California is just about finished building its new $105 million high school, which would be good news for the overcrowded Alvord Unified School District—if it actually had the money to run the thing. Instead, budget constraints are so tight that the district can’t afford to hire administrators, teachers, or…
Continue reading …You had to see this one coming: Following a disastrous show in Belgrade , Amy Winehouse has now pulled the plug on her entire European tour, Reuters reports. Winehouse, who was booed at her Serbian “performance,” initially canceled only her next two shows but has since decided to call off the…
Continue reading …In 1994, against huge odds, two men saved hundreds of Tutsis during the genocide in Rwanda. Finally reunited, they recall the extraordinary story of their first meeting In a park in London, two men greet each other as old friends. One is grey-haired and American, the other a tall Rwandan in a smart suit. They embrace. The American wipes tears from his eyes. The last time the two men met was in Kigali, the Rwandan capital, in 1994: the year of the genocide in which 800,000 people were killed in 100 days. The two men, Jean-Francois Gisimba and Carl Wilkens, met a handful of times in that year but in the most extreme of circumstances. Together with Jean-Francois’ brother, Damas, they saved more than 400 children and hundreds of adults from the Interahamwe, the Hutu militia intent on eradicating Tutsi ” inyenzi ” or “cockroaches”. Seventeen years later, the Aegis Trust, which campaigns against genocide, has brought Jean-Francois and Carl back together in the UK. At last, Jean-Francois has the chance to say: “You saved my life but I don’t understand why.” Back in 1994, Jean-Francois, then 24, and Damas were running the orphanage their late parents had founded in Kigali in the 1980s. Of mixed Hutu and Tutsi parentage, they were caring for around 60 children of different ethnicities. “We were brought up not to see a difference,” Jean-Francois says. Damas ran the orphanage full-time, while Jean-Francois also worked for Radio Rwanda. On 6 April, a private jet carrying Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana was shot down near Kigali airport, triggering the genocide. Government-controlled news organisations began reporting that the Hutu president had been assassinated by Tutsi rebels. Within hours, Kigali was surrounded by roadblocks and the systematic murder of Tutsi families by militia groups began. Jean-Francois rushed home from the radio station to find hundreds of people gathered at the orphanage, seeking shelter. “They came not because they thought we could save them, but because they didn’t want to die alone,” he says. People were hiding in the attic, in the basement and in locked rooms, sick with dysentery and starvation. The brothers kept them alive for months with the help of Red Cross parcels. Because of their father, they had Hutu identity cards, and Damas began to negotiate for the orphanage’s survival. “My brother would go for a beer with the killers,” Jean-Francois remembers. “He would say: don’t come, don’t panic the kids, but he was also protecting the adults inside. He was pretending to be with them.” As the killings continued, the militia members became restless. Armed men began turning up drunk at the orphanage. On one visit they tortured and killed eight people they found hiding on the roof. Then the brothers heard from friends that they planned to kill everyone at the orphanage. “The day you came was the day the massacre was going to happen,” Jean-Francois tells Carl. “There was a knock at the door and I thought: this is it. A boy said, there is a muzungu – a white man – at the door looking for you.” Jean-Francois looks at the man sitting next to him. “It was you in your white Toyota Corolla.” Carl was then the 36-year-old head of Adrai, an Adventist relief organisation working in Rwanda. On 10 April, the UN had evacuated all foreigners from the country, including Carl’s wife, parents and three young children. Carl was the only American who stayed through the genocide. By negotiating with key militia figures including Colonel Tharsisse Renzaho, the prefect of Kigali, he managed to get supplies of water and food through to people in dire need. Renzaho had told him there was an orphanage that needed help. “I came out and you started telling me: ‘I’m bringing water,’” Jean-Francois says. “I wanted you to stop talking. I had the feeling that you did not know what was going on. You just wanted to deliver water and go to the next place. I dragged you to Damas’s office. “I said to you: they are coming in five or 10 minutes to kill all of us. I just wanted you to stay there and witness – so that later you could tell people what had happened.” Carl wanted to leave immediately to fetch help. “I remember standing in the parking lot by my Corolla. You kept on telling me: don’t go.” Jean-Francois shakes his head. “We went together slowly up to the car. You were trying to start it. You looked in the mirror and I remember you putting your hands through your hair. You got out again and got on your radio.” As the men stood by the car, dozens of Interahamwe militia began surrounding the orphanage. “The leader said: ‘I am coming to take all the Tutsis who are here.’” “Carl was still on his radio. Then I heard them say: ‘We were going to carry out our mission, but the American is there.’ The boss said in Kinyarwanda: ‘Leave the place, don’t do it in front of that man.’” With Jean-Francois still begging him to stay, Carl left to raise the alarm. When he reached Renzaho’s office he found that the prime minister, Jean Kambanda – who would later plead guilty to genocide – was visiting. “He was one of three people orchestrating the genocide,” Carl says. “But what choice did I have? I said: ‘There’s a massacre about to happen at Gisimba.’ “He talked to his men and said: ‘We’re aware of this.’ He promised me that the orphans would be OK. He shook hands with me.” At the orphanage, Jean-Francois waited. “For three days nothing happened,” he says. “Then an army major arrived. Many Interahamwe came behind him. One of the biggest killers – who had killed thousands – was there. ‘ Inyenzi ‘ he called us – cockroaches.” The major took Jean-Francois aside. “He said to me, ‘I am not a killer, I am with you, but you need to tell me the truth.’ I decided to trust him. I said, well, the truth is we are hiding many people – more than 400 children, and a big number of adults, widows. I don’t even know the number myself. “He said: ‘Be ready to be evacuated.’” By the next day, more militia had surrounded the orphanage. The Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), the Tutsi rebel army fighting their way back into Rwanda, were now close to the capital. “Bombs were landing like rain from the hills,” Jean-Francois says. “I thought: now we are going to die. “The major returned with 12 bodyguards. He said to his men, ‘Whoever tries to shoot, you shoot all of them.’ If only more soldiers had been like him. “I thought these were my last moments. There was shooting. They took us to the road. He packed all of us into buses. He had a revolver in his hand and a Kalashnikov on his shoulder. They took us all up to St Michel Cathedral. Two to three days later the RPF took the area and we were safe.” More than 17 years later, Carl and Jean-Francois have met again because the Gisimba orphanage (still run by Jean-Francois and Damas) needs money. Next week is the 25th anniversary of the orphanage’s foundation. “We want it to have a future,” Jean-Francois says. In London, the American turns to the Rwandan and says: “I never knew if it was the right decision to leave you at the orphanage.” “It was the right decision,” Jean-Francois replies. “But what about my question – why did you help us?” Carl talks about not abandoning his Rwandan staff and friends, but Jean-Francois is shaking his head. “You were on the other side of the city so why cross through all those roadblocks, bombs and bullets to get to the orphanage?” Carl looks at him as if he should know. Jean-Francois, after all, is a man who let hundreds shelter in the orphanage knowing it meant almost certain death. “Why did you help those people?” he asks. Jean-Francois looks at him with incredulity. “How would we turn people away? We were taught by our parents that we should respect other people’s lives. If you tell people to get away you are an animal not a human being.” And so somehow he himself answers the question he has been waiting 17 years to ask. For further information on the Gisimba Orphanage, and details about how to support it, go to www.aegistrust.org Rwanda Human rights Ros Wynne-Jones guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …In 1994, against huge odds, two men saved hundreds of Tutsis during the genocide in Rwanda. Finally reunited, they recall the extraordinary story of their first meeting In a park in London, two men greet each other as old friends. One is grey-haired and American, the other a tall Rwandan in a smart suit. They embrace. The American wipes tears from his eyes. The last time the two men met was in Kigali, the Rwandan capital, in 1994: the year of the genocide in which 800,000 people were killed in 100 days. The two men, Jean-Francois Gisimba and Carl Wilkens, met a handful of times in that year but in the most extreme of circumstances. Together with Jean-Francois’ brother, Damas, they saved more than 400 children and hundreds of adults from the Interahamwe, the Hutu militia intent on eradicating Tutsi ” inyenzi ” or “cockroaches”. Seventeen years later, the Aegis Trust, which campaigns against genocide, has brought Jean-Francois and Carl back together in the UK. At last, Jean-Francois has the chance to say: “You saved my life but I don’t understand why.” Back in 1994, Jean-Francois, then 24, and Damas were running the orphanage their late parents had founded in Kigali in the 1980s. Of mixed Hutu and Tutsi parentage, they were caring for around 60 children of different ethnicities. “We were brought up not to see a difference,” Jean-Francois says. Damas ran the orphanage full-time, while Jean-Francois also worked for Radio Rwanda. On 6 April, a private jet carrying Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana was shot down near Kigali airport, triggering the genocide. Government-controlled news organisations began reporting that the Hutu president had been assassinated by Tutsi rebels. Within hours, Kigali was surrounded by roadblocks and the systematic murder of Tutsi families by militia groups began. Jean-Francois rushed home from the radio station to find hundreds of people gathered at the orphanage, seeking shelter. “They came not because they thought we could save them, but because they didn’t want to die alone,” he says. People were hiding in the attic, in the basement and in locked rooms, sick with dysentery and starvation. The brothers kept them alive for months with the help of Red Cross parcels. Because of their father, they had Hutu identity cards, and Damas began to negotiate for the orphanage’s survival. “My brother would go for a beer with the killers,” Jean-Francois remembers. “He would say: don’t come, don’t panic the kids, but he was also protecting the adults inside. He was pretending to be with them.” As the killings continued, the militia members became restless. Armed men began turning up drunk at the orphanage. On one visit they tortured and killed eight people they found hiding on the roof. Then the brothers heard from friends that they planned to kill everyone at the orphanage. “The day you came was the day the massacre was going to happen,” Jean-Francois tells Carl. “There was a knock at the door and I thought: this is it. A boy said, there is a muzungu – a white man – at the door looking for you.” Jean-Francois looks at the man sitting next to him. “It was you in your white Toyota Corolla.” Carl was then the 36-year-old head of Adrai, an Adventist relief organisation working in Rwanda. On 10 April, the UN had evacuated all foreigners from the country, including Carl’s wife, parents and three young children. Carl was the only American who stayed through the genocide. By negotiating with key militia figures including Colonel Tharsisse Renzaho, the prefect of Kigali, he managed to get supplies of water and food through to people in dire need. Renzaho had told him there was an orphanage that needed help. “I came out and you started telling me: ‘I’m bringing water,’” Jean-Francois says. “I wanted you to stop talking. I had the feeling that you did not know what was going on. You just wanted to deliver water and go to the next place. I dragged you to Damas’s office. “I said to you: they are coming in five or 10 minutes to kill all of us. I just wanted you to stay there and witness – so that later you could tell people what had happened.” Carl wanted to leave immediately to fetch help. “I remember standing in the parking lot by my Corolla. You kept on telling me: don’t go.” Jean-Francois shakes his head. “We went together slowly up to the car. You were trying to start it. You looked in the mirror and I remember you putting your hands through your hair. You got out again and got on your radio.” As the men stood by the car, dozens of Interahamwe militia began surrounding the orphanage. “The leader said: ‘I am coming to take all the Tutsis who are here.’” “Carl was still on his radio. Then I heard them say: ‘We were going to carry out our mission, but the American is there.’ The boss said in Kinyarwanda: ‘Leave the place, don’t do it in front of that man.’” With Jean-Francois still begging him to stay, Carl left to raise the alarm. When he reached Renzaho’s office he found that the prime minister, Jean Kambanda – who would later plead guilty to genocide – was visiting. “He was one of three people orchestrating the genocide,” Carl says. “But what choice did I have? I said: ‘There’s a massacre about to happen at Gisimba.’ “He talked to his men and said: ‘We’re aware of this.’ He promised me that the orphans would be OK. He shook hands with me.” At the orphanage, Jean-Francois waited. “For three days nothing happened,” he says. “Then an army major arrived. Many Interahamwe came behind him. One of the biggest killers – who had killed thousands – was there. ‘ Inyenzi ‘ he called us – cockroaches.” The major took Jean-Francois aside. “He said to me, ‘I am not a killer, I am with you, but you need to tell me the truth.’ I decided to trust him. I said, well, the truth is we are hiding many people – more than 400 children, and a big number of adults, widows. I don’t even know the number myself. “He said: ‘Be ready to be evacuated.’” By the next day, more militia had surrounded the orphanage. The Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), the Tutsi rebel army fighting their way back into Rwanda, were now close to the capital. “Bombs were landing like rain from the hills,” Jean-Francois says. “I thought: now we are going to die. “The major returned with 12 bodyguards. He said to his men, ‘Whoever tries to shoot, you shoot all of them.’ If only more soldiers had been like him. “I thought these were my last moments. There was shooting. They took us to the road. He packed all of us into buses. He had a revolver in his hand and a Kalashnikov on his shoulder. They took us all up to St Michel Cathedral. Two to three days later the RPF took the area and we were safe.” More than 17 years later, Carl and Jean-Francois have met again because the Gisimba orphanage (still run by Jean-Francois and Damas) needs money. Next week is the 25th anniversary of the orphanage’s foundation. “We want it to have a future,” Jean-Francois says. In London, the American turns to the Rwandan and says: “I never knew if it was the right decision to leave you at the orphanage.” “It was the right decision,” Jean-Francois replies. “But what about my question – why did you help us?” Carl talks about not abandoning his Rwandan staff and friends, but Jean-Francois is shaking his head. “You were on the other side of the city so why cross through all those roadblocks, bombs and bullets to get to the orphanage?” Carl looks at him as if he should know. Jean-Francois, after all, is a man who let hundreds shelter in the orphanage knowing it meant almost certain death. “Why did you help those people?” he asks. Jean-Francois looks at him with incredulity. “How would we turn people away? We were taught by our parents that we should respect other people’s lives. If you tell people to get away you are an animal not a human being.” And so somehow he himself answers the question he has been waiting 17 years to ask. For further information on the Gisimba Orphanage, and details about how to support it, go to www.aegistrust.org Rwanda Human rights Ros Wynne-Jones guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …It has the same music, the same title, the same Limbaugh-bashing, the same liberal anger: In fact, the only thing the new Countdown With Keith Olbermann is missing, oddly enough, is its traditional reverse-ranked topics (hence, ” Countdown “). The familiar show debuted last night on Current TV , five months after…
Continue reading …Former US ambassador to China served under Obama and had praised the president in the leaked diplomatic cables There are only a few positive remarks about Barack Obama dotted about in the embassy cables sent by former American ambassador to China, Jon Huntsman, and subsequently leaked to WikiLeaks. But they will be enough to cause problems for the latest Republican president candidate in the months ahead. Huntsman, from a podium in New Jersey, with the Statue of Liberty in the background, announced on Tuesday that he would join the race to take on his old boss for the White House next year. Confirming his intention to seek the nomination, he criticised the president’s record and, in contrast with his time as ambassador when he projected American strength, portrayed the US as vulnerable. “For the first time in our history, we are passing down to the next generation a country that is less powerful, less compassionate, less competitive and less confident than the one we got. This, ladies and gentlemen, is totally unacceptable and totally un-American,” he said. Huntsman, 51, could be a formidable presidential candidate, given his experience in foreign affairs and as a former governor of Utah. But many Republicans cannot forgive the fact that he served in the Obama administration. The president approached Huntsman in 2009 and asked him to be the ambassador to Beijing, and Huntsman accepted, serving until this April. In that time, he worked alongside the Obama on issues ranging from climate change to human rights, and stood side by side with him when the president visited China. It is rare in US politics for someone who worked for one president to turn around and challenge him. Huntsman’s work in the Obama administration is almost certain to be raised by Republican rivals. It could also undercut his attacks on the president. In the leaked diplomatic cables from Beijing, Huntsman is careful to avoid hostages to fortune. Some ambassadors are more flamboyant and comment at length, but Huntsman is strictly professional, sticking to reports of what Chinese leaders, officials, academics and human rights activists have told him and his colleagues in the embassy. There is little editorialising in them. In spite of that, there are moments when he does speak positively about Obama. In August 2009, he said, according to one of the leaked cables: “President Obama had a good feel for the US-China relationship.” He said he was looking forward to Obama’s visit to China later that year. Huntsman’s care in keeping praise for Obama to a minimum suggests he was thinking even then about entering the Republican race. Given that, the question is why he agreed to Obama’s request to serve. Huntsman, a Mormon, spent two and a half years as a missionary in Taiwan and speaks Mandarin. Obama may have chosen him for his experience as a governor and Mandarin-speaker or may have asked him in an attempt to take him out of the Republican race. As well as having worked for Obama, another potential negative for Huntsman is that he was a strong believer in the importance of tackling climate change, an issue on which many Republicans, including some of his rivals have expressed scepticism. Huntsman has since reversed his position, dropping his support for a greenhouse gas cap. But in a meeting with Chinese president Hu Jintao at the Great Hall of the People, Huntsman identified climate change as one of three key topics, saying the two countries would have “many opportunities to interact and work together on key global issues such as climate change and the environment, regional security and global finance”. Huntsman again stressed that climate change is a priority the following month in a meeting with the foreign minister Yang Jiechi. Huntsman, again tying himself to Obama, “expressed his and President Obama’s hope to keep the US-China relations moving in a positive direction” and noted US and Chinese interests “were aligned on many aspects of the key issues of global economic recovery, regional security and climate change”. Yang proposed that the US and China handle their differences “discreetly to avoid public perception that there was friction between the two countries”. In the cable at least, Huntsman did not respond. In other cables, particularly ahead of Obama’s state visit to China, Huntsman sets out his views on a host of issues, from Chinese concern about a major US military presence in Afghanistan, through to human rights. On the latter, the ambassador said the Chinese record makes it difficult for the US to keep a low profile on the issue. Jon Huntsman Republican presidential nomination 2012 Republicans US elections 2012 United States US politics Barack Obama WikiLeaks Ewen MacAskill guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Conservatives threaten to scupper EU vote on carbon reduction by opposing the 30% cut in emissions committed by the PM David Cameron is facing a revolt from Conservative members of the European parliament against the coalition’s environmental policies, as they try to scupper a proposed toughening of Europe’s climate targets. The revolt of the MEPs is an embarrassment for the prime minister, who has committed Britain to some of the most ambitious greenhouse gas targets in the world and staked his reputation on leading “the greenest government ever”. Tomorrow the European parliament will vote on whether to toughen the EU’s emissions-cutting target from 20% reductions by 2020, compared with 1990 levels, to a 30% cut. The commitment to a 30% cut is in the coalition agreement, and has won support from other member states. But British Conservative MEPs said they would vote to oppose the 30% cut. The leader of the UK Conservative delegation, Martin Callanan, said: “Conservative MEPs have always been sceptical of the EU unilaterally increasing its target to 30% without a worldwide agreement … European companies will be unable to compete if the reduction targets are set too high. “Many high energy consuming companies are already being forced to relocate to countries outside the EU, which have little or no environmental legislation, putting many Europeans out of work, and an increased target will exacerbate this trend. “We are also concerned that the higher carbon costs from an increased target will feed through into energy price increases for domestic consumers, who are already facing steep rises.” His remarks were echoed by several other Tory MEPs who replied to a Guardian question to all Tory MEPs asking how they would vote. Only one out of the 23 – Marina Yannakoudakis – replied to say she would vote in favour of 30%, and Julie Girling said she planned to vote for 20% but might compromise on 25% if that was on the table. The MEPs’ reluctance to agree with the coalition’s climate aims is at odds with Cameron’s statements. Only last month, after committing the UK to the toughest carbon targets in the EU , Cameron reiterated his green claims: “When the coalition came together last year, we said we wanted this to be the greenest government ever. This is the right approach for Britain if we are to combat climate change, secure our energy supplies for the long-term and seize the economic opportunities that green industries hold … the UK can prove that there need not be a tension between green and growth.” Climate scepticism among Tory MPs and MEPs is increasing, according to party insiders. Labour said the vote was tight enough that it could be lost. “Cameron’s own MEPs prove that the Conservative party is not serious about tackling climate change. The ‘greenest government ever’ is increasingly exposed as all talk, and little action,” said Meg Hiller, the shadow energy secretary. “Cameron should step in,” said Martyn Williams, a campaigner at Friends of the Earth. “He should tell his MEPs ‘we look stupid if you vote against this’.” Downing Street did not respond to a request for comment. The row among the Conservatives reflects a wider disagreement within the EU over toughening the carbon targets. Although more than 70 large businesses , including Google, Unilever and Scottish and Southern Energy, recently came out in favour of the stiffer cuts, many business lobby groups oppose them . The move comes as EU environmental policy was undermined by one of the most important figures in the European commission, causing alarm in Brussels. Janusz Lewandowski, the commissioner in charge of fraught negotiations on the future of the EU’s €130bn budget, cast doubt on the science of climate change and the future of emissions policy. In an interview with a Polish newspaper he said: “We already have overambitious agreements on CO 2 emission reduction. There is a notion that the thesis that coal energy is the main cause of global warming is highly questionable. Moreover, more and more often there is a question mark put over the whole [issue of] global warming as such.” Lewandowski said the CO 2 targets “are too ambitious for the Polish economy … Polish politicians have to persuade that there cannot be a quick jump away from coal. For Poland it would be a disaster.” His remarks were all the more pointed as the Poles at the European council blocked progress on the carbon roadmap to 2050, which the commission hoped would be the basis of a strengthening of climate policy. Poland will hold the revolving presidency of the EU from 1 July. Ruth Davis, chief policy adviser at Greenpeace UK, said: “It’s terrifying that the man in charge of Europe’s budget is someone you might expect to see in Sarah Palin’s Republican party. “He has a huge influence over all of our economic futures and yet not only does he deny the overwhelming evidence of climate change, but he’s also opposing measures that leading businesses say would drive green growth and create millions of new jobs in Europe’s clean industries.” The ructions came as peace unexpectedly broke out in another key area of European environmental policy, when the EU’s energy chief and climate chief reached an amicable compromise over a new directive on energy efficiency. The row was over plans for a new energy efficiency directive from Günther Oettinger , energy commissioner, that will force businesses to cut dramatically the amount of energy they waste. But green experts feared the new rules would create problems for the EU’s emissions trading scheme, because if companies reached their efficiency targets they would be left with large amounts of unused carbon permits. The influx of these permits would drive down the cost of carbon overall, and render the emissions trading system useless as a means of driving investment in clean technology, as well as improving efficiency. Connie Hedegaard, the climate commissioner, favoured setting aside a quantity of permits in order to prop up the carbon price, but many businesses opposed this as they feared it would impose higher costs. The compromise arrived at on Tuesday means that if the emissions trading system is seen to be failing because of the energy efficiency directive, adjustments can be made – including setting aside permits. Green politics Carbon emissions Climate change Conservatives European Union David Cameron Fiona Harvey guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …More than 18,000 people gathered at Stonehenge to celebrate summer solstice, witnessing sunrise on the longest day of the year. The Telegraph ’s article on the event is full of fun little tidbits: The revelers are described as “an eclectic mix of sun worshippers, hippies, and pagans,” and a…
Continue reading …Fresh woes for NATO: The Libyan government yesterday claimed that a NATO strike on the residence of one of Moammar Gadhafi’s officials killed 19 civilians, including members of the official’s family. This comes on the heels of NATO’s admission Sunday that nine civilians were killed in another strike due to…
Continue reading …Congress has six weeks to raise the debt ceiling before all hell breaks loose—and that’s a lot less time than it sounds like, because one or both chambers is scheduled to be on break for three of those weeks, the Washington Post observes. What’s more, Congress’ last major debt-reduction…
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