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Prince Charles may be just No. 10 when it comes to good-looking royals , but he’s No. 1 in another area: being next in line to the British throne. He set the record yesterday, at which point he had been the heir apparent for 59 years, two months, and 14 days,…

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It may not be the way to bring that “Kumbaya” feeling back to Capitol Hill, but maybe it’ll work in Kyrgyzstan? Members of the country’s parliament, which the AP describes as “raucous,” sacrificed seven sheep this morning in an attempt to expel evil spirits from the chamber. Nearly all the…

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Republicans have been outspoken about their opposition to raising the debt ceiling, but comments from House Majority Leader Eric Cantor yesterday appeared to escalate the battle. The GOP “will not grant [Democrats'] request for a debt limit increase” without serious spending cuts or budget process reform, he said, warning that…

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Anglican ‘relief’ at Catholic defections

Church of England bishop Christopher Hill says losing clergy or laity to Catholic Ordinariate will let CoE move on A Church of England bishop says congregations will breathe a “sigh of relief” this week when hundreds of worshippers defect to the Roman Catholic church, potentially drawing a line under the schism over the ordination of women. Up to 900 Anglicans, including 60 clergy, are preparing to be received into the Roman Catholic faith in special services during Holy Week. The Right Rev Christopher Hill said congregations losing clergy or laity to the Personal Ordinariate, a Vatican initiative allowing Anglicans to convert while keeping elements of their spiritual heritage, would allow the church to move on after being “racked” by the issue of women priests. Hill, who is the bishop of Guildford and chair of the Council of Christian Unity, said while there was sadness at congregations losing their clergy or co-worshippers – in some instances both – there was reason to be positive. “Where a decision has been made then those who go will have a bigger agenda, as do those who stay. They can leave this issue alone. It has racked these congregations. It has absorbed a lot of energy. Where a church has had such an exodus, there will be a sigh of relief that a decision has been made.” The Vatican created the Ordinariate in October 2009, following requests for help from traditionalist Anglicans in Australia and the US – disagreement about women in the Church of England’s priesthood has raged for decades. Uncertainty surrounding who and how many would take advantage of the papal offer has hung over some of the hundreds of parishes opposed to female clergy. For the congregation of St Barnabas, in Tunbridge Wells, Kent, the loss of a priest and 72 worshippers has caused personal and practical difficulties. All but two members of the parochial church council – the executive body of the parish – have left, and people with no prior involvement in the running of the church have been forced to help out. Christine Avery, a churchwarden who has been praying at St Barnabas for 20 years, said: “We have to make ends meet and it’s a big church. Everyone is doing jobs they never thought they could do. But there’s a great atmosphere and we want this church to stay open.” On Palm Sunday a reduced but resolute congregation threw themselves into a Sung Eucharist and a procession along the Camden Road. Avery, and others, say they have noticed that people who had stayed away from St Barnabas have returned, as have some who said they were leaving for the Ordinariate. The church is by no means united on women’s ordination, but one worshipper implied there were fewer divisions than before the 70 departures. Priests from the area – including a retiree – are covering services during Holy Week to ensure there are no gaps. “That has been a breath of fresh air,” says churchgoer Ruth Willis. She misses St Barnabas’ former priest, Father Ed Tomlinson, a friend she says has a “larger than life character and a beautiful voice”. “As a worshipper you follow your faith without getting involved in politics. Having heard about the Ordinariate and being weighed down with the pressures that Ed was under, it’s as if a pressure has been lifted. We come along and we have our worship. “The congregation is not as big as it was and what it’s meant is that we’ve all had to step into the breach. But everyone is very enthusiastic. It binds us together.” Willis, who describes herself as herself as “quite independent”, considered the option of leaving “very closely” and attended all the talks about the Ordinariate. “It’s very sad,” she said of the people who chose to go. “I understand why they left. They took on board all the problems Ed has been having. But there is a lot of loyalty to being Anglo-Catholic in the Church of England. It’s in a difficult area.” In the diocese of Chelmsford, Essex, where more than 100 people from three parishes have left for the Ordinariate, priests also expressed optimism. The diocesan bishop, the Right Rev Stephen Cottrell, has waived the parishes’ quota – an annual payment towards the central church “pot” – for a year while they adjust to their changed financial circumstances. The Rev Duncan Dalais is helping out at St Margaret’s, Leytonstone, in east London, which has lost 90 from its congregation of 120 and a priest. He said: “They seem to be quite resilient. They don’t feel left behind, they see it as a positive choice to stay. “The impression I got was that there was pressure on them to go, especially as most were going.” At St Margaret’s annual meeting, he noticed people asking questions and showing an interest in the life and running of the church. The subject of women’s ordination is not an all-consuming one for many parishes, even if they have passed resolutions opposing their leadership, he suggests. “Some parishes get locked into that issue and it’s the be-all and end-all. For St Margaret’s they won’t be worrying about whether there will be women bishops. For the immediate future it will be about mission and growth – things that the church should be doing. They are forward looking. They will look outside and see there is life. I think they will flourish.” The slow drip of Anglicans towards Catholicism may quicken but most traditionalists are waiting to see what happens next year – when a key piece of legislation returns before General Synod – to see what kind of provision there is for those opposed to the ordination of women as bishops. Last year in an acrimonious and protracted debate they, along with the conservative evangelicals, tried and failed to secure alternative leadership or extra dioceses that would protect them from female ministry. All that stands between them and a woman bishop is a code of practice – a guide on how to deal with traditionalists – which has yet to be written. However, Anglo-Catholics and conservative evangelicals remain convinced they can either influence the final vote in 2012 or that the House of Bishops will amend the legislation to give them the provision they demand. Anglicanism Catholicism Vatican Christianity Religion Riazat Butt guardian.co.uk

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Anglican ‘relief’ at Catholic defections

Church of England bishop Christopher Hill says losing clergy or laity to Catholic Ordinariate will let CoE move on A Church of England bishop says congregations will breathe a “sigh of relief” this week when hundreds of worshippers defect to the Roman Catholic church, potentially drawing a line under the schism over the ordination of women. Up to 900 Anglicans, including 60 clergy, are preparing to be received into the Roman Catholic faith in special services during Holy Week. The Right Rev Christopher Hill said congregations losing clergy or laity to the Personal Ordinariate, a Vatican initiative allowing Anglicans to convert while keeping elements of their spiritual heritage, would allow the church to move on after being “racked” by the issue of women priests. Hill, who is the bishop of Guildford and chair of the Council of Christian Unity, said while there was sadness at congregations losing their clergy or co-worshippers – in some instances both – there was reason to be positive. “Where a decision has been made then those who go will have a bigger agenda, as do those who stay. They can leave this issue alone. It has racked these congregations. It has absorbed a lot of energy. Where a church has had such an exodus, there will be a sigh of relief that a decision has been made.” The Vatican created the Ordinariate in October 2009, following requests for help from traditionalist Anglicans in Australia and the US – disagreement about women in the Church of England’s priesthood has raged for decades. Uncertainty surrounding who and how many would take advantage of the papal offer has hung over some of the hundreds of parishes opposed to female clergy. For the congregation of St Barnabas, in Tunbridge Wells, Kent, the loss of a priest and 72 worshippers has caused personal and practical difficulties. All but two members of the parochial church council – the executive body of the parish – have left, and people with no prior involvement in the running of the church have been forced to help out. Christine Avery, a churchwarden who has been praying at St Barnabas for 20 years, said: “We have to make ends meet and it’s a big church. Everyone is doing jobs they never thought they could do. But there’s a great atmosphere and we want this church to stay open.” On Palm Sunday a reduced but resolute congregation threw themselves into a Sung Eucharist and a procession along the Camden Road. Avery, and others, say they have noticed that people who had stayed away from St Barnabas have returned, as have some who said they were leaving for the Ordinariate. The church is by no means united on women’s ordination, but one worshipper implied there were fewer divisions than before the 70 departures. Priests from the area – including a retiree – are covering services during Holy Week to ensure there are no gaps. “That has been a breath of fresh air,” says churchgoer Ruth Willis. She misses St Barnabas’ former priest, Father Ed Tomlinson, a friend she says has a “larger than life character and a beautiful voice”. “As a worshipper you follow your faith without getting involved in politics. Having heard about the Ordinariate and being weighed down with the pressures that Ed was under, it’s as if a pressure has been lifted. We come along and we have our worship. “The congregation is not as big as it was and what it’s meant is that we’ve all had to step into the breach. But everyone is very enthusiastic. It binds us together.” Willis, who describes herself as herself as “quite independent”, considered the option of leaving “very closely” and attended all the talks about the Ordinariate. “It’s very sad,” she said of the people who chose to go. “I understand why they left. They took on board all the problems Ed has been having. But there is a lot of loyalty to being Anglo-Catholic in the Church of England. It’s in a difficult area.” In the diocese of Chelmsford, Essex, where more than 100 people from three parishes have left for the Ordinariate, priests also expressed optimism. The diocesan bishop, the Right Rev Stephen Cottrell, has waived the parishes’ quota – an annual payment towards the central church “pot” – for a year while they adjust to their changed financial circumstances. The Rev Duncan Dalais is helping out at St Margaret’s, Leytonstone, in east London, which has lost 90 from its congregation of 120 and a priest. He said: “They seem to be quite resilient. They don’t feel left behind, they see it as a positive choice to stay. “The impression I got was that there was pressure on them to go, especially as most were going.” At St Margaret’s annual meeting, he noticed people asking questions and showing an interest in the life and running of the church. The subject of women’s ordination is not an all-consuming one for many parishes, even if they have passed resolutions opposing their leadership, he suggests. “Some parishes get locked into that issue and it’s the be-all and end-all. For St Margaret’s they won’t be worrying about whether there will be women bishops. For the immediate future it will be about mission and growth – things that the church should be doing. They are forward looking. They will look outside and see there is life. I think they will flourish.” The slow drip of Anglicans towards Catholicism may quicken but most traditionalists are waiting to see what happens next year – when a key piece of legislation returns before General Synod – to see what kind of provision there is for those opposed to the ordination of women as bishops. Last year in an acrimonious and protracted debate they, along with the conservative evangelicals, tried and failed to secure alternative leadership or extra dioceses that would protect them from female ministry. All that stands between them and a woman bishop is a code of practice – a guide on how to deal with traditionalists – which has yet to be written. However, Anglo-Catholics and conservative evangelicals remain convinced they can either influence the final vote in 2012 or that the House of Bishops will amend the legislation to give them the provision they demand. Anglicanism Catholicism Vatican Christianity Religion Riazat Butt guardian.co.uk

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Barack Obama made a point of releasing his tax returns to the public while running for president in 2007 and 2008—and when running for the Senate before that. But not one of the candidates vying to face him in 2012 will promise to do the same, Politico has found—…

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Coalition forces have stepped up their cooperation with Libyan rebels, with France and Italy announcing yesterday that they would send military liaisons and advisers, and the US saying it would send them $25 million worth of non-lethal equipment like body armor, tents, and vehicles, the Washington Post reports. The moves…

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Fighting continues in Ivory Coast

Alassane Ouattara’s army takes on two separate militias resisting his control in Ivory Coast’s commercial capital of San Pedro Fresh fighting and splits in the coalition that brought Alassane Ouattara to power could derail Ivory Coast’s recovery. Gunfire and explosions returned to Abidjan this week as Ouattara’s army takes on two separate militias resisting his control in the country’s commercial capital. Reports of infighting in the port city of San Pedro, a polio outbreak and humanitarian emergency in the west indicate that the west African country’s return to normality will be far from smooth. The violence in Abidjan, the worst since defeated president Laurent Gbagbo was toppled last week, is concentrated in two pockets: the northern suburb of Abobo and the western district of Yopougon. Abobo is dominated by the “Invisible Commando”, a 5,000-strong force that took up arms against Gbagbo during the political stalemate. But now the militia’s renegade leader, Ibrahim “IB” Coulibaly, is demanding recognition of his role in overthrowing Gbagbo. His forces, seen during the conflict as men in balaclavas policing makeshift checkpoints, are accused of widespread looting of vehicles and from businesses during the past week – and of ignoring a deadline to join the Republican Forces, Ouattara’s national army. In response the national army has turned its guns on the former ally. Residents said Abobo shook with the sound of heavy machine-gun fire on Wednesday near Coulibaly’s headquarters. People scattered and ran to lock themselves into their homes. “The fighting continues and we can hear vehicles moving through the streets, but we can’t go outside to find out what’s going on,” Amara Touré told Reuters. Military sources said the Republican Forces’ attack on Coulibaly’s headquarters was met with resistance that lasted more than an hour. A fighter in Coulibaly’s militia, known as Capt Meyo Aka, told Associated Press that they drove government troops back and they left. Coulibaly had pledged allegiance on Sunday to Ouattara, saying he regards the former prime minister as a father. Coulibaly protected Ouattara’s wife from 1990 to 1993 when he was head of her bodyguard corps. The Invisible Commando and the northern New Forces, which were incorporated into the Republican Forces, have little in common beside their hatred of Gbagbo; disagreements between them have at times been violent. Coulibaly, who led a failed coup against Gbagbo in 2002, is a longtime rival of Ouattara’s prime minister and military commander, Guillaume Soro. Without an enemy to unite against, factionalism in the Ouattara camp is being exposed. Apollinaire Yapi, a spokesman for Soro, said last night: “Right from the beginning the Invisible Commando distinguished itself from the Republican Forces. Ouattara created the Republican Forces by decree to gather all groups of soldiers who were fighting in the field. “From that moment every soldier had to join the new army, but we noticed General ‘IB’ continued to claim the Invisible Commando are distinct from the Republican Forces. He was expected to join the Republican Forces but he did not do that. “The other day he said he was at the disposal of Mr Ouattara, but no one trusts him and that’s the problem. There’s a lack of confidence and I don’t know what is going to be done. It may need a military action again if they fail to solve it by negotiation.” Meanwhile, across the city in Yopougon, where the UN mission maintains 24-hour patrols, fighting also continues in an offensive to “mop up” pro-Gbagbo loyalists. Yapi added: “In Yopougon the militiamen and mercenaries loyal to Gbagbo are still operating. Three high-ranking pro-Gbagbo soldiers are still at large. We don’t know if they are planning anything.” He warned: “Militiamen loyal to Gbagbo had confided they could create a rebel group if Gbagbo was to be captured, but there are some measures being taken to prevent such a group being organised.” Infighting among Ouattara’s forces erupted in the southwestern cocoa port of San Pedro on Wednesday. One source said the shooting started when one group of soldiers tried to stop another from looting. UN peacekeepers intervened after Ivorian fighters started launching mortars and rockets downtown. The continued fighting has set back hopes of quickly restoring security and reviving the economy; the post-election struggle dragged on for more than four months. Richard Moncrieff, at the South African Institute for International Affairs, said Ouattara does not have command and control over troops who entered Abidjan to oust Gbagbo. “This could have serious repercussions for what is to come,” he told AP. A million people have fled Abidjan and another million are displaced in the country or have fled to neighbours. Thousands have been killed and wounded. The World Health Organisation said on Thursday that polio has broken out, with three cases confirmed in children. The UN agency warned that it may spread within Ivory Coast, where disease surveillance is poor, and to other parts of west Africa. “The outbreak response may be constrained by the current security situation in Côte d’Ivoire,” the WHO said. Médecins Sans Frontières has reported a “dire” situation in the west of the country, where divisions between communities are the deepest and some of the worst atrocities have taken place. Alassane Ouattara Ivory Coast David Smith guardian.co.uk

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Graveyards filling up in Misrata’s unexpected war

With 1000 dead and a further 3000 injured, the two-month-old war has taken its toll on the people of the city The graves outside the shrine are packed tightly together, thick stripes of cement with small concrete blocks poking out of the earth at either end. Some of the graves are about six feet apart, like those marking the remains of Khalid Abushahma, the first protester to be shot dead by Muammar Gaddafi’s forces in this Libyan port city on 20 February, and of Ali al-Hadi, who died just two days ago. Other graves barely span two feet. Ibrahim Omran, a baby buried on 7 April. Amina Abdullah, a small girl, two weeks before. Sanad Aduraat, a toddler killed by a bullet on 6 March. Carved into the cement next to Aduraat’s name, next to all the names, is the word al-shaheed , meaning martyr. “Gaddafi is the reason for all this,” said Abdullah Almohandis, an old man in a brown hooded cloak who oversees the cemetery. Heavy explosions boomed in the distance, as they do here for many hours of each day and night. Almohandis held his open hands to the sky, shaking with rage. The war in Misrata is now two months old. The graveyards are filling up and the hospitals are overflowing. In their attempt to end the uprising, Gaddafi’s forces have killed at least 1,000 people. Around 90% are civilians who have died because of indiscriminate shelling or shooting, doctors here say. Fighting has been so heavy that parts of the city centre are now almost completely destroyed. Buildings, homes and mosques are pockmarked with bullet holes. Walls have been completely blown away, or are blackened by fire. Entire suburbs near the front lines are empty of families, who have crammed into other parts of the city, closer to the sea. Communications have been completely cut. Burnt-out cars and tanks litter the streets, alongside effigies of the dictator who has ruled Libya for 42 years. The resistance from the rebels – from all the people in Misrata – seems remarkable given their limited armoury and experience. That they have managed to keep Gaddafi’s forces to one side of the city seems a miracle, or at least a masterclass in guerrilla warfare. But this is a siege, and while the rebels can defend their lines, they do not have the means to fight their way out, or to send their families to safety. And despite significant losses, Gaddafi remains determined to fight his way in. The cost is huge. Besides the dead, more than 3,000 people in this city have been injured since the conflict began. Many have been hit by shrapnel from indiscriminate shelling by Gaddafi’s forces. Others have been picked off by snipers, including Mohamed Hassan, 10, who was hit in the head when he opened his front door last Saturday. He now lies in Misrata’s hospital, screaming for his father and uncle or jabbering incomprehensibly. His mother, Zeinab, touches his forehead. Her tears have run dry. She tries to speak but then shakes her head and looks down. Nobody here in Libya’s third largest city expected a war. A few dozen people went out to protest on 17 February, in sympathy with people in Benghazi, where the main uprising began. Police arrested the protesters, sparking bigger demonstrations. Then security forces opened fire. About 70 people were killed in a matter of days. The city rose up in anger. “We kicked out all of Gaddafi’s people, who fled to Tripoli,” said Mohamed Karwad, a 23-year-old graphic designer, who was one of the first protesters to be arrested. “At that time we had nothing but rocks and Molotov cocktails.” When Gaddafi’s forces returned two weeks later it was with tanks and armoured vehicles. The rebels still had few proper weapons, but they had taken measures to prevent the city from falling. They blocked the main streets with shipping containers full of sand and metal, preventing the tanks from passing though. They laid down blankets soaked in diesel that became caught in the tanks’ tracks. A Molotov cocktail heaved from a sidestreet would then set the tank alight. Mosques played recordings of “God is Great” over and over to inspire the rebel fighters, infuriating Gaddafi’s forces. Many mosques have since been hit by shells. Fighting was fierce and bloody. Many rebels died, but so did many of Gaddafi’s men, and each time the rebels took their weapons. Some were welded on the backs of pickups, which were then reinforced with giant steel plates on the front and back. Despite repeated attempts, the tanks have been unable to penetrate the city centre. But by sending snipers into abandoned buildings Gaddafi’s forces have managed to stop the rebels taking ground quickly. It’s a slow and deadly fight, street by street. The rebels appear to have no central leadership, but are divided into cells around the neatly laid-out city, commanded by men with noms de guerre such as Lion of the Desert, or Big Deer. Roadblocks appear every few hundred metres, some made of giant mounds of sea-sand, others of concrete pipes or ladders or chairs. Many of the fighters manning them – the Shabab, as they are known – are young. Mohamed Mustafa, 19, was studying first-year medicine when the revolution began and missing his parents, who are living in Nottingham, where his father is pursuing a PhD. He was clutching an AK-47, with a checked scarf wrapped around his head. Every day he spends six hours at the checkpoint near Benghazi Street, a scene of fierce fighting in recent weeks, searching cars and passengers for unauthorised weapons or satellite phones. “At the start I saw how people were dying for the cause of freedom,” he said. “So I decided to join the troops and defend my people and my home from the devil that is Gaddafi.” Across Benghazi Street, close to the vegetable market now used as a base by Gaddafi’s forces, the rebels have punched holes in the walls of some houses to create new roads that offer more protection from sniper fire. There were few signs of life, apart from a few unfortunate chickens, until we reached a house whose garage was filled with fighters. “Revolutionaries having breakfast,” shouted one of them, holding up a bread roll filled with tuna. Aiman al-Hadad, a 25-year-old engineer, clutched a sniper’s rifle that had been captured from Gaddafi’s forces. Growing up, he had shot birds, he said, so it was natural to become a sharpshooter when the war began. He had killed seven of Gaddafi’s men, he said proudly. Mohamed Elfituri, a young pharmacist, was more modest, saying that they were making gains, but that Gaddafi’s snipers remained a threat. His fiancee was in Tripoli, he said, and he had not been able to reach her for two months. Might it be possible to send an email on his behalf? Their commander had been killed the previous day, so Mohamed Shinisheh was now in charge. Solidly built, and the only one of his men wearing a beret and uniform, he had been working in Malta as a builder before the uprising. He rushed to Benghazi, the rebel headquarters in the east, received three weeks’ training and took a boat to Misrata. “In the day, in the night, we fight,” he said. “We are defending our positions. Gadaffi’s troops are just 50 metres away.” He moved up the road with a few of his men, running quickly across open patches of road, and pointing out where the snipers had hit water tanks and electricity lines to make life more difficult for the rebels. At a corner a tattered green flag erected by Gaddafi’s troops during a brief occupation hung above a house that had since been taken by the rebels. A shop was on fire, hit by an incoming shell an hour before. A short drive away, close to Tripoli Street, which Gaddafi’s forces have been trying to capture since the battle began, Mohamed Swesi, 42, who fought in Chad for the Libyan army in the 1980s, was showing off an IED he had made using two landmines, a dozen bullets and an ammunition case. Three members of his family had been killed by Gaddafi’s army. He was not afraid to die. “My heart is big,” he said. “Give me good weapons and I’ll be in Tripoli in three days.” Dozens of young fighters sat quietly on the side street, each clutching a weapon. They were waiting for Gaddafi’s snipers, who they say are now cut off from the rest of their forces, to show themselves in the pockmarked buildings that line Tripoli Street. Many of the marksmen had been killed but a significant number remained. In front of one house was pool of fresh blood. A 12-year-old boy from a family that had refused to leave their home had been hit as he stepped outside to play. He died immediately. An ambulance passed. The doctor, Mohamed Bashir, said they had already picked up three dead people that morning. More than 20 had been injured. “We will stay here and fight Gaddafi until the last blood spills.” Blood is spilling too from those who do not want to fight – women, children and elderly people – thanks to the indiscriminate shelling by Gaddafi’s forces. In the private clinic that now serves as Misrata’s main hospital, Mokhtar Naria, 37, and his 10-year-old nephew, Mortaz, both had bandages around their heads. The Narias had left their home to cram in with four other families in an area that was meant to be safer. But earlier this week, as they were preparing to pray, a shell burst through the roof. Six people were injured, including Naria’s grandfather, who lost a finger. Naria had a damaged skull. He could walk, but seemed dazed. “The boy does not even know about Gaddafi,” said his father. “He just knows he is afraid.” Upstairs, Dr Fathi Mohamed was doing his rounds in the surgery ward. Before the revolution began, he had seen two gunshot wounds in six years. Now he has seen hundreds, and many more shrapnel injuries. He sent 36 wounded people by boat to Benghazi on Wednesday night, but still has 19 people in his ward alone. “The oldest we have treated was 92 years old. He had chest injuries but did not die. The youngest was one year old.” An ambulance arrived. It was carrying a rebel fighter – a man who until eight weeks ago had been a civilian deeply fearful of Gaddafi and who had now been killed by government forces. Tomorrow the name Osama Manita will be written in concrete somewhere in Misrata, perhaps near the shrine. One more martyr. Libya Muammar Gaddafi Arab and Middle East unrest Middle East Xan Rice guardian.co.uk

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Chris Hondros, the Getty photographer killed in fighting in Misrata yesterday, had a love of chess, opera, and martinis, and he “wanted to show the world what was going on,” a fellow photographer tells the New York Times. “He was willing to take the personal risk and make the personal…

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