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Bozell Column: David Brooks, You’re Fired

Conservatives who really wanted to see at least a spending “haircut” for NPR or public broadcasting in the underwhelming budget deal for 2011 might have suggested at least some symbolic victory for conservatives. Here it is: Fire David Brooks as the alleged conservative or Republican “counterpoint” on PBS and NPR on Friday nights. We could hire Donald Trump to announce it from the boardroom. Or keep him, but banish forever, for once and for all, the notion that he is a man of the Right. After President Obama’s budget speech at George Washington University, Brooks wrote a column for The New York Times declaring: “It doesn't take a genius to see that Obama is very likely to be re-elected.” Republicans may try to reform entitlements, but “voters, even Republican voters, reject this.” Obama “hit the political sweet spot with his speech this week. He made a sincere call to reduce debt, which will please independents, but he did not specify any tough choices.” Forget for a minute how cynical that sounds: the “genius” makes vague promises of spending reductions while in reality he delivers the greatest deficits in history – by far. Forget about the how the speech has actually played in America: his Gallup approval rating dropped to 41 percent, with a 35 percent approval from independents. The new ABC/Washington Post poll finds 55 percent disapproval of Obama from independents. Let’s just focus on how Brooks aims to please his bosses at the New York Times – and let’s not forget his check-signers at NPR and PBS. What results is the usual rigged liberal point-and-point, instead of a point-counterpoint. On Friday’s “All Things Considered,” NPR anchor Robert Siegel began, “David Brooks, it is still a long way until November 6th, 2012, but you effectively called the election for Barack Obama.” Brooks joked: “I'm going to sleep. It's all over.” Siegel and E.J. Dionne, the liberal half of NPR’s Friday pundit duo, laughed. How very….grand…it all is. There was no criticism for Obama on this panel, just talk of his mastery. Brooks also said Obama accomplished “I don't know what the trifecta plus one is — a quad-fecta.” The NPR anchor insisted, “Oh yeah. It was a tetra-fecta.” Brooks added, “It was sort of a master stroke.” The only sour note Brooks could sound was that Obama sounded partisan. When Dionne insisted Obama whacked Republicans without sounding angry, Brooks demurred: “He did call his opponents un-American. I mean, he did sound like Michele Bachmann at times.” That’s a liberal put-down for you: He sounds like Michele Bachmann. Then came his weekly chat spot on the “PBS NewsHour,” where once again, Brooks bravely told the PBS executives what they wanted to hear, rehashing his column about how the Republicans are right about the sustainability of entitlements, but Obama was “absolutely right to jump all over the Republicans” and offer a “plan” full of air. Obama was masterful: “I thought, politically, he did a very effective job of demonizing the Republicans, raising the parts of their program that are very unpopular, and then appearing responsible, and maybe putting us on a path to some sort of fiscal responsibility, but not really specifying how.” This allowed another moment of blissful journalistic levitation for the liberals. Jim Lehrer asked liberal Mark Shields: “Do you agree the president did an effective job?” Shields replied: “I think the president did a remarkable job.” Brooks insisted, as usual, that there will be need to be shared sacrifice, from the middle class and from senior citizens, to which Lehrer replied: “But the president and Secretary Geithner on this program that same night said, look, if there is going to be deficit reduction, you’re not going to do it without raising taxes.” Brooks agreed that was “absolutely right.” Republicans were wrong. Lehrer said the Republicans said Obama’s speech was “class warfare, that’s unfair.” Brooks replied: “Yes. And, here, I think they’re wrong. I do think we have to raise taxes on the top 1 percent. I think we have to have a big tax reform that raises revenue…. But you have got to raise revenue across more than just the rich.” The Lehrer interview wrapped up with Brooks and Shields running down the Republican field for being an incredibly weak field of challengers to President Masterstroke. Anyone who wonders why conservatives and Republicans are so disgusted with the tilt of public broadcasting (and its sedate, self-satisfied civility) should begin with the notion that David Brooks is “balance.” If liberals weren’t cowards who feared losing TV debates, they’d hire a real conservative to engage in some serious Friday night discussions on PBS and NPR.

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And another one bites the dust … Wisconsin Democrats announced late Monday that they are filing recall signatures against a fourth Republican state senator [Sheila Harsdorf of the 10th District], in the political battle over Republican Gov. Scott Walker’s anti-public employee union agenda. And with this development, the momentum is growing for control of the chamber to be up for grabs in the coming months. The St. Paul Pioneer Press , whose readership includes people across the Minnesota state line in Harsdorf’s northwestern Wisconsin district, reports: Democratic Party of Wisconsin spokesman Graeme Zielinski said a petition will be filed with the Wisconsin Government Accountability Board on Tuesday. While he didn’t have a total signature count Monday afternoon — signatures were still coming in — Zielinski said the number is well over the 15,744 needed. Democrats on Monday filed petitions against Republican state Sen. Luther Olsen, and had previously filed petitions targeting state Sen. Dan Kapanke and state Sen. Randy Hopper. These petitions are still being reviewed by the state Government Accountability Board, which oversees elections. There are eight Republican state senators eligible for recall. Signatures are still being collected for the other four. But if a Democrat can win in each of these four races (not necessarily a lock in some very red districts), it will tip the scale of the make up of the Senate to a Democratic majority. The Wisconsin Republican Party has promised to launch recalls of their own against the Democratic state senators who fled to prevent a quorum. As yet, they have not been able to gather the required number of signatures to file even a single petition. From an email from a Wisconsin activist involved in the recall campaign: Here’s what this means. Presuming all four elections take place — which they all but certainly will, given the massive amounts of signatures gathered in all four cases — Dems will have matched the amount of recalls triggered in the state’s whole previous history in less than a year . That’s as clear a demonstration as you could want of the grassroots energy unleashed by Scott Walker’s overreach, and of the organizing successes of his opponents. Republicans have less than a week until the deadline for their signatures to trigger recall elections against Dems. They have not yet submitted any.

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And another one bites the dust … Wisconsin Democrats announced late Monday that they are filing recall signatures against a fourth Republican state senator [Sheila Harsdorf of the 10th District], in the political battle over Republican Gov. Scott Walker’s anti-public employee union agenda. And with this development, the momentum is growing for control of the chamber to be up for grabs in the coming months. The St. Paul Pioneer Press , whose readership includes people across the Minnesota state line in Harsdorf’s northwestern Wisconsin district, reports: Democratic Party of Wisconsin spokesman Graeme Zielinski said a petition will be filed with the Wisconsin Government Accountability Board on Tuesday. While he didn’t have a total signature count Monday afternoon — signatures were still coming in — Zielinski said the number is well over the 15,744 needed. Democrats on Monday filed petitions against Republican state Sen. Luther Olsen, and had previously filed petitions targeting state Sen. Dan Kapanke and state Sen. Randy Hopper. These petitions are still being reviewed by the state Government Accountability Board, which oversees elections. There are eight Republican state senators eligible for recall. Signatures are still being collected for the other four. But if a Democrat can win in each of these four races (not necessarily a lock in some very red districts), it will tip the scale of the make up of the Senate to a Democratic majority. The Wisconsin Republican Party has promised to launch recalls of their own against the Democratic state senators who fled to prevent a quorum. As yet, they have not been able to gather the required number of signatures to file even a single petition. From an email from a Wisconsin activist involved in the recall campaign: Here’s what this means. Presuming all four elections take place — which they all but certainly will, given the massive amounts of signatures gathered in all four cases — Dems will have matched the amount of recalls triggered in the state’s whole previous history in less than a year . That’s as clear a demonstration as you could want of the grassroots energy unleashed by Scott Walker’s overreach, and of the organizing successes of his opponents. Republicans have less than a week until the deadline for their signatures to trigger recall elections against Dems. They have not yet submitted any.

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Donald Trump is freaking out Charles Krauthammer: Calls him an unserious Al Sharpton Clown

Click here to view this media Donald Trump is causing mild hysteria in the media since he’s become the King Birther with possible plans to run for president. Many are panning him, but Charles Krauthammer, who believes he’s the conscience of conservatives, is taking him very seriously and didn’t hold back about his feeling for the Donald on Fox’s Special Report with Brett Baier. As I watched Krauthammer, I was surprised at how afraid and nervous Donald was making him — especially the thought of Trump running as an independent. “Then there is Trump,” he continued. “Trump is Al Sharpton of the Republican Party – provocateur and clown, unserious. I think he’s going to harm the party if he runs for the same reason Sharpton harmed the Democrats. I can now see all the mail coming in – address it to me, not to Bret. He is not responsibility – which means in the debate he will be up there I think he will run, not just a trial run. He’ll be up in the debate, and like Sharpton he will monopolize discussion and draw it away on issues that are irrelevant like Obama’s birth and that can only hurt the party.” I guess Krauthammer figures that calling Trump ‘the Al Sharpton of the GOP’ will shake up the base out of their Trump trance, since Sharpton is the epitome of the Evil Black Politician to those folks, but it won’t. Trump is doing very well very well in GOP polls for God’s sake and that’s probably what got his freak on. Sharpton never came close to winning a poll in 2004. And it shows you how fractured and unstable the base voters of the GOP are at this point to even be considering a man like Trump. It’s also a reflection of the quality of the candidates the GOP has to choose from at this point. Well, when almost 50% of registered voters believe Obama is not an American, it’s not hard to understand why Trump is doing well in the minds of conservatives : Nearly half of usual Republican primary voters in Iowa think President Obama was not born in the United States, while barely one-quarter believe he was, according to a PPP poll released on Tuesday . In the poll, 48% of registered Republican voters said Obama was not born in the U.S., while 26% said he was. Additionally, 26% said they were unsure. That percentage is actually slightly better than the national average for typical Republican primary voters, a majority of whom believe Obama was born outside the U.S. In February, a PPP poll found that 51% of registered Republican voters said Obama was not born in the U.S., compared to 28% who said he was, and 21% who were unsure.

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Parcel bomb sent to Celtic manager

Police say three devices discovered, addressed to Lennon, Trish Godman and Paul McBride not hoaxes and contain explosives Parcel bombs intended to kill or maim have been sent to the Celtic manager Neil Lennon and two other prominent fans of the club – the manager’s lawyer and a senior Labour politician. The three devices were discovered at several locations in the west of Scotland over the past month, and are considered dangerous, a senior police source has confirmed. One addressed to Lennon at Celtic’s training ground was intercepted by Royal Mail staff, but a second was forwarded to the constituency office of Trish Godman, a former deputy presiding officer of the Scottish parliament and Labour MSP and passionate Celtic fan. Her office staff became suspicious and alerted Strathclyde police. Detectives initially believed the parcels were elaborate hoaxes intended to distress their targets but later decided they were viable explosive devices. The third device was addressed to Paul McBride QC, who, speaking at the Faculty of Advocates lawyers’ offices in Edinburgh, made outspoken attacks on the Scottish Football Association for its treatment of Lennon over alleged disciplinary offences. It is understood all devices were all sent from within Scotland: anti-terrorism branch officers were initially involved but have ruled out loyalist terrorist involvement. The device sent to McBride was apparently posted in Ayrshire when it was discovered by a postal worker in a letterbox, and taken to a sorting office. Ministers in the Scottish government secretly convened a cabinet sub-committee meeting on Saturday to discuss the discoveries. News media were asked not to report the incidents to avoid prejudicing a police investigation. The incidents mark a significant escalation in a campaign against Lennon, a Northern Irish Catholic, involving death threats, hate mail, bullets sent in the post and an earlier letter bomb. Lennon, his wife and children have left their home and have been living under 24-hour guard at a secret location for some weeks. The former Northern Ireland player has been involved in repeated disputes with the Scottish football authorities and with his fiercest rivals, Rangers, involving refereeing decisions, the conduct of each team’s players and his own behaviour. Although he has not been directly been in disputes about sectarianism, senior figures in Celtic, including its chairman and former Labour home secretary John Reid, and the Catholic church were involved in public rows over alleged bias against Celtic. In March, the first minister Alex Salmond convened a meeting involving both clubs, the football authorities and Strathclyde police to clamp down on the violent on-field disputes involving both clubs and the sectarianism on the terraces, largely involving Rangers fans. Both clubs agreed to allow senior police officers onto training grounds to remind players they face arrest for on-field misconduct. The two clubs are next due to meet this weekend, on Easter Sunday, in their final derby match of the season. Asked about the latest discoveries, Salmond told BBC Scotland: “We will not tolerate this sort of criminality in Scotland, and as an indication of the seriousness with which we view these developments the cabinet sub-committee met last Saturday to ensure that the police investigation has every possible support to come to a successful conclusion.” Michael Kelly, a former Celtic director and Lord Provost of Glasgow, told the BBC: “This now is terrorism, purely and simply. It’s got nothing to do with football and the background of the summit and the Old Firm game. It’s up to the police to refocus their targets on these people and to catch them.” Neil Lennon Celtic Rangers John Reid Alex Salmond Police Scotland Severin Carrell guardian.co.uk

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Manning to be moved from Quantico

WikiLeaks suspect to be moved to Fort Leavenworth after storm of protest at his treatment in Quantico military prison The US soldier accused of downloading hundreds of thousands of state secrets and passing them to WikiLeaks is to be moved from the military prison where he has been held for the past 10 months after international protests that he is being held in conditions amounting to torture. US officials quoted by AP said that Bradley Manning is to be moved from the military brig in Quantico marine base in Virginia to Fort Leavenworth in Kansas. He was arrested last year in a US base outside Baghdad where he had been working as an intelligence analyst and has since been charged with passing classified information to an unauthorised party. The charges relate to the posting by WikiLeaks of a trove of state secrets, including US embassy cables first published by the Guardian in tandem with other newspapers. In Quantico, Manning has been held in solitary confinement under a “prevention of injury order” which, his lawyer has argued, amounts to an unjustified form of coercion ahead of his court martial. In recent weeks he has been stripped of his clothes at night and left wearing only a smock. Campaigners who have demanded an end to the mistreatment of Manning in jail are sceptical about the move to Fort Leavenworth. The Democratic congressman Dennis Kucinich, who has raised the case on Capitol Hill, said “nothing the department of defence has done so far with respect to PFC Manning provides any assurance that his basic human and constitutional rights are being protected. Any move does not change the fact that he has been held under conditions which may constitute cruel and unusual punishment in violation of the 8th amendment of the US constitution.” In its Twitter feed, WikiLeaks said there was no guarantee of better treatment for Manning in Fort Leavenworth and that access to the prisoner would still be limited to his lawyer and family. In the past days the outcry about Manning’s conditions has grown. The UN rapporteur on torture, Juan Mendez, criticised the US government for refusing him permission to visit Manning in private. Many of America’s most respected constitutional lawyers signed a joint letter denouncing Manning’s treatment as unconstitutional and possibly illegal. Jeh Johnson, the Pentagon’s general counsel, told reporters at a hastily announced briefing at the Pentagon: “Given the length of time he’s been in pretrial confinement at Quantico … and given what the likely period of pretrial confinement in the future … we reached the judgment this would be the right facility for him.” Bradley Manning WikiLeaks US military United Nations United States Ed Pilkington guardian.co.uk

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Guess Who Dylan Ratigan Fawned All Over?

Here’s a hint, That person could be a liar, fraud, shill, or a race-baiter. Any guesses now? I could put up video, but why should I make you all watch Ratigan call Andrew Breitbart an “incredibly smart, passionate, effective guy” while letting Breitbart go all populist on him? Or watch Breitbart puff up and call himself the Upton Sinclair of the mainstream media? Please, if you’re going to vomit, aim the other way. Really, MSNBC and Dylan Ratigan should be ashamed of themselves. Oh, all right. If you really want to watch… Click here to view this media

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Thor – review

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Thor – review

It’s overlong and all over the place but there’s something weirdly charming about Kenneth Branagh’s superhero epic By the glittering towers of Asgard, Kenneth Branagh’s big-screen Thor is a rum old affair. Yes, this superhero epic comes complete with CGI monsters, cacophonous battles and a scene in which our musclebound hero stands out in the rain and wails “Waaaah!” at the heavens. But it also contains some broad, fish-out-of-water comedy, an odd couple romance and a scene in which Thor storms into a pet shop and calls for a horse. I watched from the gods, chuckling at the sheer, silly exuberance of it all. Thor, according to Norse mythology, is the god of thunder, lightning and, intriguingly, oak trees as well. In the 1960s the deity found himself repackaged by Marvel Comics, which sent him to earth and paired him off with a foxy young nurse, although Thor’s sombre, bombastic persona ensured that he never quite chimed with the fans in the way, say, Spiderman did. Now along comes Branagh’s jokey riff on the comic-book version, played out under tie-dyed skies and swinging between small-town New Mexico and a gleaming, tinfoil Asgard that looks like Nordic night at Studio 54. If Marvel Studios figured that the director would bring a little Shakespearean gravitas to the proceedings then by God, they’ve got another thing coming. As played by Australian newcomer Chris Hemsworth, our protagonist swaggers about like some celestial beer monster. Cast out of Asgard by his exasperated father Odin (Anthony Hopkins), he crash-lands in the desert where he is promptly run over by Jane (Natalie Portman), an earnest young scientist. Suffice to say Thor is not enamoured of these new surroundings. “I’m the son of Odin!” he roars, hurling mugs of coffee to the floor and grappling with the medics who want to inject sedative into his buttocks. “No more smashing!” scolds Jane. What Thor desires above all else, of course, is his mystical hammer of hammering. And he had better find it sharpish because, up above, heaven is already going to hell in a handcart, what with Odin on his sickbed and the duplicitous Loki (Tom Hiddleston) scheming to forge an alliance with the frost giants. Only when the hammer makes its reappearance can Thor be returned to his former glories. Clobbered, believed dead, he suddenly rears up on Main Street, with his billowing red cloak and big, dopey grin. “Oh. My. God,” breathes Jane, and she is more right than she can ever know. I’d hesitate to call this a good film, exactly. It’s overlong and all over the place. The sets are tacky and the script is skittish. Some of the supporting players (most notably a stricken Stellan Skarsgård) appear poignantly all at sea. But there’s something weirdly charming about it just the same. Branagh has knocked his film together with a terrific, freewheeling gusto. It has its tongue in its cheek and the fun is infectious. For all of its faults, Thor’s never a bore. Rating: 3/5 Kenneth Branagh Xan Brooks guardian.co.uk

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‘Now I’ve got ambitions’

When a 15-year-old has a baby, it doesn’t have to mean the end of her education and her hopes of a career. Amelia Hill visits the school that treats motherhood as an opportunity Pregnant at 15, Tanya didn’t think having a baby would ruin her life. But then, she didn’t think she had much of a life left to ruin. Rarely going to school, fighting with her mother, and depressed, Tanya had been devastated to discover that John, her boyfriend and the father of her child, was just 13 years old; throughout their 15-month relationship, he had pretended to be 17. The couple stayed together during the pregnancy, but five weeks after the birth of their daughter, Amy, John told Tanya he didn’t want anything to do with either of them. Yet today, Tanya is bubbling with love for her 10-month-old daughter, with shy pride in herself and hope for both their futures. In the past 14 months, she has gained five GCSEs and two level 1 qualifications. Next year, she will take two more GCSEs. If all goes to plan, she will then start a beauty therapy course at the local college. “Amy makes my world a better place. It makes my day when she smiles,” she says. “I never went to school much until I got pregnant. I had no plans for the future. Now I want to do well and go to college, then get a job and be a good mum for Amy.” Teenage pregnancies have been falling since 2002 and are now at their lowest for more than a decade: 7,586 under-16-year-olds became pregnant in the past 12 months, compared with 8,200 the year before, according to the most recent research by the Office for National Statistics. Despite the fall in numbers, however, the UK still has the highest rates of teenage births and abortions in western Europe – five times those in the Netherlands, and double those in France and Germany. Britain’s young people are still likely to become sexually active at a younger age than their European peers. The rate of sexually transmitted diseases among children aged 14 and younger is rising. Launched in 1999, the government’s Teenage Pregnancy Strategy aimed to halve the rate of conception in a decade. Instead, the conception rate has fallen by just 13.3% among those aged under 18, and by 11.7% in under-16s. But even this hard-won reduction is at risk, campaigners warn, thanks to the scrapping of all direct funding to the £285m scheme by the end of the year. It is left to people such as Dr Kathy Burton, head of Moat House school in Stockport , Cheshire, to try to improve the life chances of the 20,000 under-18s who get pregnant each year and decide to keep their babies. To try to make education and a job the priority of mothers who are little more than children themselves. To teach them how to be good parents and, ideally, to delay further pregnancies. “My opening gambit to every girl who comes to us is: ‘What would you have wanted to be doing, 12 months from now, had you not got pregnant?’ Then I make it clear that they will still be able to achieve that ambition – or do even better – with a baby,” says Burton, whose school was one of the first of a dozen units across the country dedicated to pregnant girls or young mothers aged between 13 and 17. Last month, the Guardian was granted rare access to Moat House. The unit, discreetly tucked into a quiet residential close near the centre of Stockport, is clearly no ordinary place of learning. Signs on the walls instruct teachers what to do if a girl goes into labour while at school. Visitors are greeted by a bold picture display of cheerful pink and blue cots, each one naming and congratulating a new mother on the birth of her baby. A large, bright creche is the centrepiece of the school: the girls are allowed to check on their babies at any time during the school day but are expected to spend breaks and lunchtimes caring for them. Four teachers, including Burton, teach the usual core curriculum to between 19 and 24 girls. Expectations are high – GCSEs are completed in two and a half terms instead of the usual two years, with the assumption that the students will go on to college. Their chances are good: last year, more than half of the 65 GCSEs taken by the students were achieved at grade C or above. Last May, Ofsted ranked the school as “outstanding ” for the third time. Alongside the maths and English lessons, the school prepares the girls for their new role as mothers. Midwives and health visitors run sessions on sex education, what to expect during labour, pain relief, weaning, potty training – and preventing further pregnancies. Nursery nurses talk to the girls about how to care for a new baby. A Connexions careers adviser eases each girl into college by encouraging her to apply for college courses in line with her interests and aptitudes. The school even has its own Young Parents’ Project co-ordinator, part of Stockport’s drive to help its post-16 mums find college places and access childcare. Such specialist support has put Stockport at the head of the national league table for the government’s Care to Learn scheme, which helps get teenage parents back into learning by funding childcare while parents are at college. Having been excluded from school for much of the time between turning 13 and becoming pregnant at 14, Annie was functionally illiterate when was referred to Moat House. She is now headed for college where she will study animal care and hopes to become a zoologist. If she makes it to university, she will be the first member of her family to do so. “Being pregnant calmed me down a lot. I had a lot of anger but I’ve grown up,” she says, expertly cradling her three-and-a-half-month-old daughter in one arm and tidying toys with the other. “I’ve learned I can read if I try – and I want to try now, I want to be a good role model for Tara. Without her, I wouldn’t have done anything with my life but now I’ve got plans and ambitions.” Most of the girls are in long-term relationships. Often with the same boyfriends since the age of 14, they talk of how having a baby has strengthened their relationships and given their partners a new focus in life. “My boyfriend, Colin, used to be so immature,” says 16-year-old Lauren, who gave birth to her son Ciaran two months ago. “He was just a kid himself. But now he’s got a job and is finding us a house. At the beginning, he wouldn’t hold Ciaran because he was so scared, but now he changes his nappy, feeds and burps him. He’s a brilliant father and Ciaran’s a real daddy’s boy: his eyes light up whenever his dad comes into the room.” Behind Lauren is a shelf of Romeo and Juliet textbooks. Underneath are letters the girls wrote earlier in the year, to their “bumps”: “When you get old enough to have sex, please use protection because you don’t want to end up like Mummy,” reads one. Another says: “Me and your daddy are going to bring you up so you can go and sort yourself out with a career when you’re older.” By her own admission, Lauren had little idea what to do with her future before she became pregnant. Now she laughs as she remembers the recent suggestion of her boyfriend that they should have eight children. “My dad wants me to have more kids too,” she says. “He asked me when I was going to give him a granddaughter but I’ve told them all that they have to wait. I don’t want another kid until I’m at least 24. I want to train as a nursery nurse and get a good job sorted before I have more kids.” Currently there is no requirement to provide mothers aged up to 16 with a full-time education if they cannot attend school towards the end of their pregnancy and in the weeks after the birth. The Department for Education has said it “thinks that this is wrong”. From September 2011, the DfE will require all local authorities to provide full-time education for every child, with the aim of getting 60% of young mothers into education, employment or training. Whether it will achieve its goal is another question: a recent report by Barnardo’s, the children’s charity, found that 72% of young mothers are currently not in education, employment or training, compared with about 10% of 16- to 18-year-olds generally. Many young mothers interviewed as part of the Barnardo’s research said they had never been officially excluded but that their schools had put pressure on them to drop out over unfounded health-and-safety fears. Other young mothers admitting having dropped out – effectively excluding themselves – because of their schools’ lack of support and flexibility. In some cases there were no offers of home tuition or alternative teaching arrangements. “Most mainstream schools, even if they let a girl stay on when she gets pregnant, are unhappy letting her continue her education in school beyond 36 weeks,” says Burton. “Here, we have them up to and beyond their due date. After they give birth, they are only given four weeks’ maternity leave. Most nurseries won’t take a baby until they are 12 weeks old, which means that even if a girl stays in the most accommodating of mainstream schools, she can take up to 18 weeks’ absence – which, in year 11, is a significant amount of time.” Funded by Stockport local authority, Moat House is expecting cuts of no more than 7% next year. But Burton fears the impact of reductions in the welfare services that target school attendance and deprivation, both key predictors of teenage pregnancy. She also believes the scrapping of direct funding for the Teenage Pregnancy Strategy is “short-sighted” and says the disappearance of the education maintenance allowance, and of all childcare-specific funding after the age of 19, will hit young mothers trying to stay in education and training. But while reducing the numbers of teenage pregnancies can seem a sisyphean task, there are some reasons to be cheerful. Some authoritative studies have found that early parenthood does not guarantee social deprivation. In fact it can be a positive influence on the lives of young mothers – if they are given enough support. “Young mothers often see parenthood as providing a chance to create a loving family – often compensating for their own bad experiences of childhood,” said Suzanne Cater and Lester Coleman, authors of a 2006 report into planned teenage pregnancy for the Joseph Rowntree Foundation. “Many said that their life would have been worse if they had not become a parent, pointing to family insecurity, a growing sense of worthlessness and lack of direction.” A 2003 study by John Ermish for the Institute for Social and Economic Research came to a similar conclusion. Using evidence from the British Household Panel Study, the professor of economics found that outcomes for women at age 30 showed that the negative consequences of teenage parenthood had been overstated. Most notably, he said, outcomes are shaped most powerfully by poverty. Dr Jan Macvarish, author of the new book Teenage Parenthood: What’s the Problem?, agrees. “The disproportionate political attention given to teenage parenthood has produced a number of profoundly unhelpful outcomes for young parents,” says Macvarish, a lecturer at the University of Kent. “Rather than [society] respecting young people who have chosen to grow up through parenthood, they are treated as dysfunctional, destined to fail and in need of ‘special treatment’ that is far more intrusive than most new parents would accept.” Back at Moat House, 17-year-old Natalie agrees. “Being a teenage mother is hard,” she says. “But the most difficult thing is the way I’m judged and treated by people who assume bad things about me, just because of my age. They don’t know how much I love my baby. They don’t know I’m a good mother. They don’t know any of that, but they assume all sorts of things about me. And that makes changing the future for me and my child so much harder.” Young people Schools Parents and parenting Sexual health Pregnancy Parents Amelia Hill guardian.co.uk

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‘Now I’ve got ambitions’

When a 15-year-old has a baby, it doesn’t have to mean the end of her education and her hopes of a career. Amelia Hill visits the school that treats motherhood as an opportunity Pregnant at 15, Tanya didn’t think having a baby would ruin her life. But then, she didn’t think she had much of a life left to ruin. Rarely going to school, fighting with her mother, and depressed, Tanya had been devastated to discover that John, her boyfriend and the father of her child, was just 13 years old; throughout their 15-month relationship, he had pretended to be 17. The couple stayed together during the pregnancy, but five weeks after the birth of their daughter, Amy, John told Tanya he didn’t want anything to do with either of them. Yet today, Tanya is bubbling with love for her 10-month-old daughter, with shy pride in herself and hope for both their futures. In the past 14 months, she has gained five GCSEs and two level 1 qualifications. Next year, she will take two more GCSEs. If all goes to plan, she will then start a beauty therapy course at the local college. “Amy makes my world a better place. It makes my day when she smiles,” she says. “I never went to school much until I got pregnant. I had no plans for the future. Now I want to do well and go to college, then get a job and be a good mum for Amy.” Teenage pregnancies have been falling since 2002 and are now at their lowest for more than a decade: 7,586 under-16-year-olds became pregnant in the past 12 months, compared with 8,200 the year before, according to the most recent research by the Office for National Statistics. Despite the fall in numbers, however, the UK still has the highest rates of teenage births and abortions in western Europe – five times those in the Netherlands, and double those in France and Germany. Britain’s young people are still likely to become sexually active at a younger age than their European peers. The rate of sexually transmitted diseases among children aged 14 and younger is rising. Launched in 1999, the government’s Teenage Pregnancy Strategy aimed to halve the rate of conception in a decade. Instead, the conception rate has fallen by just 13.3% among those aged under 18, and by 11.7% in under-16s. But even this hard-won reduction is at risk, campaigners warn, thanks to the scrapping of all direct funding to the £285m scheme by the end of the year. It is left to people such as Dr Kathy Burton, head of Moat House school in Stockport , Cheshire, to try to improve the life chances of the 20,000 under-18s who get pregnant each year and decide to keep their babies. To try to make education and a job the priority of mothers who are little more than children themselves. To teach them how to be good parents and, ideally, to delay further pregnancies. “My opening gambit to every girl who comes to us is: ‘What would you have wanted to be doing, 12 months from now, had you not got pregnant?’ Then I make it clear that they will still be able to achieve that ambition – or do even better – with a baby,” says Burton, whose school was one of the first of a dozen units across the country dedicated to pregnant girls or young mothers aged between 13 and 17. Last month, the Guardian was granted rare access to Moat House. The unit, discreetly tucked into a quiet residential close near the centre of Stockport, is clearly no ordinary place of learning. Signs on the walls instruct teachers what to do if a girl goes into labour while at school. Visitors are greeted by a bold picture display of cheerful pink and blue cots, each one naming and congratulating a new mother on the birth of her baby. A large, bright creche is the centrepiece of the school: the girls are allowed to check on their babies at any time during the school day but are expected to spend breaks and lunchtimes caring for them. Four teachers, including Burton, teach the usual core curriculum to between 19 and 24 girls. Expectations are high – GCSEs are completed in two and a half terms instead of the usual two years, with the assumption that the students will go on to college. Their chances are good: last year, more than half of the 65 GCSEs taken by the students were achieved at grade C or above. Last May, Ofsted ranked the school as “outstanding ” for the third time. Alongside the maths and English lessons, the school prepares the girls for their new role as mothers. Midwives and health visitors run sessions on sex education, what to expect during labour, pain relief, weaning, potty training – and preventing further pregnancies. Nursery nurses talk to the girls about how to care for a new baby. A Connexions careers adviser eases each girl into college by encouraging her to apply for college courses in line with her interests and aptitudes. The school even has its own Young Parents’ Project co-ordinator, part of Stockport’s drive to help its post-16 mums find college places and access childcare. Such specialist support has put Stockport at the head of the national league table for the government’s Care to Learn scheme, which helps get teenage parents back into learning by funding childcare while parents are at college. Having been excluded from school for much of the time between turning 13 and becoming pregnant at 14, Annie was functionally illiterate when was referred to Moat House. She is now headed for college where she will study animal care and hopes to become a zoologist. If she makes it to university, she will be the first member of her family to do so. “Being pregnant calmed me down a lot. I had a lot of anger but I’ve grown up,” she says, expertly cradling her three-and-a-half-month-old daughter in one arm and tidying toys with the other. “I’ve learned I can read if I try – and I want to try now, I want to be a good role model for Tara. Without her, I wouldn’t have done anything with my life but now I’ve got plans and ambitions.” Most of the girls are in long-term relationships. Often with the same boyfriends since the age of 14, they talk of how having a baby has strengthened their relationships and given their partners a new focus in life. “My boyfriend, Colin, used to be so immature,” says 16-year-old Lauren, who gave birth to her son Ciaran two months ago. “He was just a kid himself. But now he’s got a job and is finding us a house. At the beginning, he wouldn’t hold Ciaran because he was so scared, but now he changes his nappy, feeds and burps him. He’s a brilliant father and Ciaran’s a real daddy’s boy: his eyes light up whenever his dad comes into the room.” Behind Lauren is a shelf of Romeo and Juliet textbooks. Underneath are letters the girls wrote earlier in the year, to their “bumps”: “When you get old enough to have sex, please use protection because you don’t want to end up like Mummy,” reads one. Another says: “Me and your daddy are going to bring you up so you can go and sort yourself out with a career when you’re older.” By her own admission, Lauren had little idea what to do with her future before she became pregnant. Now she laughs as she remembers the recent suggestion of her boyfriend that they should have eight children. “My dad wants me to have more kids too,” she says. “He asked me when I was going to give him a granddaughter but I’ve told them all that they have to wait. I don’t want another kid until I’m at least 24. I want to train as a nursery nurse and get a good job sorted before I have more kids.” Currently there is no requirement to provide mothers aged up to 16 with a full-time education if they cannot attend school towards the end of their pregnancy and in the weeks after the birth. The Department for Education has said it “thinks that this is wrong”. From September 2011, the DfE will require all local authorities to provide full-time education for every child, with the aim of getting 60% of young mothers into education, employment or training. Whether it will achieve its goal is another question: a recent report by Barnardo’s, the children’s charity, found that 72% of young mothers are currently not in education, employment or training, compared with about 10% of 16- to 18-year-olds generally. Many young mothers interviewed as part of the Barnardo’s research said they had never been officially excluded but that their schools had put pressure on them to drop out over unfounded health-and-safety fears. Other young mothers admitting having dropped out – effectively excluding themselves – because of their schools’ lack of support and flexibility. In some cases there were no offers of home tuition or alternative teaching arrangements. “Most mainstream schools, even if they let a girl stay on when she gets pregnant, are unhappy letting her continue her education in school beyond 36 weeks,” says Burton. “Here, we have them up to and beyond their due date. After they give birth, they are only given four weeks’ maternity leave. Most nurseries won’t take a baby until they are 12 weeks old, which means that even if a girl stays in the most accommodating of mainstream schools, she can take up to 18 weeks’ absence – which, in year 11, is a significant amount of time.” Funded by Stockport local authority, Moat House is expecting cuts of no more than 7% next year. But Burton fears the impact of reductions in the welfare services that target school attendance and deprivation, both key predictors of teenage pregnancy. She also believes the scrapping of direct funding for the Teenage Pregnancy Strategy is “short-sighted” and says the disappearance of the education maintenance allowance, and of all childcare-specific funding after the age of 19, will hit young mothers trying to stay in education and training. But while reducing the numbers of teenage pregnancies can seem a sisyphean task, there are some reasons to be cheerful. Some authoritative studies have found that early parenthood does not guarantee social deprivation. In fact it can be a positive influence on the lives of young mothers – if they are given enough support. “Young mothers often see parenthood as providing a chance to create a loving family – often compensating for their own bad experiences of childhood,” said Suzanne Cater and Lester Coleman, authors of a 2006 report into planned teenage pregnancy for the Joseph Rowntree Foundation. “Many said that their life would have been worse if they had not become a parent, pointing to family insecurity, a growing sense of worthlessness and lack of direction.” A 2003 study by John Ermish for the Institute for Social and Economic Research came to a similar conclusion. Using evidence from the British Household Panel Study, the professor of economics found that outcomes for women at age 30 showed that the negative consequences of teenage parenthood had been overstated. Most notably, he said, outcomes are shaped most powerfully by poverty. Dr Jan Macvarish, author of the new book Teenage Parenthood: What’s the Problem?, agrees. “The disproportionate political attention given to teenage parenthood has produced a number of profoundly unhelpful outcomes for young parents,” says Macvarish, a lecturer at the University of Kent. “Rather than [society] respecting young people who have chosen to grow up through parenthood, they are treated as dysfunctional, destined to fail and in need of ‘special treatment’ that is far more intrusive than most new parents would accept.” Back at Moat House, 17-year-old Natalie agrees. “Being a teenage mother is hard,” she says. “But the most difficult thing is the way I’m judged and treated by people who assume bad things about me, just because of my age. They don’t know how much I love my baby. They don’t know I’m a good mother. They don’t know any of that, but they assume all sorts of things about me. And that makes changing the future for me and my child so much harder.” Young people Schools Parents and parenting Sexual health Pregnancy Parents Amelia Hill guardian.co.uk

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