Click here to view this media Paul Ryan admits here that the cuts he’s going to propose to our social safety nets, or as he calls them “entitlements” will end up giving the Democrats some fodder for political ads against him in the next election, but claims they’ll have to lie and demagogue the issue in order to do so. I think all they’re going to have to do is let people read his plan for themselves and run back the recordings of interviews like this one . If he thinks turning Medicaid into a voucher system and privatizing Social Security are somehow going to “save” them, he’s been drinking too much of his own Kool-Aid. WALLACE: Last question, as you look ahead, and a lot of people would say look, the answer is you’re not going to get this budget passed. It’s really setting up an issue and a sensible debate for 2012. As you look ahead to the next election, aren’t Democrats going to be able to say “Look at Paul Ryan, look at the House Republicans. They want to kill Medicare. They want to kill Medicaid. They want to gut the programs that you depend on.” Aren’t you playing into the Democrats hands? RYAN: We are. We are giving them a political weapon to go against us, but they will have to lie and demagogue to make that a political weapon. Look, we don’t change benefits for anybody over the age of 55. We save Medicare. We save Medicaid. We save these entitlement programs. We repair our social safety nets and we get our country a debt free country for our children and grandchildren’s generation, and we get jobs. We get economic growth. They are going to demagogue it and it’s that demagoguery that has always prevented political leaders in the past from trying to fix the problem. We can’t keep kicking the can down the road. The president has punted. We’re not going to follow suit and yes, we will be giving our political advisaries things to use against us in the next election and shame on them if they do it. Sorry Paul, but I say shame on any of them if they go along with your plan.
Continue reading …Two suicide bombers target visitors to a shrine in the Dera Ghazi Khan district of Punjab province Two suicide bombers struck a shrine in Pakistan on Sunday, killing at least 40 people gathered there, as part of a campaign of attacks against places of worship that extremists consider un-Islamic. The practice of praying, singing and meditating at the shrines of holy men is widespread across Pakistan. However, extremists consider it a deviation from the austere Islam they espouse. Several thousand people were attending celebrations to mark the anniversary of the Sakhi Sarwar shrine in the Dera Ghazi Khan district of Punjab province when the bombers struck crowds outside the complex, said government administrator Iftikhar Saho. A stampede followed the bombings, but it was unclear whether that caused any casualties. Footage on state television showed emergency services travelling to hospitals and volunteers helping blood-soaked victims. Shrines in Pakistan range from one-room tombs in small villages to large complexes in cities that attract thousands every day. There has been a series of bloody attacks on themshrines, including one that killed 47 people at the nation’s most revered shrine in Lahore last year. Local and foreign Islamist militants have carried out hundreds of attacks in Pakistan over the last three years, targeting government buildings and security forces, western targets like embassies and hotels as well as religious minorities and Muslim sects they consider heretical. The government and the army have tried to crack down on the militants, but have struggled to unite the nation against the threat, and face persistent allegations that they are protecting extremists. Many Islamist politicians do not publicly criticise the militants, preferring to spread conspiracy theories that American or Indian agents are responsible. These views are widely aired, often uncritically, in some media. Pakistan Global terrorism guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …You know, when I lived in Orange County, I used to drive by the Nixon Library off the Imperial Highway all the time. It never occurred to me to actually ever stop in, although I was assured by my Republican friends that it was a very nice and fitting place for the former president. It wasn’t until this week that I read this article that I realized that such a major part of both Nixon’s personal and America’s history was completely elided at the one place meant to house and showcase Nixon’s legacy . Where once there was revisionist history and deserved scorn from critics, there are now renovations and the truth about Watergate. The newly opened, interactive exhibit at the Yorba Linda, Calif. library cost the taxpayer-funded National Archives $500,000 to establish. It’s a small price compared to what the dirty tricks scandal cost the late President Richard Milhouse Nixon, who was forced to resign in shame on Aug. 9, 1974. The exhibit features the lock-picking tools used by burglars who broke into the Democratic National Committee headquarters in the Watergate office complex in Washington, D.C. on June 17, 1972. Nixon was eventually implicated in a coverup of the role his closest advisers and other Republican party members played in the affair. The library had been founded in 1990 as a private venture by friends of the 37th U.S. president, who died in 1994. Its previous Watergate exhibit offered only a Nixon-approved perspective on the scandal, which had been embarrassing and divisive for a country already embroiled in the costly, polarizing Vietnam War. The museum prolonged that humiliation. Determined to right that wrong, the National Archives took over in 2007, and succeeds with its analysis of the so-called “smoking gun” tape, its 18½ minute gap in conversation explained away by Nixon sympathizers as a mechanical failure of the covert recording system he installed in the Oval Office. Given that there seems to be a willful ignorance on the part of some politicians not to remember, much less learn, the lessons of history, I’m all for bringing out the truth and reminding Americans of the dangers and consequences of taking executive power too far.
Continue reading …Opponents say the case of a woman with crippling arthritis who died at Dignitas shows a shifting of the goalposts A leading campaigner for assisted dying, who opted to die in Switzerland despite having no terminal illness, has reignited debate between supporters and opponents of the right to die. Nan Maitland , 84, who suffered from agonising arthritis, travelled to Switzerland to end her life on 1 March. She said she didn’t want to suffer a “long period of decline, sometimes called ‘prolonged dwindling’, that so many people unfortunately experience before they die”. Two weeks before her death, Maitland, separated with three children, wrote in a message: “For some time, my life has consisted of more pain than pleasure. I have a great feeling of relief that I will have no further need to struggle through each
Continue reading …No campaign accuses opponents of pandering to extremist opinions by replacing black poet in literature outside London Voting reform campaigners have been accused by their opponents of removing Benjamin Zephaniah from literature distributed outside London. In London, the campaign Yes to Fairer Votes sent out leaflets that featured the black poet alongside five white celebrities. However, on otherwise identical leaflets sent out to Sussex, Cornwall and elsewhere, Zephaniah was replaced by Blackadder star Tony Robinson. AV opponents accused the yes campaign of being “ashamed” to have Zephaniah on their literature in certain parts of the country. However, the yes campaign hit back on Sunday, criticising what it called “increasingly desperate smears”. The yes campaign, backed by Liberal Democrats and Labour leader Ed Miliband, is said to have used a picture of Zephaniah on leaflets in the capital, along with a quote demanding a new electoral system that “makes everyone’s vote count”. Zephaniah, 52, who was born and raised in Birmingham, reportedly appears on the London leaflets alongside Joanna Lumley, Eddie Izzard, Colin Firth, Honor Blackman and Stephen Fry. However, while his fellow five AV supporters show up on literature across the country, Zephaniah seems to have been dropped. Tony Robinson, a longtime Labour supporter, best known for portraying Baldrick in Blackadder, replaces Zephaniah, who was in a 2008 Times list of the 50 greatest postwar writers. Terry Paul, a spokesman for the no campaign, said: “Why are Yes to AV ashamed to have the support of Benjamin Zephaniah in places like Cornwall and Hampshire? “The yes campaign’s leaflet offers a chilling preview of politics under the alternative vote. We have warned that AV would encourage parties to pander to extremist opinions in a chase for second and third preference votes, but we never imagined the first example of such outdated views would come from the yes campaign itself.” The yes campaign, which will launch its first nationwide posters today in response to no campaign posters claiming that AV will cost £250m and lead to the closure of NHS hospitals, dismissed its opponents’ claims. “These allegations mark a new low for the no campaign and [its] increasingly desperate smears,” a spokesman for the yes campaign said. “Let’s put it this way: Operation Black Vote, the Muslim Council of Britain and a host of similar groups are backing the yes campaign. The BNP is backing the no campaign. People can draw their own conclusions.” Asked why only Zephaniah was removed from the leaflets outside London, a spokesman said: “We have a number of endorsers and we vary the endorsers we use on our leaflets.” AV – the alternative vote Electoral reform Adam Gabbatt guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Click here to view this media The Daily Show’s Larry Wilmore had a bit of fun at the 2011 Congressional Correspondents’ Dinner with the birthers, whether he gets a pass for voting for our first black president and what might happen when there’s a second one. Funny stuff and you can watch the rest of the event at C-SPAN’s site here .
Continue reading …In his new book, The Good Book: A Secular Bible, the philosopher sets out his manifesto for rational thought. He talks about why religion angers him, the power of philosophy – and his mane of hair In the unholy trinity of professional atheists, AC Grayling has always tended to be regarded as the good cop. Less coldly clinical in tone than Richard Dawkins , less aggressively combative than Christopher Hitchens , Grayling approaches the God debate with a gently teasing charm that could almost – but should never – be mistaken for conciliation. “Yes, I’m the velvet version,” he chuckles. So he insists that his new book does not belong in the same canon as Dawkins’s The God Delusion and Hitchens’s God Is Not Great. “No, because it’s not against religion. There’s not one occurrence of the word God, or afterlife, or anything like that. It doesn’t attack religion, it’s a positive book, there’s nothing negative in it. People may think it’s against religion – but it isn’t.” But then he says, with a mischievous twinkle: “Of course, what would really help the book a lot in America is if somebody tries to shoot me.” With any luck it shouldn’t come to that, but Grayling is almost certainly going to upset a lot of Christians, for what he has written is a secular bible. The Good Book mirrors the Bible in both form and language, and is, as its author says, “ambitious and hubristic – a distillation of the best that has been thought and said by people who’ve really experienced life, and thought about it”. Drawing on classical secular texts from east and west, Grayling has “done just what the Bible makers did with the sacred texts”, reworking them into a “great treasury of insight and consolation and inspiration and uplift and understanding in the great non-religious traditions of the world”. He has been working on his opus for several decades, and the result is an extravagantly erudite manifesto for rational thought. In fact everything about Grayling is extravagantly erudite. We meet at his south London home, where he sits surrounded by teetering piles of books, great leaning towers of learning, and the conversation frequently detours into donnish tutorial mode. Spotting me glance at one of the volumes, which bears the title Epiphenomenalism, he launches at once into a detailed explanation of the concept – but then breaks off in delight as his dog trots in and rolls at his feet. “Ooh, look at you, Misty!” he gurgles, bending to rub her stomach. “Ooh, you like that, don’t you! Why don’t you play outside? Oh, you want to stay and be interviewed? Ooh, you’d make an interesting interviewee, wouldn’t you!” Then, moments later we are back in a tutorial. “If you’re not careful,” he smiles, “I’ll explain the inter-substitutivity of co-referential terms salva veritate ,” and sure enough he does. Who does he think will read The Good Book? “Well, I’m hoping absolutely every human being on the planet.” He’s sure that a lot of people will wonder just who he thinks he is, to have written a bible, but doesn’t appear particularly troubled by this prospect. “The truth is that the book is very modestly done. My wife did give me a card,” he giggles, “that said, ‘I used to be an atheist until I realised I am God’. And I know that on Monty Pythonesque grounds there’s a good likelihood that in five centuries time I will be one, as a result of this.” He lets out another little chuckle. “But I certainly don’t feel like one now, that’s for sure.” The little jokes and kindly bearing can make Grayling sound quite benignly jovial about religion at times, as he chuckles away about “men in dresses” and “believing in fairies at the bottom of the garden”, and throws out playfully mocking asides such as, “You can see we no longer really believe in God, because of all the CCTV cameras keeping watch on us.” But when I suggest that he sounds less enraged than amused by religion, he says quickly: “Well, it does make me angry, because it causes a great deal of harm and unhappiness.” He is very cross, for example, with the question in the current census that asks: “What is your religion?” The British Humanist Society has just conducted a poll that asked those surveyed if they were religious – to which 65% said no. But when asked, “What is your religion?” 61% of the very same people answered Christian. “You see, they say, ‘Oh well, nominally I suppose I’m Christian.’ But two-thirds of the population don’t regard themselves as religious! So we have to try to persuade society as a whole to recognise that religious groups are self-constituted interest groups; they exist to promote their point of view. Now, in a liberal democracy they have every right to do so. But they have no greater right than anybody else, any political party or Women’s Institute or trade union. But for historical reasons they have massively overinflated influence – faith-based schools, religious broadcasting, bishops in the House of Lords, the presence of religion at every public event. We’ve got to push it back to its right size.” Atheists, according to Grayling, divide into three broad categories. There are those for whom this secular objection to the privileged status of religion in public life is the driving force of their concern. Then there are those, “like my chum Richard Dawkins”, who are principally concerned with the metaphysical question of God’s existence. “And I would certainly say there is an intrinsic problem about belief in falsehood.” In other words, even if a person’s faith did no harm to anybody, Grayling still wouldn’t like it. “But the third point is about our ethics – how we live, how we treat one another, what the good life is. And that’s the question that really concerns me the most.” It’s only in the past decade that these three strands of thought have developed into a public campaign against faith – but it wasn’t the atheists, according to Grayling, who provoked the confrontation. “The reason why it’s become a big issue is that religions have turned the volume up, because they’re on the back foot. The hold of religion is weakening, definitely, and diminishing in numbers. The reason why there’s such a furore about it is that the cornered animal, the loser, starts making a big noise.” Even if this is true, however, the atheist movement has been accused of shooting itself in the foot by adopting a tone so militant as to alienate potential supporters, and fortify the religious lobby. I ask Grayling if he thinks there is any truth in the charge, and he listens patiently and politely to the question, but then dismisses it with a shake of the head. “Well, firstly, I think the charges of militancy and fundamentalism of course come from our opponents, the theists. My rejoinder is to say when the boot was on their foot they burned us at the stake. All we’re doing is speaking very frankly and bluntly and they don’t like it,” he laughs. “So we speak frankly and bluntly, and the respect agenda is now gone, they can no longer float behind the diaphanous veil – ‘Ooh, I have faith so you mustn’t offend me’. So they don’t like the blunt talking. But we’re not burning them at the stake. They’ve got to remember that when it was the other way around it was a much more serious matter. “And besides, really,” he adds with a withering little laugh, “how can you be a militant atheist? How can you be militant non-stamp collector? This is really what it comes down to. You just don’t collect stamps. So how can you be a fundamentalist non-stamp collector? It’s like sleeping furiously. It’s just wrong.” If Grayling does have one fundamentalist article of faith, it is that all of us are capable of understanding philosophy. He grew up in a colonial family in what is now Zambia, where the grownups’ chief preoccupation was adultery, leaving him free to bury himself in books. He first read Plato at 12, and says enthusiastically, “Anybody could read Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics in the bath, it’s great stuff!” – although I suspect his idea of an easy read may not be the same as yours or mine. The author of 30 books, he is a professor of philosophy at Birbeck College in London, and a supernumerary of St Anne’s College, Oxford, as well as a UN human rights activist. But he is probably best described by that phrase that tends to make the British uncomfortable – a public intellectual. “I spent the first half or more of my career in the ivory tower writing technical philosophy, but I recognised very early that academic philosophy is a very narrow part of the field. This is one of my big things: that philosophy belongs to everybody. Until 100 years ago philosophy did belong to everyone. Today, unfortunately, it’s become very jargon-laden and scholastic, so it’s become very specialised. But a lot of the stuff I’ve written has been trying to show people that this is part of the conversation mankind has with himself, about all the great questions. We’re all intelligent monkeys, 99% of us are perfectly capable of understanding this, and I feel reasonably confident that given enough time and typewriters I could explain most of what goes on in technical philosophy to someone who has no background in it at all.” Is there a sniffy faction within the world of philosophy that takes a dim view of attempts to make the subject more widely accessible? “Oh, I’m absolutely sure of it. But I also think that attitude has moderated considerably over time. Ten to 15 years ago, when I started to try to do this, I’m pretty sure there was a lot of sniffing going on.” He does a bit of his own sniffing, though, a moment later, when I mention the popularity of bestselling writers whom he has described as quasi-philosophers. “Hmm, yes, the [Alain] de Bottons and so on,” Grayling murmurs rather sorrowfully. “He’s a perfectly nice fellow, but it’s not philosophy. It’s cream-puff stuff. What worries me is that someone will go to it thinking, ‘Ooh, this is an opportunity to think and find out something’, and then they find that it’s actually very shallow and doesn’t have deep roots. And I do think that people who do this kind of thing should really have done some work and got engaged in something serious, and then they won’t make too many mistakes when it comes to trying to introduce others to it.” Nobody could doubt that Grayling has “really done some work”. He first had the idea for The Good Book as an undergraduate, and it certainly reads like the opus of an out-and-out workaholic. “I think all of my family would say I was to some extent a workaholic,” he agrees, smiling wryly. He lives with his second wife, a novelist, and their 11-year-old daughter, but also has two grownup children from his first marriage, and one can’t help suspecting that they all help him connect with a world that wasn’t reading Plato at 12. He attributes his workaholism to the death of his sister, who was murdered in South Africa in her 20s. His feelings towards the continent of his childhood, and of his sister’s death, are so painfully tender that it’s only in the last year that he has been able to eat any tropical fruit at all. “I’ve just been able to start eating some mango,” he says quietly. It’s a rare moment when Grayling’s scrupulously rational mind allows for a glimmer of something more emotionally subjective. But, of course, most people’s lives and judgments aren’t really guided by rigorous reason at all – which must be maddening to him. So I wonder what he makes of humankind’s perverse attachment to non-rational impulses. “I think they are failing in their responsibility to themselves as intelligent beings. By not being sufficiently reasonable. If you really press them, just ask them, aren’t you glad that the people who built the aeroplane you fly in used reason? Aren’t you glad that the pilots were trained according to reason? Aren’t you glad that your doctor or train driver thinks about what they do and uses reason? And they will say yes. Then you say, ‘Well, OK, if that’s the case then how about applying it to your own life as well?’” We’ve come to the end, and I have one more question. Can I ask, I venture tentatively, about your hair? “Oh God, my hair.” He is invariably described as the lion-maned philosopher, so I’m curious to know how he maintains his magnificent locks. “Well, I don’t really use very many products,” he says. “It must look very artificial, but it isn’t, and I do get a lot of stick for it. I put a bit of sticky stuff just to hold it up there – I don’t know what the brand is, it’s a sort of little thing of hairspray. I mean any sticky thing will do just to keep the front up.” It must require a lot of attention, though, doesn’t it? “No, it doesn’t really, but I do get a lot of stick for it. You see, I used to have very, very long hair in the 60s, so this is very restrained for me. But I said to my kids a few years ago, I’m going to shave all my hair off, I keep getting all this stick about it – I’m going to shave it all off. They said: ‘No! You won’t look the same, it won’t be you.’” He says he isn’t remotely vain, but he does look like someone who cares a great deal about his appearance. “Ooh, well, that’s very kind of you to say,” he smiles. “I’m not self-conscious or aware of myself. I just give the wrong impression with this hairstyle. This may seem an odd thing to say, and I’m sure psychologists would pounce on this, but actually – well, actually, I don’t sort of exist. The rest of the world does, and I’m really interested in it. If there’s a group of people sitting round, and I think about it afterwards, I always fail to remember that I was there, if you see what I mean.” So when he sees himself in group photographs? “Oh, I’m surprised to see there I am! Yes, very surprised.” Philosophy Religion Decca Aitkenhead guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Government preparing to bow to insurmountable opposition by putting its NHS reform bill on hold for up to three months David Cameron is preparing to bow to insurmountable political opposition by putting the coalition’s flagship NHS reform bill on hold beyond Easter, and possibly for as long as three months. The announcement of a delay, agreed at a meeting involving Cameron and Cabinet colleagues last Thursday, is expected to come this week at a joint event involving David Cameron, Nick Clegg and the health secretary Andrew Lansley. Some sources have told the Guardian that Cameron is no longer listening to Lansley, and is taking his advice from Sir David Nicholson, the NHS chief executive. In a sign of the political obstacles facing the prime minister, the leaders of a Liberal Democrat revolt against the reforms will release their 23 detailed demands for sweeping changes to the bill. The bill provides for the transfer of about 60% of the NHS budget to GP commissioning consortia, the abolition of primary care trusts, the appointment of an independent NHS commissioning board and the extension of a regulated market in healthcare provision. In a series of detailed papers handed to the Guardian, the rebel demands include piloting of the reforms, constraints on the market, local democratic scrutiny of GP commissioning bodies, and no change to the legal status of foundation hospitals. Dr Evan Harris, who helped draft the original amendments, and is a vice-chair of the party’s national policy committee said: “This list of amendments is the minimum needed to satisfy the requirements of Lib Dem policy as set out in the coalition agreement and the recent conference motion, and this will be an essential guide to Lib Dem MPs, the leadership of the party, and indeed the Conservatives of what needs to change. “The Liberal Democrats do not expect their MPs to vote down the bill, but will not accept our parliamentarians being whipped to vote against any of the necessary amendments needed to provide democratic accountability of GP-led commissioning, guarantee the comprehensive nature of the NHS and rein in the original plans for an NHS market.” The Lib Dem and Labour pressure, as well as public confusion has forced Cameron to pause the bill until after the local elections on 5 May. Lansley had been hoping to make changes to the bill in the Lords, but Clegg wants them passed in the Commons. There is still no political agreement at the top of the government on whether the delay is merely a symbolic concession to re-explain the reforms, the position adopted by Lansley, or to rewrite them in the way the Liberal Democrat activists are demanding. Lansley is willing to table amendments to rule out competition based on price, cherry picking by private providers and constrain the role of the Regulator Monitor. He opposes politicians being involved in commissioning, and says the reforms are unstoppable now that 90% of England is covered by GP led commissioning. Either way the retreat on the bill’s timetable places a blight over the NHS as managers are left wondering whether the NHS reform timetable on the ground is now jeopardised. The NHS Confederation acting chief executive Nigel Edwards pointed out on Sunday : “On Friday the NHS let go 1,500 managers, and a significant number of primary care trust managers have been let go in the last few weeks. We may need to rehire some of these people and that is astonishing.” In a speech on public service reform on Monday ,Ed Miliband, the Labour leader, will call on Cameron to hold all-party talks to see what can be salvaged from what he will describe as a disgraceful way to treat the NHS. Miliband will claim he backs the principle of public service reform but say the way in which “this Conservative-led government has gone about NHS reform is a disgrace”.He will say: “We read in the newspapers that horse trading is taking place as the two coalition parties try to reconcile their differences over a broken bill. “Contradictory briefings to the newspapers from Tory sources, from Treasury sources, from health department sources and – in case we forgot – from the Lib Dems. Each one adding to the sense of utter confusion and chaos about a bill that has completed its committee stage of the House of Commons. “It is bad government. It is not how the future of the health service should be determined.This is a direct consequence of a coalition based on power, convenience and ambition rather than values.It is an insult to the people who work in the health service, it is an insult to the people who use it and the prime minister should be ashamed of the way he is running the NHS, the proudest institution of Britain.” One Whitehall source said: “Andrew Lansley is now increasingly sidelined. You have now got David Cameron listening to David Nicholson, so Andrew Lansley is less relevant” But Nicholson issued a statement to deny he had claimed the reforms needed to be delayed, adding “the modernisation of the NHS is designed to secure our ability to meet the financial challenge over the next four years. The pace of progress of transition will help us do this.” A Number 10 spokesman said: “The bill has now successfully finished committee stage in the Commons and there is a natural break before it moves to the Lords. We have always been prepared to listen, having already clarified that there is no question of privatisation and that competition will be based on quality, and will continue to do so.” Health policy David Cameron Andrew Lansley Liberal-Conservative coalition NHS Health Patrick Wintour Denis Campbell guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …It doesn’t matter if your actions are extreme, like the continuing policies of the Republican caucus. It’s more important to chastise any public official who accurately uses the term. And that’s the strange situation we find ourselves in with the handmaidens of the national media. On This Week with Christiane Amanpour, Sen. Chuck Schumer is put under the microscope for calling a spade a spade . Tsk! Sen. Charles Schumer, D-New York, said he doesn’t regret reporters overhearing him telling Democratic colleagues that Republican budget cuts should be painted as “extreme.” Schumer and Sen. Jeff Sessions, R-Ala., sparred on just where the Tea Party political movement stood in relationship to the American people, in an exclusive political debate on “This Week.” Schumer stood by the remarks he made when he was apparently unaware his microphone was open to reporters. “I have no problem with reporters hearing that,” Schumer told anchor Christiane Amanpour. “I said a few hours before [the call] on the floor of the Senate. I’ve said it on this show. The Tea Party is the group standing in the way. They are extreme,” he insisted. “Any group that says you don’t cut oil subsidies to companies making billions and billions of dollars – subsidies that were passed when the price of oil was $17 to encourage production, and now the price is over one-hundred [dollars], and at the same time says: cut student aid to help qualified students go to college. Yeah, I believe they’re extreme.” Sessions, the ranking member on the Senate Budget Committee, insisted the Tea Party was part of the mainstream of American political culture. “Millions of Americans participate in the tea parties, tens of millions of Americans support and believe what they’re saying, and they are right, fundamentally,” he said. Well, we already know Alabama ranks near the bottom in education, so it shouldn’t come as a surprise that Jeff Sessions can’t count! “Maybe they don’t understand all the realities of Washington politics,” Sessions ceded, “but, fundamentally, they know this country is on a path to fiscal disaster,” he said, chopping the air with his hand for emphasis. “This Democratic leadership proposes nothing but to attack the people who are trying to get this country on the right course,” Sessions said. Amanpour asked if he thought there would be a government shutdown. “I hope not,” Sessions said. “I doubt there will be shutdown.” On that conference call earlier in the week, Schumer said, “I always use the word extreme, that is what the caucus instructed me to do the other week — extreme cuts and all these riders. And, uh, Boehner’s in a box. But if he supports the Tea Party there’s going to inevitably [be] a shutdown.”
Continue reading …Anti-ceasefire republicans better-organised, say security forces as booby-trapped car kills 25-year-old Ronan Kerr Republican dissidents have perfected a new generation of weapons with which to launch a fresh terrorist offensive, senior security sources have told the Guardian. The security sources in the Irish Republic, already concerned about a renewed undercar booby-trap bomb threat, say anti-ceasefire republicans have been working on a mortar bomb device, one of which was seized recently near Dublin. In a further worrying development Irish security sources told the Guardian that a new form of TNT explosive had been discovered during a Garda raid on a republican dissident arms dump in Dunleer, Co Louth last year. Security sources in Britain have also indicated that the threat from the dissident republican terror groups has become more pronounced in recent weeks. MI5, which has overall responsibility for security in Northern Ireland, states on its website: “There have been increasing signs of co-ordination and co-operation between republican terrorist groups.” The revelations come as the investigation continues into the murder of newly qualified Catholic police officer Ronan Kerr. The 25-year-old died after a booby-trap bomb placed underneath his car parked outside his home in Omagh exploded shortly before 4pm on Saturday. Kerr had only graduated from the police training college in December and was one of a new generation of Catholic officers. At a press conference in Belfast on Sunday Chief Constable Matt Baggott said those behind the Omagh murder had “killed a peacemaker”. He branded Kerr’s killers as a “potent and dangerous minority” and added: “A mother has lost her brave son, made all the more horrific that it is Mother’s Day today.” His death provoked anger across Ireland and the world with the US secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, condemning those responsible. On a visit to the murdered constable’s family in Beragh, just outside Omagh, Northern Ireland’s first minister, Peter Robinson, said the attack was “despicable and evil”. The Democratic Unionist leader said he was confident that despite the targeting of the Catholic policeman more young Catholics would join the PSNI. “I know my fellow citizens and they will not be deterred from joining the police by those behind this terrible terrorist murder,” he said. Gerry Adams, the Sinn Féin president, described the killing as “futile”, while unionists said it was time to clamp down on the republican dissidents. The ongoing dissident threat has made it one of the busiest years so far for bomb disposal experts, with security forces on both sides of the Irish border bracing themselves for a fresh terrorist offensive. A senior security source said the Republic’s security forces had found a sophisticated technical element to a new mortar bomb launcher which Irish police recovered during an operation on the M1 motorway linking Dublin to Belfast late last year. The device was potentially more deadly and accurate than the mortar bomb launchers used in Northern Ireland in recent times, the security source stressed. The mortar find and the explosives indicate that republican terror groups opposed to the peace process have improved their engineering techniques and secured new war material from eastern Europe. The lethal bomb blast brought back memories of the Omagh atrocity in August 1998 when 29 people, including a woman pregnant with twins, were killed in a Real IRA car bombing. It was the single biggest atrocity of the Ulster Troubles. Before Saturday’s murder the Real IRA and Óghlaigh na hÉireann (ONH) had resumed their bomb and hoax bomb attacks across Northern Ireland. A car bomb was left by the Real IRA outside Derry city’s courthouse last Sunday evening and put the lives of the public, including choirboys practising in the nearby Church of Ireland cathedral, at risk. Meanwhile an ONH hoax bomb caused widespread disruption in north Belfast last week. The recent upsurge in dissident republican violence followed a lull over the last few months. This was partly due to a series of intelligence successes against the anti-ceasefire republican groups, mainly by the Garda Síochána in the Republic. According to security sources there has been a slow but significant movement of former Provisional IRA individuals to the dissident groups which are now estimated to total between 700 and 800 active members. They said recruitment to the dissident groups had been encouraged by the economic climate and increasing unemployment in Ireland, and youngsters who have joined the groups have no memory of the security measures imposed during the Troubles, the sources said. In addition, the IRA and Sinn Féin no longer have the power or influence to stop attacks. Ireland Republicanism UK security and terrorism Europe Real IRA Henry McDonald Richard Norton-Taylor guardian.co.uk
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