Memo from Fergus Cochrane-Dyet refers to President Bingu wa Mutharika as ‘ever more autocratic and intolerant of criticism’ In days gone by, British ambassadors would wait until they were leaving before firing off a valedictory despatch that revealed what they really thought about their foreign hosts. Not Fergus Cochrane-Dyet, the high commissioner to Malawi, whose use of undiplomatic language while still in the post may now hasten his exit. Cochrane-Dyet was quoted in a leaked cable to London describing Malawi’s president Bingu wa Mutharika as “ever more autocratic and intolerant of criticism”. As if to prove the point, Malawi’s foreign ministry in Lilongwe summoned him on Monday and ordered him to leave the country this week. There was a sharp response from Britain, where the Foreign Office insisted that declaring its man “persona non grata” would be unacceptable. Any such action would have “consequences”, it warned. In the leaked memo to the foreign secretary, William Hague, Cochrane-Dyet said that in Malawi the “governance situation continues to deteriorate in terms of media freedom, freedom of speech and minority rights”. According to the Nation newspaper, which published the correspondence, he said rights activists had reported a campaign of intimidation through threatening anonymous phone calls. “They seem genuinely afraid,” Cochrane-Dyet wrote. “The office of one high-profile activist has allegedly been raided and his house broken into. There are unsubstantiated rumours that the ruling party is forming a youth wing modeled on the Young Pioneers used as a tool of repression during the country’s three-decade dictatorship.” Britain, Malawi’s main bilateral donor, cut aid by £3m last year after the purchase of a presidential jet at a cost of more than £8m. British officials said they were concerned about the purchase in the impoverished nation that relies on donor support for up to 40% of its development budget and the salaries of its 169,000 civil servants. Mutharika defended the new jet, saying it was cheaper to run it than hire an aircraft each time he wanted to travel abroad. The British diplomat was quoted as saying that “for donors, the local political relationship has definitely got worse [although working relations with most key ministries remain good]. “Some ambassadors have been summoned by the foreign minister for a dressing down, others [including me] have been summoned by the president’s brother [Peter] for gentler delivery of the same message: stop supporting civil society to destabilise the government.” Cochrane-Dyet said donors had responded robustly. “We deny the accusation, our development goals require more stability not less, far more of our assistance goes through government than through NGOs.” Cochrane-Dyet said that given “our huge investment in Malawi development, the UK interest is for these tensions to be defused. “Our leverage is limited and must be used carefully with this combative president. We want the government to reverse its two-year slide on governance issues, mend fences with faith groups and civil society and adopt a more open approach to dissenting views.” On the other hand, he wrote that “we want civil society to be less confrontational”. He warned there was “no reason for optimism as the political temperature is likely to rise further ahead of elections in 2014 when Mutharika steps down”, but added that “the effect of a serious cut in overseas aid for the fragile Malawian economy and for development would be serious … the 75% of Malawians who live on less than $1 per day would suffer most.” In London, the acting permanent under secretary, Sir Geoffrey Adams, summoned Malawi’s charge d’affaires to the Foreign Office on Tuesday to convey the foreign secretary’s strong concern at suggestions that Cochrane-Dyet could be expelled. “Sir Geoffrey made clear to the charge d’affaires that such an action would be unacceptable,” the Foreign Office said. “Mr Cochrane-Dyet is an able and effective high commissioner, who retains the full confidence of the British government. “Sir Geoffrey added that if the government of Malawi pursued such action there were likely to be consequences affecting the full range of issues in the bilateral relationship. He urged the Malawian authorities, through the charge d’affaires, not to proceed down such a road.” Malawi has recently drawn criticism from donor countries, including Britain, over “certain negative trends” including a new law that allows publications to be banned if deemed contrary to the public interest. Mutharika, who ends his two terms as president in 2014 and is likely to hand over power to his brother Peter, often accuses local independent newspapers of negative reporting about Malawi. In 2009, he threatened to shut down newspapers he accused of lying when the weekly Malawi News, owned by the family of the late dictator Kamuzu Banda, reported that up to a million people would need food aid. Mutharika, who has made the country self-sufficient in food through the $180m subsidy fertiliser programme given to more than a million peasant farmers, demands that he be given kudos because half Malawi’s 12 million citizens previously faced starvation. Malawi Foreign policy William Hague Godfrey Mapondera David Smith guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Memo from Fergus Cochrane-Dyet refers to President Bingu wa Mutharika as ‘ever more autocratic and intolerant of criticism’ In days gone by, British ambassadors would wait until they were leaving before firing off a valedictory despatch that revealed what they really thought about their foreign hosts. Not Fergus Cochrane-Dyet, the high commissioner to Malawi, whose use of undiplomatic language while still in the post may now hasten his exit. Cochrane-Dyet was quoted in a leaked cable to London describing Malawi’s president Bingu wa Mutharika as “ever more autocratic and intolerant of criticism”. As if to prove the point, Malawi’s foreign ministry in Lilongwe summoned him on Monday and ordered him to leave the country this week. There was a sharp response from Britain, where the Foreign Office insisted that declaring its man “persona non grata” would be unacceptable. Any such action would have “consequences”, it warned. In the leaked memo to the foreign secretary, William Hague, Cochrane-Dyet said that in Malawi the “governance situation continues to deteriorate in terms of media freedom, freedom of speech and minority rights”. According to the Nation newspaper, which published the correspondence, he said rights activists had reported a campaign of intimidation through threatening anonymous phone calls. “They seem genuinely afraid,” Cochrane-Dyet wrote. “The office of one high-profile activist has allegedly been raided and his house broken into. There are unsubstantiated rumours that the ruling party is forming a youth wing modeled on the Young Pioneers used as a tool of repression during the country’s three-decade dictatorship.” Britain, Malawi’s main bilateral donor, cut aid by £3m last year after the purchase of a presidential jet at a cost of more than £8m. British officials said they were concerned about the purchase in the impoverished nation that relies on donor support for up to 40% of its development budget and the salaries of its 169,000 civil servants. Mutharika defended the new jet, saying it was cheaper to run it than hire an aircraft each time he wanted to travel abroad. The British diplomat was quoted as saying that “for donors, the local political relationship has definitely got worse [although working relations with most key ministries remain good]. “Some ambassadors have been summoned by the foreign minister for a dressing down, others [including me] have been summoned by the president’s brother [Peter] for gentler delivery of the same message: stop supporting civil society to destabilise the government.” Cochrane-Dyet said donors had responded robustly. “We deny the accusation, our development goals require more stability not less, far more of our assistance goes through government than through NGOs.” Cochrane-Dyet said that given “our huge investment in Malawi development, the UK interest is for these tensions to be defused. “Our leverage is limited and must be used carefully with this combative president. We want the government to reverse its two-year slide on governance issues, mend fences with faith groups and civil society and adopt a more open approach to dissenting views.” On the other hand, he wrote that “we want civil society to be less confrontational”. He warned there was “no reason for optimism as the political temperature is likely to rise further ahead of elections in 2014 when Mutharika steps down”, but added that “the effect of a serious cut in overseas aid for the fragile Malawian economy and for development would be serious … the 75% of Malawians who live on less than $1 per day would suffer most.” In London, the acting permanent under secretary, Sir Geoffrey Adams, summoned Malawi’s charge d’affaires to the Foreign Office on Tuesday to convey the foreign secretary’s strong concern at suggestions that Cochrane-Dyet could be expelled. “Sir Geoffrey made clear to the charge d’affaires that such an action would be unacceptable,” the Foreign Office said. “Mr Cochrane-Dyet is an able and effective high commissioner, who retains the full confidence of the British government. “Sir Geoffrey added that if the government of Malawi pursued such action there were likely to be consequences affecting the full range of issues in the bilateral relationship. He urged the Malawian authorities, through the charge d’affaires, not to proceed down such a road.” Malawi has recently drawn criticism from donor countries, including Britain, over “certain negative trends” including a new law that allows publications to be banned if deemed contrary to the public interest. Mutharika, who ends his two terms as president in 2014 and is likely to hand over power to his brother Peter, often accuses local independent newspapers of negative reporting about Malawi. In 2009, he threatened to shut down newspapers he accused of lying when the weekly Malawi News, owned by the family of the late dictator Kamuzu Banda, reported that up to a million people would need food aid. Mutharika, who has made the country self-sufficient in food through the $180m subsidy fertiliser programme given to more than a million peasant farmers, demands that he be given kudos because half Malawi’s 12 million citizens previously faced starvation. Malawi Foreign policy William Hague Godfrey Mapondera David Smith guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Memo from Fergus Cochrane-Dyet refers to President Bingu wa Mutharika as ‘ever more autocratic and intolerant of criticism’ In days gone by, British ambassadors would wait until they were leaving before firing off a valedictory despatch that revealed what they really thought about their foreign hosts. Not Fergus Cochrane-Dyet, the high commissioner to Malawi, whose use of undiplomatic language while still in the post may now hasten his exit. Cochrane-Dyet was quoted in a leaked cable to London describing Malawi’s president Bingu wa Mutharika as “ever more autocratic and intolerant of criticism”. As if to prove the point, Malawi’s foreign ministry in Lilongwe summoned him on Monday and ordered him to leave the country this week. There was a sharp response from Britain, where the Foreign Office insisted that declaring its man “persona non grata” would be unacceptable. Any such action would have “consequences”, it warned. In the leaked memo to the foreign secretary, William Hague, Cochrane-Dyet said that in Malawi the “governance situation continues to deteriorate in terms of media freedom, freedom of speech and minority rights”. According to the Nation newspaper, which published the correspondence, he said rights activists had reported a campaign of intimidation through threatening anonymous phone calls. “They seem genuinely afraid,” Cochrane-Dyet wrote. “The office of one high-profile activist has allegedly been raided and his house broken into. There are unsubstantiated rumours that the ruling party is forming a youth wing modeled on the Young Pioneers used as a tool of repression during the country’s three-decade dictatorship.” Britain, Malawi’s main bilateral donor, cut aid by £3m last year after the purchase of a presidential jet at a cost of more than £8m. British officials said they were concerned about the purchase in the impoverished nation that relies on donor support for up to 40% of its development budget and the salaries of its 169,000 civil servants. Mutharika defended the new jet, saying it was cheaper to run it than hire an aircraft each time he wanted to travel abroad. The British diplomat was quoted as saying that “for donors, the local political relationship has definitely got worse [although working relations with most key ministries remain good]. “Some ambassadors have been summoned by the foreign minister for a dressing down, others [including me] have been summoned by the president’s brother [Peter] for gentler delivery of the same message: stop supporting civil society to destabilise the government.” Cochrane-Dyet said donors had responded robustly. “We deny the accusation, our development goals require more stability not less, far more of our assistance goes through government than through NGOs.” Cochrane-Dyet said that given “our huge investment in Malawi development, the UK interest is for these tensions to be defused. “Our leverage is limited and must be used carefully with this combative president. We want the government to reverse its two-year slide on governance issues, mend fences with faith groups and civil society and adopt a more open approach to dissenting views.” On the other hand, he wrote that “we want civil society to be less confrontational”. He warned there was “no reason for optimism as the political temperature is likely to rise further ahead of elections in 2014 when Mutharika steps down”, but added that “the effect of a serious cut in overseas aid for the fragile Malawian economy and for development would be serious … the 75% of Malawians who live on less than $1 per day would suffer most.” In London, the acting permanent under secretary, Sir Geoffrey Adams, summoned Malawi’s charge d’affaires to the Foreign Office on Tuesday to convey the foreign secretary’s strong concern at suggestions that Cochrane-Dyet could be expelled. “Sir Geoffrey made clear to the charge d’affaires that such an action would be unacceptable,” the Foreign Office said. “Mr Cochrane-Dyet is an able and effective high commissioner, who retains the full confidence of the British government. “Sir Geoffrey added that if the government of Malawi pursued such action there were likely to be consequences affecting the full range of issues in the bilateral relationship. He urged the Malawian authorities, through the charge d’affaires, not to proceed down such a road.” Malawi has recently drawn criticism from donor countries, including Britain, over “certain negative trends” including a new law that allows publications to be banned if deemed contrary to the public interest. Mutharika, who ends his two terms as president in 2014 and is likely to hand over power to his brother Peter, often accuses local independent newspapers of negative reporting about Malawi. In 2009, he threatened to shut down newspapers he accused of lying when the weekly Malawi News, owned by the family of the late dictator Kamuzu Banda, reported that up to a million people would need food aid. Mutharika, who has made the country self-sufficient in food through the $180m subsidy fertiliser programme given to more than a million peasant farmers, demands that he be given kudos because half Malawi’s 12 million citizens previously faced starvation. Malawi Foreign policy William Hague Godfrey Mapondera David Smith guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Memo from Fergus Cochrane-Dyet refers to President Bingu wa Mutharika as ‘ever more autocratic and intolerant of criticism’ In days gone by, British ambassadors would wait until they were leaving before firing off a valedictory despatch that revealed what they really thought about their foreign hosts. Not Fergus Cochrane-Dyet, the high commissioner to Malawi, whose use of undiplomatic language while still in the post may now hasten his exit. Cochrane-Dyet was quoted in a leaked cable to London describing Malawi’s president Bingu wa Mutharika as “ever more autocratic and intolerant of criticism”. As if to prove the point, Malawi’s foreign ministry in Lilongwe summoned him on Monday and ordered him to leave the country this week. There was a sharp response from Britain, where the Foreign Office insisted that declaring its man “persona non grata” would be unacceptable. Any such action would have “consequences”, it warned. In the leaked memo to the foreign secretary, William Hague, Cochrane-Dyet said that in Malawi the “governance situation continues to deteriorate in terms of media freedom, freedom of speech and minority rights”. According to the Nation newspaper, which published the correspondence, he said rights activists had reported a campaign of intimidation through threatening anonymous phone calls. “They seem genuinely afraid,” Cochrane-Dyet wrote. “The office of one high-profile activist has allegedly been raided and his house broken into. There are unsubstantiated rumours that the ruling party is forming a youth wing modeled on the Young Pioneers used as a tool of repression during the country’s three-decade dictatorship.” Britain, Malawi’s main bilateral donor, cut aid by £3m last year after the purchase of a presidential jet at a cost of more than £8m. British officials said they were concerned about the purchase in the impoverished nation that relies on donor support for up to 40% of its development budget and the salaries of its 169,000 civil servants. Mutharika defended the new jet, saying it was cheaper to run it than hire an aircraft each time he wanted to travel abroad. The British diplomat was quoted as saying that “for donors, the local political relationship has definitely got worse [although working relations with most key ministries remain good]. “Some ambassadors have been summoned by the foreign minister for a dressing down, others [including me] have been summoned by the president’s brother [Peter] for gentler delivery of the same message: stop supporting civil society to destabilise the government.” Cochrane-Dyet said donors had responded robustly. “We deny the accusation, our development goals require more stability not less, far more of our assistance goes through government than through NGOs.” Cochrane-Dyet said that given “our huge investment in Malawi development, the UK interest is for these tensions to be defused. “Our leverage is limited and must be used carefully with this combative president. We want the government to reverse its two-year slide on governance issues, mend fences with faith groups and civil society and adopt a more open approach to dissenting views.” On the other hand, he wrote that “we want civil society to be less confrontational”. He warned there was “no reason for optimism as the political temperature is likely to rise further ahead of elections in 2014 when Mutharika steps down”, but added that “the effect of a serious cut in overseas aid for the fragile Malawian economy and for development would be serious … the 75% of Malawians who live on less than $1 per day would suffer most.” In London, the acting permanent under secretary, Sir Geoffrey Adams, summoned Malawi’s charge d’affaires to the Foreign Office on Tuesday to convey the foreign secretary’s strong concern at suggestions that Cochrane-Dyet could be expelled. “Sir Geoffrey made clear to the charge d’affaires that such an action would be unacceptable,” the Foreign Office said. “Mr Cochrane-Dyet is an able and effective high commissioner, who retains the full confidence of the British government. “Sir Geoffrey added that if the government of Malawi pursued such action there were likely to be consequences affecting the full range of issues in the bilateral relationship. He urged the Malawian authorities, through the charge d’affaires, not to proceed down such a road.” Malawi has recently drawn criticism from donor countries, including Britain, over “certain negative trends” including a new law that allows publications to be banned if deemed contrary to the public interest. Mutharika, who ends his two terms as president in 2014 and is likely to hand over power to his brother Peter, often accuses local independent newspapers of negative reporting about Malawi. In 2009, he threatened to shut down newspapers he accused of lying when the weekly Malawi News, owned by the family of the late dictator Kamuzu Banda, reported that up to a million people would need food aid. Mutharika, who has made the country self-sufficient in food through the $180m subsidy fertiliser programme given to more than a million peasant farmers, demands that he be given kudos because half Malawi’s 12 million citizens previously faced starvation. Malawi Foreign policy William Hague Godfrey Mapondera David Smith guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Memo from Fergus Cochrane-Dyet refers to President Bingu wa Mutharika as ‘ever more autocratic and intolerant of criticism’ In days gone by, British ambassadors would wait until they were leaving before firing off a valedictory despatch that revealed what they really thought about their foreign hosts. Not Fergus Cochrane-Dyet, the high commissioner to Malawi, whose use of undiplomatic language while still in the post may now hasten his exit. Cochrane-Dyet was quoted in a leaked cable to London describing Malawi’s president Bingu wa Mutharika as “ever more autocratic and intolerant of criticism”. As if to prove the point, Malawi’s foreign ministry in Lilongwe summoned him on Monday and ordered him to leave the country this week. There was a sharp response from Britain, where the Foreign Office insisted that declaring its man “persona non grata” would be unacceptable. Any such action would have “consequences”, it warned. In the leaked memo to the foreign secretary, William Hague, Cochrane-Dyet said that in Malawi the “governance situation continues to deteriorate in terms of media freedom, freedom of speech and minority rights”. According to the Nation newspaper, which published the correspondence, he said rights activists had reported a campaign of intimidation through threatening anonymous phone calls. “They seem genuinely afraid,” Cochrane-Dyet wrote. “The office of one high-profile activist has allegedly been raided and his house broken into. There are unsubstantiated rumours that the ruling party is forming a youth wing modeled on the Young Pioneers used as a tool of repression during the country’s three-decade dictatorship.” Britain, Malawi’s main bilateral donor, cut aid by £3m last year after the purchase of a presidential jet at a cost of more than £8m. British officials said they were concerned about the purchase in the impoverished nation that relies on donor support for up to 40% of its development budget and the salaries of its 169,000 civil servants. Mutharika defended the new jet, saying it was cheaper to run it than hire an aircraft each time he wanted to travel abroad. The British diplomat was quoted as saying that “for donors, the local political relationship has definitely got worse [although working relations with most key ministries remain good]. “Some ambassadors have been summoned by the foreign minister for a dressing down, others [including me] have been summoned by the president’s brother [Peter] for gentler delivery of the same message: stop supporting civil society to destabilise the government.” Cochrane-Dyet said donors had responded robustly. “We deny the accusation, our development goals require more stability not less, far more of our assistance goes through government than through NGOs.” Cochrane-Dyet said that given “our huge investment in Malawi development, the UK interest is for these tensions to be defused. “Our leverage is limited and must be used carefully with this combative president. We want the government to reverse its two-year slide on governance issues, mend fences with faith groups and civil society and adopt a more open approach to dissenting views.” On the other hand, he wrote that “we want civil society to be less confrontational”. He warned there was “no reason for optimism as the political temperature is likely to rise further ahead of elections in 2014 when Mutharika steps down”, but added that “the effect of a serious cut in overseas aid for the fragile Malawian economy and for development would be serious … the 75% of Malawians who live on less than $1 per day would suffer most.” In London, the acting permanent under secretary, Sir Geoffrey Adams, summoned Malawi’s charge d’affaires to the Foreign Office on Tuesday to convey the foreign secretary’s strong concern at suggestions that Cochrane-Dyet could be expelled. “Sir Geoffrey made clear to the charge d’affaires that such an action would be unacceptable,” the Foreign Office said. “Mr Cochrane-Dyet is an able and effective high commissioner, who retains the full confidence of the British government. “Sir Geoffrey added that if the government of Malawi pursued such action there were likely to be consequences affecting the full range of issues in the bilateral relationship. He urged the Malawian authorities, through the charge d’affaires, not to proceed down such a road.” Malawi has recently drawn criticism from donor countries, including Britain, over “certain negative trends” including a new law that allows publications to be banned if deemed contrary to the public interest. Mutharika, who ends his two terms as president in 2014 and is likely to hand over power to his brother Peter, often accuses local independent newspapers of negative reporting about Malawi. In 2009, he threatened to shut down newspapers he accused of lying when the weekly Malawi News, owned by the family of the late dictator Kamuzu Banda, reported that up to a million people would need food aid. Mutharika, who has made the country self-sufficient in food through the $180m subsidy fertiliser programme given to more than a million peasant farmers, demands that he be given kudos because half Malawi’s 12 million citizens previously faced starvation. Malawi Foreign policy William Hague Godfrey Mapondera David Smith guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Donald Trump’s new job application: ‘Grifter position available.’ Ralph Reed comes a calling. And Reed is already fluffing the Donald. In an statement to Christian Broadcast Network, Reed said: “There is a nascent and growing curiosity in the faith community about Trump. Evangelicals will like his pro-life and pro-marriage stances, combined with his business record and high-wattage celebrity all but guarantee he will get a close look from social conservatives as well as other Republican primary voters. ” Sounds like Reed is already helping Trump run the hustle. How many marriages does it take for a Republican candidate to have before he’s called pro-marriage?
Continue reading …It’s about time someone sorted this oil business out. Joanna Kavenna brings us the exclusive story of the world’s first truly ethical oil company I got myself an oil-drilling platform. Oh, I’d inherited a bit of money from Great-Aunt Sylvia. They told me it was a million a day to hire it. Never mind, I said, it’s worth every penny. It’s about time someone sorted this oil business out, I said. If we simply can’t stop using the filthy stuff, then we need decent people running it. We need the world’s first truly ethical oil company, I said. If no one else will do it, it’ll have to be me, I said. I got myself a ship and towed my drilling platform right up north, up where the compass starts to spin round-and-round. Someone told me there was nice clean oil up there, virgin territory, accessible now the sea ice had started to melt. I ended up in this sketchy village on a wind-lashed coast, it had a name like Quaassoorrqq. I talked to all the locals. They were terribly worried about pollution and global warming, they said. Relax, I said, mine is going to be the nicest cleanest oil that was ever produced, and I’ll tell you what, how would you like a swimming pool, and a school, and some cosy new houses to replace those shacks you’re living in? At first they didn’t quite believe me. I said, look, we’ll split the whole thing, you get half, I get half, my expenses are pretty high, but still, I’m a decent-minded person and I absolutely want to do the right thing. They said, really, a heated swimming pool? Of course, I said. And a roller rink if you like. Whatever you want. Fifty-fifty, that’s the deal, I said. So they went to their government and their government said, really, fifty-fifty and a swimming pool? I don’t know what sort of cowboys you’ve dealt with in the past but this time everything’s different, I said. I got myself a license. Now it’s all legitimate, I said. I gave jobs to the locals, so they could see from the start just how fair and ethical things were going to be. I paid them well, I gave them a generous holiday allowance. I promised them lavish bonuses in the event that we struck oil. I’m deeply concerned about your work-life balance, about ergonomic stress, about time with the family, I said. We sat out on the platform, in the formerly frozen ocean. We had some useful-looking pipes and some huge levers and a big control room filled with buttons. I had brought along a bright spark, to tell me how everything worked. The sea changed colour every hour, like a show-off, trying to attract attention. One moment it was pink and the next it looked like hammered silver. Then it went pea-green and then it was purple. Icebergs floated past. Some of them were as big as houses. The bright spark said, yes, the ice is millions of years old, it comes from the Greenlandic ice cap, it’s been there forever. But now it’s melting, he said. Well, that’s sad, I said. But let’s not get too sentimental. You know, that’s what ice does in the end. It melts, I said. I got myself a tract of forest. The best way to offset my carbon emissions, the bright spark said. Okay let’s do it, I said. When we found our first trace of hydrocarbons I bought a few more thousand hectares of forest, and when the oil really started coming I bought the biggest stretch yet. I believe passionately in ethical fossil fuel extraction, I said. No expense spared, I said. I got myself a significant oil find. Deep under the ocean bed, we found commercially viable oil. Well, that’s what happens if you do things the right way, I said. Fortune smiles on you, I said. We had a little party on the deck. Champagne in plastic cups. What a great thing this’ll be for Quaassoorrqq, the locals said. Heated swimming pools and roller rinks, they said. Fifty-fifty, fair as anything, I said. The ice melts, and look what you find, I said. Liquefied death, the bright spark said. Liquefied death, what do you mean? I said. All those little animals and plants, he said, crushed into mulch, that thing you call oil. It’s just death. Well, let’s look on the bright side, I said. I got myself a Greenpeace boat, it came out to hound me. I took my loudspeaker, shouted back at them. You don’t understand, I’m a nice guy, I said. Look, I bought the biggest forest I could find, I said. The people of Quaassoorrqq trust me. Everything fifty-fifty, I said. The Greens went, and we all sat watching the bergs again. The bright spark said, once there was a berg, it sailed as far as Manhattan Island. It turned up by the Statue of Liberty, he said. That’s just wonderful, I said. What did they do with it then? They cut it up and put it in their pina coladas, he said. It fizzed like anything when it went in the drinks. All that ancient air, trapped in the ice for thousands of years, and then one little pina colada, POP, he said. I got myself a vicious storm. Waves like I’d never seen before, slamming onto the deck. Two of the locals drowned and the others said it was the something god of the ocean, punishing us. I respect your religion with all my heart, I said. And yet, I don’t think the something god of the ocean would object so wildly to the ethical extraction of fossil fuels. Let’s not jump to conclusions, I said. I sent the bodies back to the shore, paid out far more than I had to. I wrote letters of condolence to the families. I’m more sorry than words can say, I said. I got myself some bad news. My forest had died, they said. Acid rain. Came from the big city, they said. All my carbon credits had been wiped out, they said. Well, get me another forest, I said. Nothing by halves. I intend to do this properly, I said. I got myself a building team, and sent it over to Quaassoorrqq. I told them to start work on the new swimming pool. Nordic design, saunas and steam rooms. You’re going to love it, I said. I gave the whole town a bonus. Ethical fossil fuel extraction, I said. I got myself a little oil spill. It was a freak accident. It really wasn’t much at all, but the foolish seabirds landed right in it, and then there were some sad-eyed seals, their fur matted with the stuff, and I heard the whales weren’t looking too great either. The Greens came out again, more furious even than before, trying to mop up the wildlife. I’m awfully sorry, I said. Here, can I make a donation to your clean-up operations? I never meant to hurt anyone, I said. It turns out there’s a fundamental problem with the far North. If you spill just a tiny bit of oil, scarcely any at all, it sits out there on the ocean for years. There’s not enough warmth to evaporate it away. Well, how was I meant to know that? You can’t be expected to know everything, I said. I got myself a mysterious sickness in the local population. It couldn’t possibly have anything to do with me, I said. They had an unhealthy diet anyway. Too much meat. They need to eat more vegetables, I said. A few of them died and then the rest slouched around for weeks, they could hardly get out of bed. It was the something god of whatever punishing them, they said. So I called a local meeting, came all the way back to the shore. It’s all under control, I said. So we’ve had a couple of accidents. I paid their families, I wrote letters. I’m sorry about the oil spill and it really won’t happen again, I said. They were looking suspicious, they wouldn’t even meet my gaze. Fifty-fifty, I said. Relax, I’m a nice guy, I said. I got myself a bizarre nocturnal accident. I was under a lot of pressure, all that money I’d spent, and now the cost of cleaning up the oil spill, and paying off the families of the sick and dead. I couldn’t sleep one night, ergonomic stress, the swell was savage, so I went to get some air on the deck. The creepy northern lights, pulsing above me. They had really started to get on my nerves. I must have dozed on a bench. I was clutching a harpoon gun when I fell asleep, that was the mistake I made. Just a little harpoon gun, I’d bought it as a joke. I never meant to fire it, I said. But something startled me, I woke up suddenly, the poor guy didn’t stand a chance. The harpoon went straight into his head. I got myself some general condemnation. I was a danger to the local people, they said. I’d splashed oil all over their coast. I’d poisoned and murdered them, they said. Just a tiny little spill, I said. A dreadful misunderstanding, I said. I was guilty of criminal mismanagement, they said. Well, that really hurt. I’d been nothing but generous. I’d made a fifty-fifty deal, I’d given them bonuses, work on the Nordic swimming pool was almost finished, I said. We don’t want your blood money, they said. Blood money! I’ve never been so insulted in my life, I said. Look, I’d be the first to concede that there are some bad people in the fossil fuel industry, I know that as well as you, but I’m an ethical extractor of fossil fuels, I said. Your license is revoked, they said. You’ve got to be kidding, I’m not going anywhere, I said. I got myself an ultimatum from an international court. I had a week to leave the area or they’d take action, they said. But don’t you think you’re being a bit hasty, I said? The bright spark said, I think it might be time to go home now. Perhaps you’re in danger of outstaying your welcome, he said. The locals all left the platform. I’d prepared a little speech, thanking them for their work, saying what a pleasure it had been, collaborating in this innovative cross-cultural way, how I hoped this would be the first of many such ventures. They went silently into their boats. Well, some people have no manners, I said. I got myself a no-win situation. Either I left or Interpol would scupper my platform, they said. Well, that seemed unethical on all sides, such a waste of resources. Someone has to be high-minded, I said. So I towed my little oil platform all the way down to the south again. The police came by boat to intercept me. Well, this is a waste of taxpayers’ money, I said. Why don’t you go and catch some proper criminals, I said. I got myself a spell in prison. I was lucky it wasn’t worse, they said. The bright spark stopped returning my calls. Another fair-weather friend, I said. I had no choice but to sell my forest to a multi-national logging company who wanted the wood to make coffin lids. That pained me deeply, but my debtors had to be paid, they said. At least in jail you can’t spend any money, I said. I live in Sidcup now. I like it here, the sky is always grey. No dancing green lights and no showy pink sea. Job Centre Extra Plus found me a position as barman at the local golf club. Not quite what I had in mind, I said. In general I like to work with the under-privileged, I said. I overheard two regulars discussing a business venture. Uranium, one of them said. It’s the future. But the thing about uranium is that most people who do it are fundamentally not very nice. Lacking in basic morals, if you know what I mean. Uncivilised. So this friend of mine has an idea to do ethical uranium mining, he said. The most decent-minded uranium extraction in the world, he said. You pay the workers at the mine a good wage, you give them a load of perks, you build the local community a brand new disco dance hall, anything they like. No more people in ankle chains, dropping dead of cancer, no more horror stories about three headed puppies, he said. I thought I really had to stop him. I wanted to say, don’t even try, they’ll never thank you. Don’t even bother, I almost said. But I opened my mouth and the words came out wrong. Liquefied death, I said. For a moment, the bar went quiet. Then someone said, Is that one of your new cocktails? And everyone laughed. Liquefied death, let’s have some of that, they said. Supported by the National Lottery through Arts Council England Fiction Original writing Oil Oil spills BP oil spill Joanna Kavenna guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …A too-casual approach to the posting of pictures of men on TubeCrush seems a bit off, but it’s true women put up with worse It was a light-hearted story, but something wasn’t quite right about it. Last night I tweeted a link to this news story about a group of friends who have set up a website called TubeCrush that encourages women to send in pictures (mostly of men) travelling on London’s tube. They can then choose to rate them on a sliding scale. I said in my tweet : “Erm, is it just me or if this site was about women, people would be getting arrested right about now?” Before I recount the huge response, I should explain myself. What struck me was the casual way that the Evening Standard reported on the story in a “oh look, cool young things have set up a website so we can perve on each other” type of way. Maybe it was just an extremely slow news day. But if the sexes had been reversed, would it have been seen so benign? Probably not. I just found the Evening Standard’s casual attitude a bit off. Some agreed: women and men . Andy pointed out that no crime was being committed, “it’s just creepy, whether men or women do it”. Jennifer said it was a form of stalking. But all this raises a few issues. First, women have to put up with far worse. As Hanna pointed out , “there are loads of sites out there about women. Upskirt shots, no less. No one gets arrested”. Soph said the comparison was ridiculous: “Men get photos taken of them and are whinging about it. No offence but I get stared at/talked to/touched all the time by men.” MyCrippledEagle blogged in response: “If a woman takes a picture of a man on a train and he sees her, one or both will be embarrassed but very few men would feel threatened by such behaviour. If, however, a man takes a picture of a woman on a train and she sees him, immediately she has to think about the possible dangers of the situation. Is this guy a creep? Is he a potential rapist? Is he going to follow up the action with some verbal or physical harassment?” Is it unreasonable for women to feel so worried? If you look at the statistics for rape and sexual harassment, don’t they have every right? Maybe that’s why I couldn’t work myself into an outrage over it: most men don’t face a daily torrent of low-level sexual harassment, so this wasn’t seen as a big threat. Alex found himself “5% demeaned, 35% flattered, 60% surprised”. But it’s AmieTsang who summed up most of the male responses I got: it’s all lighthearted banter until you come across a picture of yourself rated as *munter*. I’ve got my long scarf ready. Internet Mobile phones Photography Women London London Rail transport Transport Sex Sunny Hundal guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …You get the art history you deserve, and trying to honour ours from 1900-1940 won’t work – it’s just too boring In the 1950s, American modern art leapt to the forefront of global esteem. In the wake of Jackson Pollock , the previous history of American painters, sculptors and architects was resurrected. From being seen as either provincial talents or local examples of larger trends, earlier American artists from the Hudson River landscape painters to Grant Wood became part of a proud national art history. Today, the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York has a glorious American section with such treasures as Tiffany stained glass to gawp at . Something comparable is happening now in British galleries and museums. It seems we choose the art history we want, or need. Since Damien Hirst broke the ice at the start of the 1990s, British artists have succeeded and become fashionable at home and abroad. The generation who grew up with this art have now had time to do their PhDs and become curators or lecturers, and the official picture of Britain’s art history is changing before our eyes. The intensity of American abstract painting in the 1950s, followed by pop art, made historians rediscover first the romanticism then the luxury of the American artistic heritage. By a similar logic, the new global prestige of contemporary British art since 1990 has made curators focus on the story of British modern art in the 20th century. Suddenly, it seems that Britain – which has traditionally been seen as an also-ran in the history of modern art, where Edwardian portrait painters held sway while Picasso was unleashing Les Demoiselles d’Avignon – was a great avant-garde country after all. The Guggenheim in Venice is celebrating vorticism , the British movement that briefly emulated futurism. The Royal Academy recently bigged up British 20th-century sculpture . Meanwhile at Tate Britain , current displays excavate the British art scene from 1900 to the 1990s with the determination of an archaeologist convinced that the next pottery shard will reveal a new way of seeing the past. Phooey, I say. British art in the first half of the 20th century has never been underestimated. It has been accurately seen for what it was, a backwater. Of course there are fascinating figures, like Sickert and Epstein . After the second world war it all gets much more dynamic in the age of Francis Bacon and Richard Hamilton . But come on. Bigging up British modernism from the 1900s to 1940s is a fool’s game. You can get carried away by any art. But it does not matter how many Henry Moore statues are exhibited, they still look tame as soon as they are set next to a Picasso. This obsession with 20th-century British art is an illusion. It is also insidiously conservative. It offers a vision of proper, serious British modern art that supposedly long-preceded Hirst. But in the modern displays at Tate Britain, only one room is exciting: the Damien Hirst gallery. His art explodes in my head. It is real, it is alive. It is free. Away from the Flock , at Tate Britain, is gripping and entrancing. In comparison, all those British modernists from the days of Bloomsbury and Metroland are just sheep, baaing in the field, stuck in the flock. Art Damien Hirst Jonathan Jones guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Ukraine’s richest man spends record amount for a UK home after buying two Knightsbridge flats totalling 25,000 sq ft Ukraine’s richest man, Rinat Akhmetov, has paid the highest price for a UK residence, buying an apartment in the One Hyde Park development in Knightsbridge. Land Registry documents show that two properties on the seventh and eighth floor of the luxury development have been bought by a single buyer, the total consideration amounting to £136.4m. Confirmation of the sale had been expected for some time, with news that a purchaser had paid the huge sum emerging last year. It has been estimated that the buyer would also be spending £60m fitting out the property. A spokesman for Akhmetov’s company, System Capital Management, confirmed the oligarch had invested in the development, which has caused uproar among local residents because of its modern architecture. Akhmetov, the son of a coal miner, runs SCM, a Ukrainian conglomerate involved in mining, retail, financial services and even football – it owns the club Shakhtar Donetsk. Estimates of his fortune vary, although most agree he is worth billions of pounds. As the owner of Metinvest, a coal, ore-mining and steel business, his net worth is likely to have soared over the past year on the back of the commodities boom, with Forbes recently estimating his fortune at $16bn (£10bn). Buyers of flats in One Hyde Park are treated as permanent guests of the Mandarin Oriental, the hotel adjacent to the development. As well as outlining the property bought in each case, each lease document also specifies which area of the development’s wine cellar the buyer is entitled to. Akhmetov will be able to store his collection of fine wines in wine storage spaces 16 and 17. The flat is reported as having an area of 25,000 square feet, meaning the Ukrainian billionaire has spent £5,456 a square foot. That is less than the absolute peak figures the developers, Nick and Christian Candy, had hoped for – with the highest flats with the best views of Hyde Park expected to go for as much as £6,000 a square foot. The brothers are unlikely to be too bothered, however. Total sales of about half the flats have reaped £963m, the Candys have indicated, enough to almost pay off the £1.1bn cost of the development. London Property Ukraine Commercial property Homes Alex Hawkes guardian.co.uk
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