her about the situation in Iran, she told me that she teaches at the University of Art in Tehran; Sane Jaleh, the student killed in the recent protests and absurdly claimed by the government as a victim of the protestors, was one of her students. It was another moment where the bubble burst for a second, only to reform when the next sheikh or high-heeled gallerista swished by. Bahrain itself makes an appearance at the fair in a series of beautiful photos by Camille Zakharia at the Lucy Mackintosh gallery, from Lausanne. Zakharia documents the ramshackle fisherman’s huts and piers that jut out from Bahrain into the Gulf. The photos are part of the Reclaim project that appeared at the Venice architecture biennale last summer, investigating how rampant land reclamation around the island city state has cut off entire neighbourhoods – both Shia and Sunni – from their traditional relationship with the sea. These endangered shelters – hang-out spots for drinking tea, playing games and watching TV (one has a satellite dish precariously rigged to it) – are a touching picture of vernacular life in Bahrain, a mental background on which to project the current violence. The Reclaim project was initiated by Bahrain’s Ministry of Culture, run by Sheikha Mai bint Mohammed Al Khalifa. She was supposed to give a lecture on the project at the fair, but pulled out at the last minute. “It wouldn’t be appropriate for us to appear at an art fair at a moment like this,” Noura Al-Sayeh, head of architectural affairs at the ministry and curator of the Reclaim project, told me. But she was keen to point out that “art shouldn’t be undermined as frivolous or unnecessary. Its function is to fill in the gaps in a radicalised society.” Implied politics Escaping the strange bubble of the art fair, I took a bus to Sharjah, a conurbation of Dubai about 10 miles to the north, but much older and with something Dubai lacks: a large, well-established art museum. It has been almost completely taken over by the biennial – the 10th since 1993 and featuring 76 artists. The only hint of the “festivalism” familiar in most biennials here is a pretty innocuous-looking replica rocket, in surrender-flag white, pointing at the sky in front of the museum. The rocket is a Cedar 4, made by a group of scientists and mathematicians in the 1960s. They launched rockets not for military purposes but merely to study the science of trajectory and ballistics. The Cedar 4 was resurrected, and a film is being made about it by Lebanese artists Joana Hadjithomas and Khalil Joreige. The project is political only by implication; Hadjithomas, hovering nearby, would only say that “this was a project made by dreamers” and she wanted to “bring back” the importance of such people. Predictably, the politics at the biennial was slower and more considered than at the fair, which can respond faster to current events and with less intellectual burden. A mesmerising video by no fewer than four artists – Jane and Louise Wilson, Shumon Basar and Eyal Weizman – tells the story of the murder of Mahmoud al-Mabhouh, the Hamas officer assassinated by Mossad in Dubai last year. Similarly strategic is the selection of Harun Farocki’s 1993 film Videograms of a Revolution: a documentary of the Romanian revolution in 1989 stitched together from home videos and lost TV footage, which shows a heroic act of aggregation that the likes of Facebook and YouTube now do for us. Meanwhile, a very direct political action took place that morning as Sharjah’s Sheikh Sultan Bin Mohammed al-Qassimi was having his inaugural tour of the biennial. Outside the museum, a groups of artists including Ibrahim Quraishi handed out pieces of paper bearing the names of Bahrainis killed in the protests. “We in the artworld are not living in a vacuum,” Quraishi told me by phone after being released from the interrogation that swiftly followed. “We didn’t do it for show, but to have people carrying around these names with them all day,” he said. Quraishi was only released after five hours of questioning by the Sharjah internal security forces and after giving assurance that he was not trying to bring down its ruling regime. Solidarity feels good, but the effect of Quraishi’s action may be counterproductive. Haig Aivazian, a co-curator of the biennial who was also taken for questioning, told me: “I would support a gesture of solidarity, but this one was not effective. The very small margin of freedom that the Sharjah Foundation has created for the biennial has been compromised.” A more constructive act of solidarity emerged the next morning over another pertinent issue in the region: migrant workers’ rights, in this case for the new Guggenheim in Abu Dhabi, designed by Frank Gehry. Walid Raad, a Lebanese artist participating in the biennial, announced a boycott by a group of 130 artists, curators and writers unless the Guggenheim Foundation ensures construction workers are given fair conditions. “Artists should not be asked to exhibit their work in buildings built on the backs of exploited workers,” Raad said. “Those working with bricks and mortar deserve the same respect as those working with cameras and brushes.” The Sharjah Biennial is implicated as its chief curator, Suzanne Cotter, is also chief curator of the new Guggenheim. Human Rights Watch reports have documented rampant abuses on Saadiyat island, where the Guggenheim will stand alongside a Louvre outpost designed by Jean Nouvel, a national museum by Norman Foster and a Zaha Hadid-designed opera hall. Workers are forced to repay extortionate recruitment fees, have their passports revoked upon arrival, and are subject to fines if they quit. Maybe the local Gulf News knew the artists’ declaration was coming: the day before, they ran a puff piece with the headline ” Cosy home for Saadiyat workers “, reassuring readers that everything is rosy on Saadiyat, which literally means “island of happiness”. Art and politics are an awkward pairing at the best of times. But Art Dubai and the Sharjah Biennial, however awkwardly and with whatever compromised means, are bringing the invigorating oxygen of cultural and political debate to the region. Let’s hope it continues, inshallah. Art Festivals Dubai Dubai Bahrain Middle East United Arab Emirates James Westcott guardian.co.uk

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Art meets politics in the desert

Dubai’s art fair and biennial are using current protests to make the sparks fly between art and politics Last week saw the opening of Art Dubai , the Middle East’s biggest art fair, and the Sharjah Biennial in Dubai’s neighbouring emirate. On the same day, the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) sent troops to help crush the resurgent protests in Bahrain . Though the troops are probably from Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates – a key member of the GCC – is now participating in the Arab spring, but on the wrong side. Suddenly, Art Week and the well-respected Sharjah Biennial assumed exponentially more meaning. The bubble of the art world didn’t burst – the art fair and the biennial are patronised by Dubai and Sharjah’s ruling families respectively – but the membrane between art and politics was infiltrated in ways alternately impressive, opportunistic, courageous and frustratingly inadequate. Dubai’s art scene is booming, even if the city is not. Its art fair is now in its fifth year and has 82 galleries – up from 72 last year – hailing from 43 countries, mostly from the “central world”, of which Dubai claims to be the capital. The fair took place in the halls of the Madinat Jumeirah hotel, next-door to the iconic sail-like building of the seven-star Burj al Arab . On the opening morning, I latched on to the entourage of Dubai’s ruler, Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid al-Maktoum, taking a tour of the fair. Sheikh Mo clearly appreciates the entrepreneurial spirit of the fair and the cultural cachet it gives his maligned city, the victim of seemingly insatiable schadenfreude since the crash two and a half years ago. (The latest screed, maybe the most hysterical and myopic in the new tradition of Dubai-bashing, comes from AA Gill in Vanity Fair .) Front-line art I deviated from the sheikh’s tour to take in the booth of Artspace, one of eight galleries from Dubai at the fair. It was the “revolution” booth, with several works referencing Egypt. Khaled Hafez’s mural-sized canvas features collages of soldiers and protesters in Tahrir Square on a background of blobby pixels and dribbles of paint. “From the front lines,” whispered a voice behind me as I leant in to the painting. The voice belonged to Hafez himself, who explained that the piece started off as an abstract colour field. But with the revolution unfolding as the paint dried, he transformed it into a tribute to his protesting comrades in Cairo’s art scene, creating an “open source” collage of their snapshots of the action. Hafez, 47, has long made politically charged paintings and video work. “My generation spent so much time blaming and criticising,” he said. “But it never crossed our minds to spend 18 days in Tahrir Square simply demanding what we want.” Artists of the younger generation were acting as citizens first, aesthetic ciphers second, which seems to be a good model for how to be a political artist in revolutionary times (American art critic Ben Davis wrote very eloquently on this recently ). Artspace showed another insta-response to revolution: a painting called Bye Bye Hosni, by the Moroccan artist Zakaria Ramhani, of a protester with a huge Facebook-like button on his back, tearing down a poster of Mubarak. It’s an uncomplicated statement of solidarity, but in the context of the art fair feels opportunistic and overly media-friendly – a too-perfect metonym of the revolution. Only a handful of the galleries at Art Dubai are recognisable to the many people here on the bandwagon of the western art fair circuit. Assar Art Gallery from Tehran is one of the unknown galleries that makes this fair more exciting than the big daddies. Assar’s standout work was a mock stain-glass window by Iranian artist Roxana Manouchehri, featuring an intricate mixture of Arabic and Gaelic text, Christian saints and Islamic iconography. The gallerist told me Manouchehri was inspired by a recent trip to Ireland. When I asked her about the situation in Iran, she told me that she teaches at the University of Art in Tehran; Sane Jaleh, the student killed in the recent protests and absurdly claimed by the government as a victim of the protestors, was one of her students. It was another moment where the bubble burst for a second, only to reform when the next sheikh or high-heeled gallerista swished by. Bahrain itself makes an appearance at the fair in a series of beautiful photos by Camille Zakharia at the Lucy Mackintosh gallery, from Lausanne. Zakharia documents the ramshackle fisherman’s huts and piers that jut out from Bahrain into the Gulf. The photos are part of the Reclaim project that appeared at the Venice architecture biennale last summer, investigating how rampant land reclamation around the island city state has cut off entire neighbourhoods – both Shia and Sunni – from their traditional relationship with the sea. These endangered shelters – hang-out spots for drinking tea, playing games and watching TV (one has a satellite dish precariously rigged to it) – are a touching picture of vernacular life in Bahrain, a mental background on which to project the current violence. The Reclaim project was initiated by Bahrain’s Ministry of Culture, run by Sheikha Mai bint Mohammed Al Khalifa. She was supposed to give a lecture on the project at the fair, but pulled out at the last minute. “It wouldn’t be appropriate for us to appear at an art fair at a moment like this,” Noura Al-Sayeh, head of architectural affairs at the ministry and curator of the Reclaim project, told me. But she was keen to point out that “art shouldn’t be undermined as frivolous or unnecessary. Its function is to fill in the gaps in a radicalised society.” Implied politics Escaping the strange bubble of the art fair, I took a bus to Sharjah, a conurbation of Dubai about 10 miles to the north, but much older and with something Dubai lacks: a large, well-established art museum. It has been almost completely taken over by the biennial – the 10th since 1993 and featuring 76 artists. The only hint of the “festivalism” familiar in most biennials here is a pretty innocuous-looking replica rocket, in surrender-flag white, pointing at the sky in front of the museum. The rocket is a Cedar 4, made by a group of scientists and mathematicians in the 1960s. They launched rockets not for military purposes but merely to study the science of trajectory and ballistics. The Cedar 4 was resurrected, and a film is being made about it by Lebanese artists Joana Hadjithomas and Khalil Joreige. The project is political only by implication; Hadjithomas, hovering nearby, would only say that “this was a project made by dreamers” and she wanted to “bring back” the importance of such people. Predictably, the politics at the biennial was slower and more considered than at the fair, which can respond faster to current events and with less intellectual burden. A mesmerising video by no fewer than four artists – Jane and Louise Wilson, Shumon Basar and Eyal Weizman – tells the story of the murder of Mahmoud al-Mabhouh, the Hamas officer assassinated by Mossad in Dubai last year. Similarly strategic is the selection of Harun Farocki’s 1993 film Videograms of a Revolution: a documentary of the Romanian revolution in 1989 stitched together from home videos and lost TV footage, which shows a heroic act of aggregation that the likes of Facebook and YouTube now do for us. Meanwhile, a very direct political action took place that morning as Sharjah’s Sheikh Sultan Bin Mohammed al-Qassimi was having his inaugural tour of the biennial. Outside the museum, a groups of artists including Ibrahim Quraishi handed out pieces of paper bearing the names of Bahrainis killed in the protests. “We in the artworld are not living in a vacuum,” Quraishi told me by phone after being released from the interrogation that swiftly followed. “We didn’t do it for show, but to have people carrying around these names with them all day,” he said. Quraishi was only released after five hours of questioning by the Sharjah internal security forces and after giving assurance that he was not trying to bring down its ruling regime. Solidarity feels good, but the effect of Quraishi’s action may be counterproductive. Haig Aivazian, a co-curator of the biennial who was also taken for questioning, told me: “I would support a gesture of solidarity, but this one was not effective. The very small margin of freedom that the Sharjah Foundation has created for the biennial has been compromised.” A more constructive act of solidarity emerged the next morning over another pertinent issue in the region: migrant workers’ rights, in this case for the new Guggenheim in Abu Dhabi, designed by Frank Gehry. Walid Raad, a Lebanese artist participating in the biennial, announced a boycott by a group of 130 artists, curators and writers unless the Guggenheim Foundation ensures construction workers are given fair conditions. “Artists should not be asked to exhibit their work in buildings built on the backs of exploited workers,” Raad said. “Those working with bricks and mortar deserve the same respect as those working with cameras and brushes.” The Sharjah Biennial is implicated as its chief curator, Suzanne Cotter, is also chief curator of the new Guggenheim. Human Rights Watch reports have documented rampant abuses on Saadiyat island, where the Guggenheim will stand alongside a Louvre outpost designed by Jean Nouvel, a national museum by Norman Foster and a Zaha Hadid-designed opera hall. Workers are forced to repay extortionate recruitment fees, have their passports revoked upon arrival, and are subject to fines if they quit. Maybe the local Gulf News knew the artists’ declaration was coming: the day before, they ran a puff piece with the headline ” Cosy home for Saadiyat workers “, reassuring readers that everything is rosy on Saadiyat, which literally means “island of happiness”. Art and politics are an awkward pairing at the best of times. But Art Dubai and the Sharjah Biennial, however awkwardly and with whatever compromised means, are bringing the invigorating oxygen of cultural and political debate to the region. Let’s hope it continues, inshallah. Art Festivals Dubai Dubai Bahrain Middle East United Arab Emirates James Westcott guardian.co.uk

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The US military is facing questions over this week’s mission to rescue two airmen following reports that several Libyan civilians were injured in the operation. The airmen ejected after their F-15 malfunctioned and landed in separate locations in rebel-held territory. Villagers claim shots were fired during one rescue and bombs…

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Madeleine Bunting

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Madeleine Bunting

Will the web and the growth of China, Brazil and India change aid forever? Or will climate change, conflict and corruption bring development fatigue and more celebrity campaigners? Does aid go on forever? Does global inequality carry on deepening? Crystal ball-gazing is never easy, but recently various development experts have been having a go . Next Tuesday, the Overseas Development Institute is hosting a debate on the future of development. I’ve come up with a couple of scenarios. What makes sense? What have I missed out? Post your version of the future of development below. What follows is a hypothetical vision of aid in 20 years time. It’s 2031 and my daughter checks in on her family twinning over breakfast with her children. She has linked up with a family in a village outside Dakka, Bangladesh and another family in Burundi. Her kids chat to their counterparts on a virtual site; they are going to help each other with homework tonight and her son wants to play a game of football with his Burundi friend. She checks the payment for the family’s microloan has gone through smoothly, and then signs a petition demanding reform of the local water-user fees system. These are her adopted communities. Bilateral aid from western countries has been abolished but in its place there are generous tax incentives for families to sign up to schemes whereby they can donate and then follow what happens to their donation over the web. They can get involved in local communities and get to know the people benefiting from their donations. Aid has shifted from a state business to global people power. Millions of people are connected across the globe, exchanging ideas and spending time together on the web, playing and chatting, and the money follows through huge flows of remittance payments and donations. Alongside this, many companies now have engagement schemes in which they transfer expertise and mentor start-up partners; business plays a much bigger role in development and these corporate partnerships are carefully tracked on dedicated websites. Most countries don’t need big inflows of aid such as the west used to provide. Countries such as Ghana, Rwanda and Ethiopia now have their own aid programmes in which they help spread good ideas and best practice in their regions; the emphasis has shifted from the north/south model to one of regional networks. The three really big players in development are now China, Brazil and India. Europe and the US were overtaken a decade ago, their models of development too tangled up in conditionality and heavy-handed control and interference. What the Big Three concentrate on is knowledge transfer and intellectual property; they demonstrate what worked for them. The biggest challenge across the “developed south” (as it is known) is inequality. Huge efforts have been made to engage the growing middle classes across the developing world in ways to tackle poverty. Many people donate “web time”, offering expertise and support to local campaigns on all the accountability issues now tracked online, from school achievement to maternal mortality. There are still some countries that are very poor, and there are ongoing major humanitarian assistance operations in places of conflict, such as the Congo and southern Sudan, still suffering after decades of war; they are usually run by coalitions led by one of the Big Three. European nations, focused on their own economic problems, are now very marginal in Africa. Looking back, the big breakthrough for Africa was the mobile internet, which proved a spectacular boost to business. It also opened a new era of accountability so that the days when governments could squirrel away billions became a thing of the past. How plausible is that rosy scenario? How about another more pessimistic version of what development could look like in 2030? African countries are crippled by the challenge of adapting to climate change; huge resources are channelled through the Green Fund from industrialised nations, but the money has repeatedly gone astray, and on several occasions, corruption has ended up bringing down governments. The politics of many African countries continues to be the single biggest factor determining development. The youth bulge has been responsible for unprecedented instability because of highrates of unemployment for young people. Urbanisation has seen a rapid and unmanaged expansion leading to mega-slums across Africa and Asia; the lack of access to basic resources such as water and healthcare in these slums has built up immense frustration. Several countries have been rocked by coups and subsequent civil war. Most European nations have largely shut down their aid operations, their electorates became cynical that aid achieved little, and they argued that many poor countries were receiving billions in climate finance already, money that came out of their taxpayers’ pockets. What remains is a celebrity-driven “good causes” model, whereby millions can be raised for particular projects through web donations once it gets the backing of stars such as Justin Bieber, who has now inherited the position once held by veteran campaigners such as Bono back in the noughties. Tell us what you think. Aid Development Madeleine Bunting guardian.co.uk

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Madeleine Bunting

No Comment
Madeleine Bunting

Will the web and the growth of China, Brazil and India change aid forever? Or will climate change, conflict and corruption bring development fatigue and more celebrity campaigners? Does aid go on forever? Does global inequality carry on deepening? Crystal ball-gazing is never easy, but recently various development experts have been having a go . Next Tuesday, the Overseas Development Institute is hosting a debate on the future of development. I’ve come up with a couple of scenarios. What makes sense? What have I missed out? Post your version of the future of development below. What follows is a hypothetical vision of aid in 20 years time. It’s 2031 and my daughter checks in on her family twinning over breakfast with her children. She has linked up with a family in a village outside Dakka, Bangladesh and another family in Burundi. Her kids chat to their counterparts on a virtual site; they are going to help each other with homework tonight and her son wants to play a game of football with his Burundi friend. She checks the payment for the family’s microloan has gone through smoothly, and then signs a petition demanding reform of the local water-user fees system. These are her adopted communities. Bilateral aid from western countries has been abolished but in its place there are generous tax incentives for families to sign up to schemes whereby they can donate and then follow what happens to their donation over the web. They can get involved in local communities and get to know the people benefiting from their donations. Aid has shifted from a state business to global people power. Millions of people are connected across the globe, exchanging ideas and spending time together on the web, playing and chatting, and the money follows through huge flows of remittance payments and donations. Alongside this, many companies now have engagement schemes in which they transfer expertise and mentor start-up partners; business plays a much bigger role in development and these corporate partnerships are carefully tracked on dedicated websites. Most countries don’t need big inflows of aid such as the west used to provide. Countries such as Ghana, Rwanda and Ethiopia now have their own aid programmes in which they help spread good ideas and best practice in their regions; the emphasis has shifted from the north/south model to one of regional networks. The three really big players in development are now China, Brazil and India. Europe and the US were overtaken a decade ago, their models of development too tangled up in conditionality and heavy-handed control and interference. What the Big Three concentrate on is knowledge transfer and intellectual property; they demonstrate what worked for them. The biggest challenge across the “developed south” (as it is known) is inequality. Huge efforts have been made to engage the growing middle classes across the developing world in ways to tackle poverty. Many people donate “web time”, offering expertise and support to local campaigns on all the accountability issues now tracked online, from school achievement to maternal mortality. There are still some countries that are very poor, and there are ongoing major humanitarian assistance operations in places of conflict, such as the Congo and southern Sudan, still suffering after decades of war; they are usually run by coalitions led by one of the Big Three. European nations, focused on their own economic problems, are now very marginal in Africa. Looking back, the big breakthrough for Africa was the mobile internet, which proved a spectacular boost to business. It also opened a new era of accountability so that the days when governments could squirrel away billions became a thing of the past. How plausible is that rosy scenario? How about another more pessimistic version of what development could look like in 2030? African countries are crippled by the challenge of adapting to climate change; huge resources are channelled through the Green Fund from industrialised nations, but the money has repeatedly gone astray, and on several occasions, corruption has ended up bringing down governments. The politics of many African countries continues to be the single biggest factor determining development. The youth bulge has been responsible for unprecedented instability because of highrates of unemployment for young people. Urbanisation has seen a rapid and unmanaged expansion leading to mega-slums across Africa and Asia; the lack of access to basic resources such as water and healthcare in these slums has built up immense frustration. Several countries have been rocked by coups and subsequent civil war. Most European nations have largely shut down their aid operations, their electorates became cynical that aid achieved little, and they argued that many poor countries were receiving billions in climate finance already, money that came out of their taxpayers’ pockets. What remains is a celebrity-driven “good causes” model, whereby millions can be raised for particular projects through web donations once it gets the backing of stars such as Justin Bieber, who has now inherited the position once held by veteran campaigners such as Bono back in the noughties. Tell us what you think. Aid Development Madeleine Bunting guardian.co.uk

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Fuel duty cut in Osborne’s ‘Ford Focus budget’

• Fuel duty cut by 1p and fuel duty escalator scrapped • Corporation tax cut by 2p – not 1p as expected • Annual growth forecast revised down from 2.1% to 1.7% • National insurance and income tax may be merged George Osborne has levied a £2bn windfall tax on Britain’s North Sea oil companies to pay for a cut in petrol duties for motorists struggling because of the soaring price of crude oil on global markets. The chancellor said he wanted his budget to “put fuel into the tank of the British economy”. He told the Commons he was scrapping the previous Labour government’s plans for automatic above-inflation increases in fuel duties and would instead be cutting 1p a litre from forecourt prices from tonight. In the sort of flourish that was Gordon Brown’s trademark at the end of his budgets, Osborne announced the fuel duty cut at the climax of a 56-minute speech built around the theme of boosting growth and rebalancing the economy. He said he was cutting corporation tax by 2p in the pound this year rather than the 1p reduction previously planned, and announced a shake-up of planning laws and a bonfire of regulations in an attempt to stimulate enterprise. However, the Labour leader, Ed Miliband, said Osborne’s claim to have delivered a budget for growth was undermined by a cut in the growth forecast for 2011 from 2.1% to 1.7%. Osborne cast his second budget since becoming the chancellor in May as an “urgent call to action” in which the government would move from “rescue to reform and from reform to recovery”, building on the deficit reduction measures of 2010. He said it was a fiscal plan designed to create an economy built on private sector growth and the “march of the makers” rather than using government spending and debt to encourage a recovery. He added that his budget measures would be “fiscally neutral across the period, neither raising tax nor offering giveaways”. The chancellor presented a package of measures to boost business and make Britain more competitive, help consumer confidence and claw revenue back elsewhere. Osborne said Britain had “lost ground” in the world’s economy and needed to catch up. His budget set “four economic ambitions” for Britain: being the most competitive tax system in the G20; being the best place to “start, finance and grow a business”, with a more balanced economy and a more educated and “flexible” workforce. Measures included a further 1% cut in corporation tax to make clear that “Britain is open for business” and an annual £1bn clampdown on tax avoidance. “Today’s budget is about reforming the nation’s economy so that we can have enduring jobs and growth in the future, doing what we can to protect families from the high cost of living,” he said. Presented against a deteriorating economic backdrop of rising oil prices, public sector austerity and low consumer confidence, the budget sought to appeal to Britain’s “squeezed middle” by announcing help for first-time home-buyers, and a boost for 25 million income taxpayers by raising the threshold on the personal tax allowance to £8,075 by April 2012. With household bills and retail prices rising, the chancellor concentrated much of the money he has to play with on cutting fuel prices as the cost of petrol and diesel reached all-time national average highs (£1.33 and £1.40 respectively) to increase consumers’ spending power and help business. The rise in fuel duty planned for next week will be delayed until 2012, and the fuel duty escalator that adds 1p to fuel duty on top of inflation each year to be cancelled for the rest of this parliament. A fair fuel stabiliser to help keep costs down in future is to be funded by an increased levy on oil and gas production. Osborne told MPs that helping families with the cost of living and backing enterprise and introducing “far-reaching reforms” to help the economy grow were “one and the same thing”. He said: “It is the central understanding of this government – and core to our strategy – that these are not two separate tasks. They are one and the same thing. “We are only going to raise the living standards of families if we have an economy that can compete in the modern age. “So this is our plan for growth. We want the words ‘made in Britain’, ‘created in Britain’, ‘designed in Britain’, invented in Britain’ to drive our nation forward. “A Britain carried aloft by the march of the makers. That is how we will create jobs and support families. We have put fuel into the tank of the British economy.” But his package received short shrift from Miliband, who told him his economic strategy for Britain was “hurting, not working”. Miliband challenged Osborne’s claim to have delivered a budget for growth, saying the government’s cuts were damaging the economic recovery. “Every time he comes to this house, growth is downgraded,” he said. “One fact says it all, and he couldn’t bring himself to say it: growth down last year, this year and next year. It’s the same old Tories – it’s hurting, but it isn’t working.” Other measures to protect the money in people’s pockets in Osborne’s budget include: • Raising the income tax personal allowance by £630 next year, which comes on top of the £1,000 rise next month and lifting the threshold at which income tax is payable to just over £8,105 from April next year, a real terms increase of £48 a year (or £126 in cash terms) for those earning up to £115,000 a year. The 550,000 taxpayers who earn more than £115,000 will lose £45 a year because they no longer have a personal allowance. The latter measure will see a further 250,000 people taken out of income tax altogether, in a move that brings the coalition a step closer to its promise of delivering a £10,000 tax threshold by the 2015 general election. • A £250m shared equity scheme for new homes, funded from the bank levy, to help 10,000 families. Those with a household income of less than £60,000 a year who can put down a 5% deposit on a new home will be eligible for an equity loan worth up to 20% of the value of the property jointly funded by the government and housebuilders. The loan will be interest-free for five years and only be repayable when the house is sold. In a budget designed to shift away from spending cuts to reduce the national debt to growth-enhancing measures, Osborne also published his growth strategy for business. His bid to boost the private sector includes: • The removal of £350m worth of regulation on businesses. • A three-year moratorium on new domestic regulation for all businesses employing fewer than 10 people. • New planning rules to require planners to prioritise growth and jobs with a new presumption in favour of sustainable development, while retaining existing controls on green belt land. • Small business relief extended to October 2012, at a cost of £370m. • Funding for 21 new enterprise zones. • Funding for 40,000 new apprenticeships for unemployed young people. The chancellor presented gloomy figures based on data from the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) which confirmed that the recovery would move at a slower pace than previously forecast. He said GDP growth estimates for 2011 had been cut from 2.1% to 1.7%, while 2012 was revised down to 2.5% from 2.6%. He stressed that the long-term outlook was more upbeat as estimates for 2013 were held and forecasts for 2014 and 2015 were revised upwards to 2.9% from 2.8% and 2.8% from 2.7% respectively. Osborne also revealed that the rate of inflation, currently at 4.4%, is not expected to drop back to the government’s 2% target until 2013, contrary to the Bank of England’s belief it will fall back by 2012. But the chancellor said the government was on track to deliver a balanced structural budget and falling national debt by the end of parliament. “Our fiscal mandate is to achieve a cyclically-adjusted current balance by the end of the rolling five-year forecast period – which is currently 2015-16,” he said. “We have supplemented that with a fixed target for debt: so that debt should be falling as a proportion of GDP by the year 2015-16 as well. “I can report to the house that the OBR confirm that on their central forecast we will meet both these objectives – a balanced structural current budget and falling national debt by the end of the parliament. Indeed, the forecast remains that we will meet both these objectives one year earlier.” On tax, Osborne announced plans to make Britain’s tax system more competitive and simpler: • Corporation tax will be reduced by 2% from April 2011 – rather than 1% as previously announced – and to fall by 1% in each of the next three years to reach 23%. In a bid to offset the effect of the reduction on banks, the bank levy rate will adjusted next year. • “No less than 43 complex tax reliefs” would be abolished as part of a simplification of the tax system, Osborne said. As part of the move, he confirmed widely trailed speculation that he would consult on scrapping the divide between income tax and national insurance as part of a drive to simplify taxation for business. He said this would be a way for people to see more clearly how much they are being taxed, rather than to raise them, and make the system “fit for the modern age”. Osborne balanced giveaways with fresh tax-raising measures, which included: • The charge on non-domiciled taxpayers to increase from £30,000 for those here for seven years to £50,000 for those in the country for 12 years, raising more than £200m. • A clampdown on the “injustice” of tax avoidance. Osborne said three forms of stamp duty land tax avoidance would be closed, capital gains rules for companies would be tightened and the practice of disguised remuneration, which sees highly paid employees offered tax-free, lifetime loans that are never repaid, would come to an end. “In total, on the numbers audited by the independent OBR, the tax avoidance measures in this budget raise around £1bn a year – that’s £4bn over the parliament,” he added. “We are doing more today to clamp down on tax avoidance than in any budget in recent years. And that gives us more resources, in a fiscally neutral budget, to help those families who do pay their taxes, but who are struggling with the daily cost of living.” Budget 2011 Budget George Osborne Economic policy Economic growth (GDP) Economics Green shoots Tax and spending Petrol prices Motoring Property Public finance Hélène Mulholland Larry Elliott guardian.co.uk

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Fuel duty cut in Osborne’s ‘Ford Focus budget’

• Fuel duty cut by 1p and fuel duty escalator scrapped • Corporation tax cut by 2p – not 1p as expected • Annual growth forecast revised down from 2.1% to 1.7% • National insurance and income tax may be merged George Osborne has levied a £2bn windfall tax on Britain’s North Sea oil companies to pay for a cut in petrol duties for motorists struggling because of the soaring price of crude oil on global markets. The chancellor said he wanted his budget to “put fuel into the tank of the British economy”. He told the Commons he was scrapping the previous Labour government’s plans for automatic above-inflation increases in fuel duties and would instead be cutting 1p a litre from forecourt prices from tonight. In the sort of flourish that was Gordon Brown’s trademark at the end of his budgets, Osborne announced the fuel duty cut at the climax of a 56-minute speech built around the theme of boosting growth and rebalancing the economy. He said he was cutting corporation tax by 2p in the pound this year rather than the 1p reduction previously planned, and announced a shake-up of planning laws and a bonfire of regulations in an attempt to stimulate enterprise. However, the Labour leader, Ed Miliband, said Osborne’s claim to have delivered a budget for growth was undermined by a cut in the growth forecast for 2011 from 2.1% to 1.7%. Osborne cast his second budget since becoming the chancellor in May as an “urgent call to action” in which the government would move from “rescue to reform and from reform to recovery”, building on the deficit reduction measures of 2010. He said it was a fiscal plan designed to create an economy built on private sector growth and the “march of the makers” rather than using government spending and debt to encourage a recovery. He added that his budget measures would be “fiscally neutral across the period, neither raising tax nor offering giveaways”. The chancellor presented a package of measures to boost business and make Britain more competitive, help consumer confidence and claw revenue back elsewhere. Osborne said Britain had “lost ground” in the world’s economy and needed to catch up. His budget set “four economic ambitions” for Britain: being the most competitive tax system in the G20; being the best place to “start, finance and grow a business”, with a more balanced economy and a more educated and “flexible” workforce. Measures included a further 1% cut in corporation tax to make clear that “Britain is open for business” and an annual £1bn clampdown on tax avoidance. “Today’s budget is about reforming the nation’s economy so that we can have enduring jobs and growth in the future, doing what we can to protect families from the high cost of living,” he said. Presented against a deteriorating economic backdrop of rising oil prices, public sector austerity and low consumer confidence, the budget sought to appeal to Britain’s “squeezed middle” by announcing help for first-time home-buyers, and a boost for 25 million income taxpayers by raising the threshold on the personal tax allowance to £8,075 by April 2012. With household bills and retail prices rising, the chancellor concentrated much of the money he has to play with on cutting fuel prices as the cost of petrol and diesel reached all-time national average highs (£1.33 and £1.40 respectively) to increase consumers’ spending power and help business. The rise in fuel duty planned for next week will be delayed until 2012, and the fuel duty escalator that adds 1p to fuel duty on top of inflation each year to be cancelled for the rest of this parliament. A fair fuel stabiliser to help keep costs down in future is to be funded by an increased levy on oil and gas production. Osborne told MPs that helping families with the cost of living and backing enterprise and introducing “far-reaching reforms” to help the economy grow were “one and the same thing”. He said: “It is the central understanding of this government – and core to our strategy – that these are not two separate tasks. They are one and the same thing. “We are only going to raise the living standards of families if we have an economy that can compete in the modern age. “So this is our plan for growth. We want the words ‘made in Britain’, ‘created in Britain’, ‘designed in Britain’, invented in Britain’ to drive our nation forward. “A Britain carried aloft by the march of the makers. That is how we will create jobs and support families. We have put fuel into the tank of the British economy.” But his package received short shrift from Miliband, who told him his economic strategy for Britain was “hurting, not working”. Miliband challenged Osborne’s claim to have delivered a budget for growth, saying the government’s cuts were damaging the economic recovery. “Every time he comes to this house, growth is downgraded,” he said. “One fact says it all, and he couldn’t bring himself to say it: growth down last year, this year and next year. It’s the same old Tories – it’s hurting, but it isn’t working.” Other measures to protect the money in people’s pockets in Osborne’s budget include: • Raising the income tax personal allowance by £630 next year, which comes on top of the £1,000 rise next month and lifting the threshold at which income tax is payable to just over £8,105 from April next year, a real terms increase of £48 a year (or £126 in cash terms) for those earning up to £115,000 a year. The 550,000 taxpayers who earn more than £115,000 will lose £45 a year because they no longer have a personal allowance. The latter measure will see a further 250,000 people taken out of income tax altogether, in a move that brings the coalition a step closer to its promise of delivering a £10,000 tax threshold by the 2015 general election. • A £250m shared equity scheme for new homes, funded from the bank levy, to help 10,000 families. Those with a household income of less than £60,000 a year who can put down a 5% deposit on a new home will be eligible for an equity loan worth up to 20% of the value of the property jointly funded by the government and housebuilders. The loan will be interest-free for five years and only be repayable when the house is sold. In a budget designed to shift away from spending cuts to reduce the national debt to growth-enhancing measures, Osborne also published his growth strategy for business. His bid to boost the private sector includes: • The removal of £350m worth of regulation on businesses. • A three-year moratorium on new domestic regulation for all businesses employing fewer than 10 people. • New planning rules to require planners to prioritise growth and jobs with a new presumption in favour of sustainable development, while retaining existing controls on green belt land. • Small business relief extended to October 2012, at a cost of £370m. • Funding for 21 new enterprise zones. • Funding for 40,000 new apprenticeships for unemployed young people. The chancellor presented gloomy figures based on data from the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) which confirmed that the recovery would move at a slower pace than previously forecast. He said GDP growth estimates for 2011 had been cut from 2.1% to 1.7%, while 2012 was revised down to 2.5% from 2.6%. He stressed that the long-term outlook was more upbeat as estimates for 2013 were held and forecasts for 2014 and 2015 were revised upwards to 2.9% from 2.8% and 2.8% from 2.7% respectively. Osborne also revealed that the rate of inflation, currently at 4.4%, is not expected to drop back to the government’s 2% target until 2013, contrary to the Bank of England’s belief it will fall back by 2012. But the chancellor said the government was on track to deliver a balanced structural budget and falling national debt by the end of parliament. “Our fiscal mandate is to achieve a cyclically-adjusted current balance by the end of the rolling five-year forecast period – which is currently 2015-16,” he said. “We have supplemented that with a fixed target for debt: so that debt should be falling as a proportion of GDP by the year 2015-16 as well. “I can report to the house that the OBR confirm that on their central forecast we will meet both these objectives – a balanced structural current budget and falling national debt by the end of the parliament. Indeed, the forecast remains that we will meet both these objectives one year earlier.” On tax, Osborne announced plans to make Britain’s tax system more competitive and simpler: • Corporation tax will be reduced by 2% from April 2011 – rather than 1% as previously announced – and to fall by 1% in each of the next three years to reach 23%. In a bid to offset the effect of the reduction on banks, the bank levy rate will adjusted next year. • “No less than 43 complex tax reliefs” would be abolished as part of a simplification of the tax system, Osborne said. As part of the move, he confirmed widely trailed speculation that he would consult on scrapping the divide between income tax and national insurance as part of a drive to simplify taxation for business. He said this would be a way for people to see more clearly how much they are being taxed, rather than to raise them, and make the system “fit for the modern age”. Osborne balanced giveaways with fresh tax-raising measures, which included: • The charge on non-domiciled taxpayers to increase from £30,000 for those here for seven years to £50,000 for those in the country for 12 years, raising more than £200m. • A clampdown on the “injustice” of tax avoidance. Osborne said three forms of stamp duty land tax avoidance would be closed, capital gains rules for companies would be tightened and the practice of disguised remuneration, which sees highly paid employees offered tax-free, lifetime loans that are never repaid, would come to an end. “In total, on the numbers audited by the independent OBR, the tax avoidance measures in this budget raise around £1bn a year – that’s £4bn over the parliament,” he added. “We are doing more today to clamp down on tax avoidance than in any budget in recent years. And that gives us more resources, in a fiscally neutral budget, to help those families who do pay their taxes, but who are struggling with the daily cost of living.” Budget 2011 Budget George Osborne Economic policy Economic growth (GDP) Economics Green shoots Tax and spending Petrol prices Motoring Property Public finance Hélène Mulholland Larry Elliott guardian.co.uk

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The acrimonious feud between a Fox and CNN reporter covering the Libyan bombing operation is getting uglier by the day. Fox reporter Steve Harrigan lashed CNN’s Nic Robertson as “dull,” said his reporting was “bullshit,” and impugned his masculinity. The conflict was triggered by a Fox News story claiming that…

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Photos from Silvio Berlusconi’s raunchy “bunga bunga” sex parties have emerged from prosecutors’ 20,000-page dossier on the Italian prime minister. The racy photos were seized from the computers and cell phones of people who attended the notorious parties at Berlusconi’s home near Milan, the Telegraph reports. Published photos reveal…

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Radiation in Tokyo tap water has spiked to twice the level considered safe for infants, sparking a new round of fears in Japan over the nation’s crippled nuclear reactors. Rising smoke, meanwhile, prompted a new evacuation of workers trying to plug leaks in the Fukushima Dai-ichi complex, reports AP . Officials…

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