Organisation’s brand new $50m array put in hibernation, reducing chances of finding elusive extraterrestrial signal It is the scientific institute made famous in Carl Sagan’s novel Contact, the organisation for which the main character, Ellie Arroway – played by Jodie Foster in the 1997 film version – worked day and night looking for signs of intelligent life in outer space. In real life, the Seti Institute has spent five decades hunting the skies for radio signals from deep space, possible communications which may indicate we are not alone in the universe. Now it has fallen prey to a very earthly problem: it has run out of cash. The institute’s chief executive, Tom Pierson, has announced that there are “serious challenges” in finding operating funds and that from this week the organisation’s brand new $50m (£30m) telescope array will be placed into hibernation. “This means that the equipment is unavailable for normal observations and is being maintained in a safe state by a significantly reduced staff,” he said in a letter to private donors to the institute. The problems revolve around the operation of the Allen Telescope Array (ATA), a set of radio dishes dedicated to looking for alien signals. Though it was paid for by the Seti Institute, the array, at the Hat Creek Radio Observatory, 300 miles north-east of San Francisco, is managed and operated by the radio astronomy lab of the University of California, Berkeley. According to Seti senior astronomer Seth Shostak, the facility needs about $2m-$3m a year to function and to keep the scientific research programmes going. The scientists need an additional $5m to fund a two-year project to listen for possible radio signals coming from the Earth-like exoplanets found by Nasa’s Kepler satellite. Launched in 2009, it has already identified more than 1,000 candidate planets, which the Seti Institute wants to use to narrow its search. The money needed to operate the observatory has until now come from a mixture of private donations, the US National Science Foundation (NSF) and the state government of California. “As it happens, Berkeley’s budget is way down – the state of California is in terrible financial circumstances because of the economic downturn,” Shostak said. “Consequently, they don’t have the money to keep the doors open and pay the electric bills and pay the staff at the antenna. And we don’t either, because we run our Seti projects mostly based on private donations, and those are down as well.” Funding from the NSF has also been cut, to about a tenth of its former level. Paul Davies, an astrophysicist at Arizona State University, said the ATA facility was “the gold standard for Seti observations and acts as an emblem for the entire worldwide research effort. It would be an utter tragedy if a unique research programme is abandoned for the cost of a few miles of motorway”. He added: “Our society squanders vast sums on trivia and entertainment, yet cannot find some small change to address the burning issue of whether we are alone in the universe.” There is some hope of raising funds by working with the US air force on future projects, according to Pierson, with one idea being to use the ATA in collaboration with the USAF’s space surveillance network to track debris in space, which can damage satellites and space vehicles. But this is also uncertain, given impending cuts in federal funding for the military. “The other possibility is that private donations could bring the telescope back to life and keep it working,” said Shostak. In the past, science fiction author Arthur C Clarke and Silicon Valley entrepreneurs Bill Hewlett and David Packard had helped fund Seti, he said, and “if Richard Branson or somebody … wanted to help us out now, they can get in touch”. The ATA is the Seti Institute’s biggest facility by far, and its only dedicated one. Its shutdown means astronomers will need to rely on data collected during downtime from other telescopes around the world and this will reduce its chances of finding that elusive alien signal. Shostak said the future of the ATA had to be decided sooner rather than later, as there was only enough money to keep it in hibernation mode for a few months. Until the funding crisis can be solved, the institute said it would continue its work on developing equipment and software that supports the overall search for alien signals. This includes an increased focus on involving citizens in its work: astronomers have already developed the successful Seti@Home project, a programme that uses the downtime on people’s home computers to sort through the masses of data collected by the institute’s experiments. The next step is SetiQuest.Org, an application that allows “citizen scientist volunteers to look for patterns in data from the ATA that might be missed by current algorithms, and help us explore frequency bands that are so full of signals that our detectors get confused”, said Pierson. Given the improvements in radar technology, Shostak said it would be a shame to stop searching now for signals from ET. “If this experiment is going to work, it’s going to work in a few dozen years, simply on the basis of the rapid improvement of the technology afforded by Moore’s Law. The equipment keeps getting faster and faster, so I think success is not very far off if you keep doing this.” He added: “In the grand scheme of things, this is not a whole lot of money and, clearly, Seti is an uncertain proposition. But Seti has a long lever-arm because, clearly, if we were to find a signal showing there was intelligent life, that would be an extraordinarily interesting thing. Not only for us but for every generation that follows us.” Seti history Seti, the Search for Extraterrestrial Intelligence, was conceived in 1960 by astronomer Frank Drake. He pointed the Green Bank radio telescope in West Virginia towards the star Tau Ceti and began looking for anomalous radio signals that might have been sent by intelligent life. Eventually, the Seti Institute was set up in California and began to use the downtime on radar telescopes around the world to scour for signals. Most recently, the search has been helped by building a dedicated set of antennae, the $50m Allen Telescope Array, 300 miles north-east of San Francisco. Part-funded by Microsoft co-founder Paul Allen, the array has 42 radio dishes, each 6m in diameter, and is the first step in an ambitious plan to build up to 350 antennae to look for radio signals day and night. Seti (Search for Extraterrestrial Intelligence) California Arthur C Clarke Richard Branson United States Alok Jha guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Organisation’s brand new $50m array put in hibernation, reducing chances of finding elusive extraterrestrial signal It is the scientific institute made famous in Carl Sagan’s novel Contact, the organisation for which the main character, Ellie Arroway – played by Jodie Foster in the 1997 film version – worked day and night looking for signs of intelligent life in outer space. In real life, the Seti Institute has spent five decades hunting the skies for radio signals from deep space, possible communications which may indicate we are not alone in the universe. Now it has fallen prey to a very earthly problem: it has run out of cash. The institute’s chief executive, Tom Pierson, has announced that there are “serious challenges” in finding operating funds and that from this week the organisation’s brand new $50m (£30m) telescope array will be placed into hibernation. “This means that the equipment is unavailable for normal observations and is being maintained in a safe state by a significantly reduced staff,” he said in a letter to private donors to the institute. The problems revolve around the operation of the Allen Telescope Array (ATA), a set of radio dishes dedicated to looking for alien signals. Though it was paid for by the Seti Institute, the array, at the Hat Creek Radio Observatory, 300 miles north-east of San Francisco, is managed and operated by the radio astronomy lab of the University of California, Berkeley. According to Seti senior astronomer Seth Shostak, the facility needs about $2m-$3m a year to function and to keep the scientific research programmes going. The scientists need an additional $5m to fund a two-year project to listen for possible radio signals coming from the Earth-like exoplanets found by Nasa’s Kepler satellite. Launched in 2009, it has already identified more than 1,000 candidate planets, which the Seti Institute wants to use to narrow its search. The money needed to operate the observatory has until now come from a mixture of private donations, the US National Science Foundation (NSF) and the state government of California. “As it happens, Berkeley’s budget is way down – the state of California is in terrible financial circumstances because of the economic downturn,” Shostak said. “Consequently, they don’t have the money to keep the doors open and pay the electric bills and pay the staff at the antenna. And we don’t either, because we run our Seti projects mostly based on private donations, and those are down as well.” Funding from the NSF has also been cut, to about a tenth of its former level. Paul Davies, an astrophysicist at Arizona State University, said the ATA facility was “the gold standard for Seti observations and acts as an emblem for the entire worldwide research effort. It would be an utter tragedy if a unique research programme is abandoned for the cost of a few miles of motorway”. He added: “Our society squanders vast sums on trivia and entertainment, yet cannot find some small change to address the burning issue of whether we are alone in the universe.” There is some hope of raising funds by working with the US air force on future projects, according to Pierson, with one idea being to use the ATA in collaboration with the USAF’s space surveillance network to track debris in space, which can damage satellites and space vehicles. But this is also uncertain, given impending cuts in federal funding for the military. “The other possibility is that private donations could bring the telescope back to life and keep it working,” said Shostak. In the past, science fiction author Arthur C Clarke and Silicon Valley entrepreneurs Bill Hewlett and David Packard had helped fund Seti, he said, and “if Richard Branson or somebody … wanted to help us out now, they can get in touch”. The ATA is the Seti Institute’s biggest facility by far, and its only dedicated one. Its shutdown means astronomers will need to rely on data collected during downtime from other telescopes around the world and this will reduce its chances of finding that elusive alien signal. Shostak said the future of the ATA had to be decided sooner rather than later, as there was only enough money to keep it in hibernation mode for a few months. Until the funding crisis can be solved, the institute said it would continue its work on developing equipment and software that supports the overall search for alien signals. This includes an increased focus on involving citizens in its work: astronomers have already developed the successful Seti@Home project, a programme that uses the downtime on people’s home computers to sort through the masses of data collected by the institute’s experiments. The next step is SetiQuest.Org, an application that allows “citizen scientist volunteers to look for patterns in data from the ATA that might be missed by current algorithms, and help us explore frequency bands that are so full of signals that our detectors get confused”, said Pierson. Given the improvements in radar technology, Shostak said it would be a shame to stop searching now for signals from ET. “If this experiment is going to work, it’s going to work in a few dozen years, simply on the basis of the rapid improvement of the technology afforded by Moore’s Law. The equipment keeps getting faster and faster, so I think success is not very far off if you keep doing this.” He added: “In the grand scheme of things, this is not a whole lot of money and, clearly, Seti is an uncertain proposition. But Seti has a long lever-arm because, clearly, if we were to find a signal showing there was intelligent life, that would be an extraordinarily interesting thing. Not only for us but for every generation that follows us.” Seti history Seti, the Search for Extraterrestrial Intelligence, was conceived in 1960 by astronomer Frank Drake. He pointed the Green Bank radio telescope in West Virginia towards the star Tau Ceti and began looking for anomalous radio signals that might have been sent by intelligent life. Eventually, the Seti Institute was set up in California and began to use the downtime on radar telescopes around the world to scour for signals. Most recently, the search has been helped by building a dedicated set of antennae, the $50m Allen Telescope Array, 300 miles north-east of San Francisco. Part-funded by Microsoft co-founder Paul Allen, the array has 42 radio dishes, each 6m in diameter, and is the first step in an ambitious plan to build up to 350 antennae to look for radio signals day and night. Seti (Search for Extraterrestrial Intelligence) California Arthur C Clarke Richard Branson United States Alok Jha guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …It’s hard to get excited about such a small tweak to the system but a vote for the alternative vote could lead to more far-reaching changes By a quirk of the calendar, the next eight days will bring two defining national events. One will give the people of Britain a chance to express themselves on the system under which the country has been run for longer than anyone can remember. And the other is the AV referendum. No one should be surprised that the royal marriage has garnered more attention than a plebiscite on our voting system – or that the collective reaction to Friday’s wedding may well reveal more about us than the ballot on the alternative vote six days later. That’s partly a testament to the enduring hold the Windsor family exerts on our national imagination, but largely a function of an electoral reform that is described even by its chief advocate as no more than a “baby step in the right direction”. (That is Nick Clegg’s description of a change he once indirectly referred to as a “miserable little compromise”.) Which is why perhaps the most astute verdict on the referendum campaign has borrowed Larry David’s verbal shrug to declare neither Yes to AV, nor No to AV, but rather Meh to AV. It’s hard to get excited by a change that is little more than a tweak to our current method of counting votes, that promises nothing so grand as proportionality, that still plays a winner-takes-all game in which 50%+1 majorities are all that count. AV can’t even provide the clarity of a partisan boost one way or the other. The evidence about which of the two main parties would benefit is murky; most experts believe that none of the decisive electoral outcomes in the postwar era would have turned out differently under AV, with some variation only in the most borderline cases. Perhaps this explains the vitriol hurled in recent days by the yes and no campaigns, which happen to map broadly on to the two partners in the coalition. As Henry Kissinger observed of academic politics, they are vicious because the stakes are so low. That view, though tempting, is surely mistaken. Next Thursday’s vote will have consequences, starting with a shift in the balance of power within the coalition. If yes wins, David Cameron will lose face in the eyes of the Tory right, adding to his failure to win a general election a year ago. He will be in no mood, and no position, to cede more ground to the Lib Dems. If no prevails, then it will be the Lib Dems who will need placating: some are quietly looking forward to a defeated Clegg demanding Lords reform to soothe his troops, a consolation prize that could prove shinier than the original trophy. And, whichever way it breaks, the coalition will need healing. I initially shared the cynicism about the recent run of Tory-Lib Dem rows, a spate of spats conveniently timed before polling day to persuade the faithful that neither side had rolled over to the dreaded other: a coalition insider has conceded to me that some past bust-ups were indeed “pre-co-ordinated”. But when a cabinet minister accuses his own chancellor of lying – as Chris Huhne has done in a letter to George Osborne – the notion that this is entirely stage-managed loses plausibility. However it started, the coalition’s future credibility is seriously damaged now that ministers have publicly accused their closest colleagues of “lies, misinformation and deceit”. Labour voters are not mere onlookers in this: the pollsters reckon that with Tories and Lib Dems broadly aligned on each side of the divide, it’s the Labour vote that will swing it. Given all that, what’s a Guardian reader to do? For the tribal Labour supporter, there is, to repeat, no clear arithmetical upside or downside to AV. Humiliating Clegg would provide an instant sugar rush, but it would come at the cost of strengthening Cameron – who is, don’t forget, a Tory prime minister. This may be one of those rare occasions where a political decision is best reached not by calculating selfish advantage, but by weighing the actual arguments. The no case has been put vigorously, with the Tories helpfully reinforced by Labour’s old guard. It argues that AV costs big bucks, helps the BNP, unfairly gives some people more votes than others, leads to coalitions, and prompts politicians to huddle together in the bland middle. Happily, most of those arguments don’t wash. AV won’t cost more, because ballots will still be counted by hand not by expensive machines. It won’t help the BNP, who will have next to no chance of winning a seat under a system that requires candidates to appeal to supporters of other parties: that’s why the BNP is urging a no vote. AV does not give some people multiple votes: it will be one person, one vote in each successive round – whether for your original choice, if that candidate is still in contention, or for your fallback option. In Lib Dem Jo Swinson’s memorable analogy, if I ask you to get me a Mars from the canteen, or a Twix if they’ve run out of Mars, then I still only get one chocolate bar. As for the claim that AV leads to more coalitions, the number-crunchers say that’s far from clear . Of course this argument would be easier to swallow if it were not coming from Tory ministers serving in, er, a coalition government born under first-past-the-post. The most powerful objection is the one from the left, arguing that AV will see both Labour and the Tories chasing the second preferences of the remaining rump of Lib Dems, ” Orange Bookers … [who] now favour Conservative over Labour”, thereby tilting our politics rightward, according to Labour blogger Anthony Painter. The trouble is, as Painter concedes, the current system already pushes the main parties to chase after a sliver of centrist voters – so voting no doesn’t much help. Of course AV is miles from perfect, even if it does allow voters to express more fully their true preferences; most reformers would prefer PR. But it’s naive to think that defeat next week would keep progressives’ powder dry, allowing for a future push for full-blooded electoral reform. That’s rarely how politics works. It’s success, not failure, that breeds success. That lesson was taught in 1999, when Australia held a referendum on whether to remove the Queen as head of state. The alternative on offer was another “miserable little compromise” – with MPs, not the people, electing a new head of state – and some republicans preferred to let it fail and wait for something better. They’re still waiting – and Elizabeth II is still Queen of Australia. Which brings us to the royal wedding and its unlikely connection with the AV vote. The monarchy remains strong in Britain partly because it answers the genuine human need for continuity. Yet sometimes continuity can feel like paralysis, as if we are powerless to change our country even when we want to. The stubborn longevity of an unelected House of Lords, despite a century of attempts at reform, is the clearest example. The most depressing anti-AV arguments suggest we have to stick with first-past-the-post because that’s how things have always been done – that, in the words of John Reid, anything else would not be “British”. That’s a depressingly frozen view, one that would deny today’s Britons the right inherent in every democratic society: to be masters of our own fate. I’ll be voting yes next Thursday to break the taboo that says our creaking, outdated and unrepresentative electoral system – which can grant large majorities to parties who win just 35% of the vote – is too sacred to be changed. Once we’ve shown that it can be improved, even a little bit, we can improve it again. But first we have to break that taboo. freedland@guardian.co.uk Alternative vote Electoral reform Labour Conservatives Liberal Democrats BNP Royal wedding Jonathan Freedland guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …It’s hard to get excited about such a small tweak to the system but a vote for the alternative vote could lead to more far-reaching changes By a quirk of the calendar, the next eight days will bring two defining national events. One will give the people of Britain a chance to express themselves on the system under which the country has been run for longer than anyone can remember. And the other is the AV referendum. No one should be surprised that the royal marriage has garnered more attention than a plebiscite on our voting system – or that the collective reaction to Friday’s wedding may well reveal more about us than the ballot on the alternative vote six days later. That’s partly a testament to the enduring hold the Windsor family exerts on our national imagination, but largely a function of an electoral reform that is described even by its chief advocate as no more than a “baby step in the right direction”. (That is Nick Clegg’s description of a change he once indirectly referred to as a “miserable little compromise”.) Which is why perhaps the most astute verdict on the referendum campaign has borrowed Larry David’s verbal shrug to declare neither Yes to AV, nor No to AV, but rather Meh to AV. It’s hard to get excited by a change that is little more than a tweak to our current method of counting votes, that promises nothing so grand as proportionality, that still plays a winner-takes-all game in which 50%+1 majorities are all that count. AV can’t even provide the clarity of a partisan boost one way or the other. The evidence about which of the two main parties would benefit is murky; most experts believe that none of the decisive electoral outcomes in the postwar era would have turned out differently under AV, with some variation only in the most borderline cases. Perhaps this explains the vitriol hurled in recent days by the yes and no campaigns, which happen to map broadly on to the two partners in the coalition. As Henry Kissinger observed of academic politics, they are vicious because the stakes are so low. That view, though tempting, is surely mistaken. Next Thursday’s vote will have consequences, starting with a shift in the balance of power within the coalition. If yes wins, David Cameron will lose face in the eyes of the Tory right, adding to his failure to win a general election a year ago. He will be in no mood, and no position, to cede more ground to the Lib Dems. If no prevails, then it will be the Lib Dems who will need placating: some are quietly looking forward to a defeated Clegg demanding Lords reform to soothe his troops, a consolation prize that could prove shinier than the original trophy. And, whichever way it breaks, the coalition will need healing. I initially shared the cynicism about the recent run of Tory-Lib Dem rows, a spate of spats conveniently timed before polling day to persuade the faithful that neither side had rolled over to the dreaded other: a coalition insider has conceded to me that some past bust-ups were indeed “pre-co-ordinated”. But when a cabinet minister accuses his own chancellor of lying – as Chris Huhne has done in a letter to George Osborne – the notion that this is entirely stage-managed loses plausibility. However it started, the coalition’s future credibility is seriously damaged now that ministers have publicly accused their closest colleagues of “lies, misinformation and deceit”. Labour voters are not mere onlookers in this: the pollsters reckon that with Tories and Lib Dems broadly aligned on each side of the divide, it’s the Labour vote that will swing it. Given all that, what’s a Guardian reader to do? For the tribal Labour supporter, there is, to repeat, no clear arithmetical upside or downside to AV. Humiliating Clegg would provide an instant sugar rush, but it would come at the cost of strengthening Cameron – who is, don’t forget, a Tory prime minister. This may be one of those rare occasions where a political decision is best reached not by calculating selfish advantage, but by weighing the actual arguments. The no case has been put vigorously, with the Tories helpfully reinforced by Labour’s old guard. It argues that AV costs big bucks, helps the BNP, unfairly gives some people more votes than others, leads to coalitions, and prompts politicians to huddle together in the bland middle. Happily, most of those arguments don’t wash. AV won’t cost more, because ballots will still be counted by hand not by expensive machines. It won’t help the BNP, who will have next to no chance of winning a seat under a system that requires candidates to appeal to supporters of other parties: that’s why the BNP is urging a no vote. AV does not give some people multiple votes: it will be one person, one vote in each successive round – whether for your original choice, if that candidate is still in contention, or for your fallback option. In Lib Dem Jo Swinson’s memorable analogy, if I ask you to get me a Mars from the canteen, or a Twix if they’ve run out of Mars, then I still only get one chocolate bar. As for the claim that AV leads to more coalitions, the number-crunchers say that’s far from clear . Of course this argument would be easier to swallow if it were not coming from Tory ministers serving in, er, a coalition government born under first-past-the-post. The most powerful objection is the one from the left, arguing that AV will see both Labour and the Tories chasing the second preferences of the remaining rump of Lib Dems, ” Orange Bookers … [who] now favour Conservative over Labour”, thereby tilting our politics rightward, according to Labour blogger Anthony Painter. The trouble is, as Painter concedes, the current system already pushes the main parties to chase after a sliver of centrist voters – so voting no doesn’t much help. Of course AV is miles from perfect, even if it does allow voters to express more fully their true preferences; most reformers would prefer PR. But it’s naive to think that defeat next week would keep progressives’ powder dry, allowing for a future push for full-blooded electoral reform. That’s rarely how politics works. It’s success, not failure, that breeds success. That lesson was taught in 1999, when Australia held a referendum on whether to remove the Queen as head of state. The alternative on offer was another “miserable little compromise” – with MPs, not the people, electing a new head of state – and some republicans preferred to let it fail and wait for something better. They’re still waiting – and Elizabeth II is still Queen of Australia. Which brings us to the royal wedding and its unlikely connection with the AV vote. The monarchy remains strong in Britain partly because it answers the genuine human need for continuity. Yet sometimes continuity can feel like paralysis, as if we are powerless to change our country even when we want to. The stubborn longevity of an unelected House of Lords, despite a century of attempts at reform, is the clearest example. The most depressing anti-AV arguments suggest we have to stick with first-past-the-post because that’s how things have always been done – that, in the words of John Reid, anything else would not be “British”. That’s a depressingly frozen view, one that would deny today’s Britons the right inherent in every democratic society: to be masters of our own fate. I’ll be voting yes next Thursday to break the taboo that says our creaking, outdated and unrepresentative electoral system – which can grant large majorities to parties who win just 35% of the vote – is too sacred to be changed. Once we’ve shown that it can be improved, even a little bit, we can improve it again. But first we have to break that taboo. freedland@guardian.co.uk Alternative vote Electoral reform Labour Conservatives Liberal Democrats BNP Royal wedding Jonathan Freedland guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Immensely powerful political figure in 1960s South Vietnam dubbed ‘an oriental Lucrezia Borgia’ Madame Nhu, who has died aged 87, was the archetypal “dragon lady” of Asian politics, a svelte and sinister woman who wielded immense power in the South Vietnamese regime of president Ngo Dinh Diem , her brother-in-law, until his assassination in 1963. She accumulated vast wealth and power, but was reviled for her puritanical social campaigns and her callous dismissal of Buddhist monks who burned themselves to death to protest against the brutal rule of Diem and her husband Ngo Dinh Nhu. “I would clap hands at seeing another monk barbecue show, for one cannot be responsible for the madness of others,” she wrote in a letter to the New York Times. The world was stunned by photographs of monks sitting shrouded in flames; Madame Nhu simply offered to bring along some mustard for the next self-immolation. She later accused monks of lacking patriotism for setting themselves alight with imported petrol. Those remarks solidified the enmity felt for a woman whom the American press had optimistically described in the mid-1950s as her country’s Joan of Arc. Less than a decade later, as the US was drawn into the conflict between North and South Vietnam, she came to be seen as “an oriental Lucrezia Borgia”. This tiny woman, who stood less that 5ft tall, at first intoxicated the US with her lacquered glamour; later the US press, shocked by her icy hauteur and political machinations, turned her into the personification of the remoteness and corruption that afflicted Diem’s government. Madame Nhu, the name by which she was always known, although she was born Tran Le Xuan, preferred to see herself as continuing the tradition of the Trung sisters, two aristocratic women who led a revolt against Chinese rule in the first century. To aid South Vietnam’s fight against the communist insurgency, she founded a women’s paramilitary, known as the Women’s Solidarity Movement. This force, whose members were paid twice the wages of conscripted men, drained money from the army and rarely did more than parade for the cameras while Madame Nhu took the salute. Her only official position was as a deputy to the National Assembly, voted in by a group of Roman Catholic refugees from North Vietnam who enjoyed her enormous powers of patronage. But her power came from her proximity to Diem , an ascetic bachelor who rarely ventured outside the palace. Her husband, Diem’s supposed political theoretician and closest adviser, ran a menacing secret police that dispatched opponents to the awful former French penal colonies on Poulo Condore and Phu Quoc islands. Madame Nhu revelled in her position. Her often repeated motto was: “Power is wonderful. Total power is totally wonderful.” Raised a Buddhist, Madame Nhu had converted to Catholicism when she married, and took to it with a convert’s zeal. She rammed a bill through parliament that outlawed divorce, abortion and contraception. Describing the craze for dancing the twist as an “unhealthy activity”, she had it banned as well. Wrestling, cock fighting and boxing soon followed on the list of forbidden activities. An attempt to outlaw popular padded brassieres was stopped only when the problems of enforcement were raised. Some of her actions, which were portrayed as ludicrously puritanical, were aimed at improving the lot of women. She had laws passed that ended concubinage and polygamy. Divorce was only allowed by presidential decree, but that ended the power Vietnamese men had held to shed their wives on a whim. During Diem’s rule, women achieved something close to parity with men. Rumours among the Saigonese were that Madame Nhu passed the ban to stop her sister divorcing her philandering husband to marry a Frenchman. Her personal style, which had once captivated many Americans, began to repel them. She favoured heavily kohl-rimmed eyes, beehive hairstyles and the figure-hugging ao dai tunic worn by Vietnamese women. She was widely imitated; to this day the type of low-cut, ultra-fitted ao dai she wore is still known as the Tran Le Xuan style. But her elegance had its sinister side. She was described as being “moulded into her dress like a dagger in its sheath”. Even her carved ivory fan, used mostly for coquettish effect, could clack shut like a gunshot and be used to rap home a point. Born in Hanoi, she grew up in isolated privilege as the daughter of one of Vietnam’s wealthiest businessmen, who had married a cousin of the Emperor Bao Dai. She was raised by a multitude of servants, who took her to French and ballet lessons, and was educated in Hanoi and Saigon. In 1943, aged 18, she married Nhu, one of six brothers from the prominent mandarin Ngo clan. Two years later she was captured, along with her eldest child, and was held briefly in a communist-controlled village. When scolding American officials for being insufficiently fervent in their anti-communism, she frequently referred to these months of deprivation, during which she was forced to subsist on just two bowls of rice a day and had only one coat to wear, in her words “a very fashionable wasp-waisted number from Paris”. Diem came to power in 1955, when Vietnam was divided into the communist North and the American-backed South. Almost immediately Madame Nhu began scheming; she was eventually banished to a convent in Hong Kong as her brother-in-law delicately consolidated his power over a country run by pirates, gangsters and armed religious cults. When she was allowed back, she stepped up her efforts to enhance her influence while maintaining the pretence that she was nothing more than the president’s demure hostess for official functions. Despite Diem’s efforts, the communist insurgency that stepped up in 1960 took its toll on his rule, which became increasingly vicious. His brother and sister-in-law began to make more decisions and kept close to the isolated president, even sharing his official residence. Madame Nhu was always on hand to cajole or even berate Diem; she was said to have frequently flown into violent rages if he showed any signs of weakness against the regime’s many opponents. In February 1962, Madame Nhu survived the bombing of the presidential palace by two rebellious South Vietnamese pilots. Blinded by the flames and smoke, she raced to her children sleeping next door but fell through a hole left by the explosion and ended up two floors below, in the basement. She believed the attack had been secretly encouraged by the US, which had grown disappointed withDiem and disgusted with both Nhus. As the Buddhist crisis raged in 1963, she toured America’s campuses to defend the clan’s rule. The tour disintegrated into farce; even her father – South Vietnam’s ambassador to Washington – refused to meet her. She was photographed with her daughter, both in satin evening gowns, peering into the dark windows of the empty ambassador’s residence that her parents had left to avoid meeting her. At Ivy League colleges, where she planned to make the case for a more muscular offensive against communism, students enraged by the growing repression in Saigon pelted her with eggs and abuse. While in the Beverly Wilshire hotel in Los Angeles on 2 November, Madame Nhu was informed of a coup against Diem by his generals. The president and his brother had fled to a church in Saigon’s Chinatown. As they were removed from this sanctuary they were killed; the official version put out was that they had killed themselves, but photographs showed them bound and bloody from beatings. They had been shot in the back of an army truck. Her children were allowed to leave Saigon and join her in Paris, where she began her exile in an apartment overlooking the Eiffel Tower. She soon moved to Rome, where another brother-in-law, the archbishop of Hue, Ngo Dinh Thuc, had also found asylum. The only other surviving brother of the murdered president was later executed. Exile was a bitter time. Madame Nhu earned some money initially by charging for interviews and photographs. She soon disappeared from the limelight only to make a brief reappearance in 1975, when South Vietnam finally fell to the communist North. She claimed none of that would have happened if the Ngo clan had remained in power. Her elder daughter was killed in a car crash in Paris in 1967, and in 1986 her brother, Tran Van Khiem was charged with suffocating their elderly parents to death, in a dispute over his inheritance. He was found to be mentally ill, claiming in court that Zionist conspirators had murdered his parents. Madame Nhu is survived by two sons and a daughter. • Madame Nhu (Tran Le Xuan), political consort, born 15 April 1924; died 24 April 2011 • Open Vault interview with Madame Nhu, 1982 Vietnam United States Buddhism Catholicism guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …MP behind globally-condemned legislation said he will ‘concede’ if committee recommends that death sentence be removed The MP behind anti-gay legislation that has been condemned worldwide said yesterday the death penalty is likely to be dropped from the bill. David Bahati said if the committee studying the bill recommends the death penalty be removed, “I would concede.” Proposed 18 months ago, the bill attracted international condemnation, including from President Barack Obama. Under the legislation, anyone convicted of a homosexual act would face life imprisonment. The original bill would have mandated a death sentence for active homosexuals living with HIV or in cases of same-sex rape. Stephen Tashobya, the chairman of the legal and parliamentary affairs committee, said the legislation may come up for a vote before parliament’s session ends 12 May. “We shall try and see how far we can go with the bill. It may be possible. We are doing all we can. We have limited time,” he said on Tuesday, before adding: “Many people have expressed concern about that provision providing for the death sentence and I’m sure when we start hearings on that bill we will hear many more concerns.” Bahati said he thinks the bill would become law if voted on by legislators. “I can guarantee you I have not seen any member of parliament who is opposed to it,” he said. Frank Mugisha, the director of Sexual Minorities Uganda, a gay rights group, said anti-gay sentiment in Uganda had increased since the bill’s introduction. More gays are being harassed, he said, because of media attention and because church leaders have been preaching for the bill’s passage to congregations. Bahati’s original bill carried harsh provisions. The original bill would mandate a death sentence for active homosexuals living with HIV or in cases of same-sex rape. “Serial offenders” also could face capital punishment, but the legislation did not define the term. Anyone convicted of a homosexual act would face life imprisonment. Anyone who “aids, abets, counsels or procures another to engage of acts of homosexuality” would face seven years in prison. Landlords who rent rooms or homes to homosexuals also could get seven years. “If the bill passes we cannot even be allowed to do our work,” Mugisha said. Last year a tabloid newspaper published the names and photos of men it alleged were gay. One cover included the words: “Hang them.” Shortly afterward, in January, a prominent gay rights activist whose picture was published was killed, though authorities contend David Kato’s sexual orientation had nothing to do with the killing. Bahati called Kato’s death regrettable. “My reaction is that I extend condolences to the family, parents of Kato. It’s regrettable that they could find themselves in this situation, and also regrettable that he could be allowed to be used to recruit our children. “But the death of Kato had nothing to do with the bill in parliament,” he said. Bahati, 36, is serving his first term. He said that the bill has helped raise public awareness about what he calls “the dangers to our children”. Many Ugandan leaders who support the bill say that gay Ugandans recruit school children to become homosexual. Uganda Gay rights Human rights guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Federal Reserve chairman downplays strength of US economy despite booming stock market Ben Bernanke, the head of the Federal Reserve, is expected to emphasise the risks faced by the US economy from persistently weak house prices and an ailing banking sector when he gives his first press conference on Wednesday. In contrast to resurgent corporate profits and the booming stock market, which on Tuesday saw the Standard & Poor’s 500 hit a three-year high, he will downplay the strength of the economy. He is also expected to defy critics of his low interest rate policy, who have called for rate rises and an end to quantitative easing, which they blame for the collapse of the dollar and rising inflation. The twice yearly press conferences are a nod to the Bank of England and European Central Bank, which regularly address journalists on monetary policy trends. Bernanke is not expected to adopt the same football analogies beloved of Bank of England governor Mervyn King, but he is known to want to explain his policies to a wider audience. Until now he has only addressed Congress and made scripted speeches. He has submitted himself to an interview on 60 Minutes, though many Tea Party activists on the right wing of the Republican party criticised the show for giving him an easy time. The Tea Party is a regular critic of Bernanke, with many members calling for the abolition of the Federal Reserve and a return to the gold standard. Ben Bernanke US economy Economics Phillip Inman guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Federal Reserve chairman downplays strength of US economy despite booming stock market Ben Bernanke, the head of the Federal Reserve, is expected to emphasise the risks faced by the US economy from persistently weak house prices and an ailing banking sector when he gives his first press conference on Wednesday. In contrast to resurgent corporate profits and the booming stock market, which on Tuesday saw the Standard & Poor’s 500 hit a three-year high, he will downplay the strength of the economy. He is also expected to defy critics of his low interest rate policy, who have called for rate rises and an end to quantitative easing, which they blame for the collapse of the dollar and rising inflation. The twice yearly press conferences are a nod to the Bank of England and European Central Bank, which regularly address journalists on monetary policy trends. Bernanke is not expected to adopt the same football analogies beloved of Bank of England governor Mervyn King, but he is known to want to explain his policies to a wider audience. Until now he has only addressed Congress and made scripted speeches. He has submitted himself to an interview on 60 Minutes, though many Tea Party activists on the right wing of the Republican party criticised the show for giving him an easy time. The Tea Party is a regular critic of Bernanke, with many members calling for the abolition of the Federal Reserve and a return to the gold standard. Ben Bernanke US economy Economics Phillip Inman guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Union says 57-year-old who set himself alight in Merignac had struggled with frequently having to change jobs A France Telecom-Orange worker has died after setting himself alight outside his office, the latest in a wave of suicides at the company. The 57-year-old married father of four, described as a sociable member of staff, set himself on fire in the car park of a site at Merignac, near Bordeaux, after arriving for a morning shift. He had worked for the company for 30 years, most recently at a call centre dealing with company accounts, and was a trade union member who monitored safety and work conditions. François Deschamps, of the CFE-CGC Unsa union, suggested the man had struggled with being made to frequently change jobs. “Those enforced changes meant he had to sell his house. He had written to the management on several occasions and in my understanding had no reply,” Deschamps told AFP. France Telecom is Europe’s third largest mobile phone operator and biggest provider of broadband internet services. At least 23 of its employees killed themselves last year, and there were more than 30 reported suicides in 2008 and 2009, as well as many more attempts, including a woman found unconscious at her desk and a technician who stabbed himself in the stomach during a management meeting. Among those found at their homes, some had left notes explicitly linking their suicide to their jobs. Unions complained of a climate of bullying, extreme pressure, poor management methods and restructuring cuts that forced people to repeatedly change jobs. Staff said the climate had worsened since privatisation. Some complained of divorce, family breakdown and being forced to sell homes due to random job changes. Last year Didier Lombard stood down as France Telecom chief executive. In recent months, the company has increased the presence of psychological support workers on its sites and pledged to reduce workplace stress and staff difficulties. France Orange Angelique Chrisafis guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Union says 57-year-old who set himself alight in Merignac had struggled with frequently having to change jobs A France Telecom-Orange worker has died after setting himself alight outside his office, the latest in a wave of suicides at the company. The 57-year-old married father of four, described as a sociable member of staff, set himself on fire in the car park of a site at Merignac, near Bordeaux, after arriving for a morning shift. He had worked for the company for 30 years, most recently at a call centre dealing with company accounts, and was a trade union member who monitored safety and work conditions. François Deschamps, of the CFE-CGC Unsa union, suggested the man had struggled with being made to frequently change jobs. “Those enforced changes meant he had to sell his house. He had written to the management on several occasions and in my understanding had no reply,” Deschamps told AFP. France Telecom is Europe’s third largest mobile phone operator and biggest provider of broadband internet services. At least 23 of its employees killed themselves last year, and there were more than 30 reported suicides in 2008 and 2009, as well as many more attempts, including a woman found unconscious at her desk and a technician who stabbed himself in the stomach during a management meeting. Among those found at their homes, some had left notes explicitly linking their suicide to their jobs. Unions complained of a climate of bullying, extreme pressure, poor management methods and restructuring cuts that forced people to repeatedly change jobs. Staff said the climate had worsened since privatisation. Some complained of divorce, family breakdown and being forced to sell homes due to random job changes. Last year Didier Lombard stood down as France Telecom chief executive. In recent months, the company has increased the presence of psychological support workers on its sites and pledged to reduce workplace stress and staff difficulties. France Orange Angelique Chrisafis guardian.co.uk
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