The one area in which I really thought President Obama might make a difference was in breaking the Israel-Palestine status quo. Unfortunately, it seems he’s better at sounding like he wants to change things than actually getting them done. King Abdullah of Jordan tells Christiane Amanpour on “This Week” that he doesn’t expect much change, either: King Abdullah II of Jordan, a key American ally and advocate of the Middle East peace process, says he does not have much hope for progress on negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians in the coming months. “My instincts tell me not to expect much over the next couple of months, unfortunately,” King Abdullah said in an exclusive interview with “This Week anchor Christiane Amanpour.” “I just have a feeling that we’re going to be living with the status quo for 2011.” Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is currently visiting the United States, where he met with President Barack Obama at the White House on Friday, before addressing a joint session of Congress next Tuesday. Netanyahu spoke strongly against President Obama’s Thursday address in which he publicly called for the pre-1967 borders of Israel to serve as the starting point for future peace negotiations. Abdullah, author of the new book “Our Last Best Chance: The Pursuit of Peace in a Time of Peril,” said the current realities on the ground leave him pessimistic, including Israeli settlement activity in the West Bank. “When he speaks to me, I see his vision of peace with the Palestinians, peace with the Arabs and I’ve always left those meetings feeling very optimistic,” Abdullah said of his discussions with Netanyahu. “But unfortunately, the circumstances that we’ve seen on the ground for the past two years does not fill me with much hope.” Former Senate Majority Leader George Mitchell, who resigned this month as President Obama’s envoy to the Middle East after serving two years, said that while President Obama’s comments on the 1967 borders were “a significant statement,” they do not signal a major shift in policy, especially when land swaps are taken into consideration. “The president didn’t say that Israel has to go back to the ’67 lines. He said with agreed swaps,” Mitchell told Amanpour. “Swaps means an exchange of land intended to accommodate major Israeli population centers to be incorporated into Israel and Israel’s security needs. Agreed means through negotiations. Both parties must agree.”
Continue reading …Click here to view this media On Meet the Press this morning, Republican strategist Mike Murphy called Rep. Paul Ryan the “bravest man in Washington” for being willing to go after “entitlements” even though as he admits, it may not be politically popular or “fair.” I don’t know about anyone else but if I hear one more of these talking heads repeat that it is somehow the “adult” or “grownup” or “serious” to throw working people, seniors and the poor under the bus so we can continue these military occupations and continue with tax cuts for the rich, I’m about ready to break my television screen. Note to the beltway Villagers and T.V. pundits like Murphy, Chris Van Hollen is right here. There’s nothing “brave” about them taking care of their wealthy campaign contributors. What would be brave is any of them admitting we can’t balance our budget if they all refuse to raise revenues and by that I mean raising taxes on those that can afford it. As Van Hollen noted during the segment, that would mean they’d have to contend with Grover Norquist coming after them, which is something no Republicans seem willing to risk. Transcript below the fold. MR. MURPHY: Let me speak about Ryan for a minute to defend him, because there is a feeling in the country–and it’s right, I believe, at least a perception–that a lot of people in Congress, you know, they’re on the federal payroll, and they spend a lot of their time maneuvering to get re-elected. Paul Ryan, whether you like the plan or you don’t like the plan, is about the bravest guy in Washington because he’s taking on the entitlement monster, which is a huge threat. Whether you’re a Republican or a Democrat, everybody agrees this spending thing is out of control. And so Ryan’s got a plan that involves a lot of political pain. Whether it’s fair or not, it’s incredibly brave. What I’d like to see is some grown-up politics for a change. So instead of the Democrats just doing the “mediscare,” let’s have an equally adult, somewhat scary plan from the left, so voters can have a real comparison because they’re grown-ups. Pick the harder choice rather than the hard choice vs. the demography of the–you know–and Medicare as we know it, which is a scam. REP. VAN HOLLEN: But, but, but… MR. GREGORY: Congressman–yeah. Yeah. REP. VAN HOLLEN: Mike, Mike, political courage on the Republican side means taking on the revenue piece. That’s why you’ve had a couple folks get in so much–Senator Coburn raised his head on that. Grover Norquist tried to chop it off. It doesn’t take a lot of courage on the Republican side to slash Medicaid by $700 billion. MR. MURPHY: Well, you know, I’m going to agree with you on, on the revenue thing. But… REP. VAN HOLLEN: It doesn’t–but–here are these guys that they won’t even agree to say to the oil companies, “Look, you’ve got to get… MR. MURPHY: Yeah, I know. But look… REP. VAN HOLLEN: No, but, Mike–but, Mike… MR. MURPHY: But, Congressman, with all due respect, very, very quickly… REP. VAN HOLLEN: …this, this is the issue. MR. MURPHY: …when you go to the oil company and all this stuff, you’re going to the poll test and stuff to win the election, it’s your job. REP. VAN HOLLEN: Yeah. Yeah, Mike, Mike… MR. MURPHY: But will you guys endorse Simpson-Bowles? Because I will. I’d do it right now as a Republican. REP. VAN HOLLEN: Let, let, let’s go to go in–OK. I think there’s… MR. MURPHY: I’m for a little bit of taxes. REP. VAN HOLLEN: There’s a lot of good in Simpson-Bowles, and what the Simpson-Bowles did was they took a balanced approach. MR. MURPHY: Right. REP. VAN HOLLEN: The Republican budget is not balanced. In fact… MR. MURPHY: But where’s the Democrat to balanced budget? REP. VAN HOLLEN: Well, wait. MR. GREGORY: But let me, let me get in here for a second. REP. VAN HOLLEN: The, the, the, the co-chairs of Simpson-Bowles, Simpson and Bowles, said that the Republican plan was not balanced. And they described the president’s proposal the other day as more balanced and comprehensive. MR. GREGORY: Well, let, let me just pull out–I want to pull out on this. REP. VAN HOLLEN: So let’s be real here.
Continue reading …Click here to view this media On Meet the Press this morning, Republican strategist Mike Murphy called Rep. Paul Ryan the “bravest man in Washington” for being willing to go after “entitlements” even though as he admits, it may not be politically popular or “fair.” I don’t know about anyone else but if I hear one more of these talking heads repeat that it is somehow the “adult” or “grownup” or “serious” to throw working people, seniors and the poor under the bus so we can continue these military occupations and continue with tax cuts for the rich, I’m about ready to break my television screen. Note to the beltway Villagers and T.V. pundits like Murphy, Chris Van Hollen is right here. There’s nothing “brave” about them taking care of their wealthy campaign contributors. What would be brave is any of them admitting we can’t balance our budget if they all refuse to raise revenues and by that I mean raising taxes on those that can afford it. As Van Hollen noted during the segment, that would mean they’d have to contend with Grover Norquist coming after them, which is something no Republicans seem willing to risk. Transcript below the fold. MR. MURPHY: Let me speak about Ryan for a minute to defend him, because there is a feeling in the country–and it’s right, I believe, at least a perception–that a lot of people in Congress, you know, they’re on the federal payroll, and they spend a lot of their time maneuvering to get re-elected. Paul Ryan, whether you like the plan or you don’t like the plan, is about the bravest guy in Washington because he’s taking on the entitlement monster, which is a huge threat. Whether you’re a Republican or a Democrat, everybody agrees this spending thing is out of control. And so Ryan’s got a plan that involves a lot of political pain. Whether it’s fair or not, it’s incredibly brave. What I’d like to see is some grown-up politics for a change. So instead of the Democrats just doing the “mediscare,” let’s have an equally adult, somewhat scary plan from the left, so voters can have a real comparison because they’re grown-ups. Pick the harder choice rather than the hard choice vs. the demography of the–you know–and Medicare as we know it, which is a scam. REP. VAN HOLLEN: But, but, but… MR. GREGORY: Congressman–yeah. Yeah. REP. VAN HOLLEN: Mike, Mike, political courage on the Republican side means taking on the revenue piece. That’s why you’ve had a couple folks get in so much–Senator Coburn raised his head on that. Grover Norquist tried to chop it off. It doesn’t take a lot of courage on the Republican side to slash Medicaid by $700 billion. MR. MURPHY: Well, you know, I’m going to agree with you on, on the revenue thing. But… REP. VAN HOLLEN: It doesn’t–but–here are these guys that they won’t even agree to say to the oil companies, “Look, you’ve got to get… MR. MURPHY: Yeah, I know. But look… REP. VAN HOLLEN: No, but, Mike–but, Mike… MR. MURPHY: But, Congressman, with all due respect, very, very quickly… REP. VAN HOLLEN: …this, this is the issue. MR. MURPHY: …when you go to the oil company and all this stuff, you’re going to the poll test and stuff to win the election, it’s your job. REP. VAN HOLLEN: Yeah. Yeah, Mike, Mike… MR. MURPHY: But will you guys endorse Simpson-Bowles? Because I will. I’d do it right now as a Republican. REP. VAN HOLLEN: Let, let, let’s go to go in–OK. I think there’s… MR. MURPHY: I’m for a little bit of taxes. REP. VAN HOLLEN: There’s a lot of good in Simpson-Bowles, and what the Simpson-Bowles did was they took a balanced approach. MR. MURPHY: Right. REP. VAN HOLLEN: The Republican budget is not balanced. In fact… MR. MURPHY: But where’s the Democrat to balanced budget? REP. VAN HOLLEN: Well, wait. MR. GREGORY: But let me, let me get in here for a second. REP. VAN HOLLEN: The, the, the, the co-chairs of Simpson-Bowles, Simpson and Bowles, said that the Republican plan was not balanced. And they described the president’s proposal the other day as more balanced and comprehensive. MR. GREGORY: Well, let, let me just pull out–I want to pull out on this. REP. VAN HOLLEN: So let’s be real here.
Continue reading …Click here to view this media On Meet the Press this morning, Republican strategist Mike Murphy called Rep. Paul Ryan the “bravest man in Washington” for being willing to go after “entitlements” even though as he admits, it may not be politically popular or “fair.” I don’t know about anyone else but if I hear one more of these talking heads repeat that it is somehow the “adult” or “grownup” or “serious” to throw working people, seniors and the poor under the bus so we can continue these military occupations and continue with tax cuts for the rich, I’m about ready to break my television screen. Note to the beltway Villagers and T.V. pundits like Murphy, Chris Van Hollen is right here. There’s nothing “brave” about them taking care of their wealthy campaign contributors. What would be brave is any of them admitting we can’t balance our budget if they all refuse to raise revenues and by that I mean raising taxes on those that can afford it. As Van Hollen noted during the segment, that would mean they’d have to contend with Grover Norquist coming after them, which is something no Republicans seem willing to risk. Transcript below the fold. MR. MURPHY: Let me speak about Ryan for a minute to defend him, because there is a feeling in the country–and it’s right, I believe, at least a perception–that a lot of people in Congress, you know, they’re on the federal payroll, and they spend a lot of their time maneuvering to get re-elected. Paul Ryan, whether you like the plan or you don’t like the plan, is about the bravest guy in Washington because he’s taking on the entitlement monster, which is a huge threat. Whether you’re a Republican or a Democrat, everybody agrees this spending thing is out of control. And so Ryan’s got a plan that involves a lot of political pain. Whether it’s fair or not, it’s incredibly brave. What I’d like to see is some grown-up politics for a change. So instead of the Democrats just doing the “mediscare,” let’s have an equally adult, somewhat scary plan from the left, so voters can have a real comparison because they’re grown-ups. Pick the harder choice rather than the hard choice vs. the demography of the–you know–and Medicare as we know it, which is a scam. REP. VAN HOLLEN: But, but, but… MR. GREGORY: Congressman–yeah. Yeah. REP. VAN HOLLEN: Mike, Mike, political courage on the Republican side means taking on the revenue piece. That’s why you’ve had a couple folks get in so much–Senator Coburn raised his head on that. Grover Norquist tried to chop it off. It doesn’t take a lot of courage on the Republican side to slash Medicaid by $700 billion. MR. MURPHY: Well, you know, I’m going to agree with you on, on the revenue thing. But… REP. VAN HOLLEN: It doesn’t–but–here are these guys that they won’t even agree to say to the oil companies, “Look, you’ve got to get… MR. MURPHY: Yeah, I know. But look… REP. VAN HOLLEN: No, but, Mike–but, Mike… MR. MURPHY: But, Congressman, with all due respect, very, very quickly… REP. VAN HOLLEN: …this, this is the issue. MR. MURPHY: …when you go to the oil company and all this stuff, you’re going to the poll test and stuff to win the election, it’s your job. REP. VAN HOLLEN: Yeah. Yeah, Mike, Mike… MR. MURPHY: But will you guys endorse Simpson-Bowles? Because I will. I’d do it right now as a Republican. REP. VAN HOLLEN: Let, let, let’s go to go in–OK. I think there’s… MR. MURPHY: I’m for a little bit of taxes. REP. VAN HOLLEN: There’s a lot of good in Simpson-Bowles, and what the Simpson-Bowles did was they took a balanced approach. MR. MURPHY: Right. REP. VAN HOLLEN: The Republican budget is not balanced. In fact… MR. MURPHY: But where’s the Democrat to balanced budget? REP. VAN HOLLEN: Well, wait. MR. GREGORY: But let me, let me get in here for a second. REP. VAN HOLLEN: The, the, the, the co-chairs of Simpson-Bowles, Simpson and Bowles, said that the Republican plan was not balanced. And they described the president’s proposal the other day as more balanced and comprehensive. MR. GREGORY: Well, let, let me just pull out–I want to pull out on this. REP. VAN HOLLEN: So let’s be real here.
Continue reading …Remember all that talk four months ago in the wake of the Tucson shootings that political commentators needed to tone down their rhetoric? MSNBC's Chris Matthews certainly doesn't, for on Monday's “Hardball,” he called Rep. Paul Ryan's (R-Wisc.) Medicare plan a 'killer politically” and a “death certificate” for Republicans (video follows with transcript and commentary): CHRIS MATTHEWS: Welcome back to “Hardball.” Election Day in New York’s 26th district is tomorrow and voters will fill the seat held by former Congressman Chris Lee. The election’s been a tough battle focused on the House Republican plan to kill Medicare. The top three candidates include Democrat Kathy Hochul, Republican Jane Corwin, and Tea Partier Jack Davis splitting the vote on the right. So, will voters say “No” to the Paul Ryan Republican plan passed by the House Republicans to kill Medicare, and is this a trend that could continue into the 2012 House and Senate races across the country? Josh Marshall is the founding editor of Talking Points Memo and John Feehery is a Republican consultant. First of all, Josh, just a, just a little memory lane from last week. Newt Gingrich was all around the country getting his butt kicked because he went out there and said this Republican plan to basically replace Medicare is right-wing social engineering. He had to then go through the Cambodian reeducation camp for about three days, and ended up well swallowing all of the hell he was given on this issue, and accepting some sort of penitential experience. But everybody knows what Newt thinks. This is a killer politically. Then this week, Scott Brown up in Massachusetts said, “I'm not for it.” Is the message among thinking Republicans to be confirmed tomorrow that this, that this Medicare plan is a, is a, well, it’s a death certificate? It's a killer politically and a death certificate. It appears Matthews forgot what he and his guests said on January 10 of this year on the first installment of “Hardball” following the Tucson shootings: CHRIS MATTHEWS, HOST: Good evening. I’m Chris Matthews in Washington, with this special edition of HARDBALL. This country has a history of political violence. Lincoln, Garfield, McKinley shot and killed in office, Teddy Roosevelt shot in the chest in 1912 while campaigning for the presidency, Franklin Roosevelt shot at a month before his inauguration. The bullet killed the mayor of Chicago. In 1950, assassins carried out a plot to kill Harry Truman, killing one of the president’s bodyguards, Jack Kennedy killed by an assassin, Gerald Ford shot at twice in separate assassination attempts, Ronald Reagan nearly killed by an assassin, saved only by the quick thinking of a Secret Service agent who gets him to the hospital in three minutes. Huey Long, George Lincoln Rockwell, Martin Luther King, Robert Kennedy, Allard Lowenstein, Malcolm X all killed by gunmen. We’ve grown up with this stuff, knowing this stuff. We’re not like other countries, not in Europe, not in Africa, not in Asia, not in South America, not in Canada or in Mexico. It’s only here that political assassination has worked its way into the history books and won’t get out. Given this, why would anyone bring a gun to a political event in this country? Why would anyone want to? Why would any political leader think it’s just fine to do so? For one reason, I can only suppose, to say that guns can be a solution to a political difference. What does it mean when a possible presidential candidate paints targets, crosshairs over members of Congress she disagrees with, or when a Senate candidate says she supports “2nd Amendment remedies” to political differences with the Congress? How can a person who has any sense of our country’s history talk like that? John Wilkes Booth didn’t like which way the Civil War went. Lee Harvey Oswald was infatuated politically with Fidel Castro and didn’t like what Kennedy had said about him. Sirhan Sirhan didn’t like Bobby Kennedy’s strong support for Israel. Assassins often have recognized political motives, left and right, to go out and kill a politician. They don’t like what a leader says, they go kill them. The matter here is what you believe about gun violence and politics. Do we think guns are a proper reference point in political debate? If not, why are guns even mentioned in our political discussions? Why are they carried to political events? Is there any other interpretation than this, that some people believe guns, the threat of using them, are a political solution to this country’s debate? Can we, out of this horror in Arizona, simply agree on this one thing? Don’t bring guns to political events. Don’t talk about guns in a political argument. Let’s stop it right here. Gun violence against politicians is not a metaphor. It’s not about the Old West. It’s not cowboy talk. It’s not about the Founding Fathers and the British army. When you talk about using guns or threatening to use them against policies or politicians you don’t like, it’s for real. When you bring a gun to a political event, you are the problem. And leaders who refuse to say just this are themselves part of the problem. Let’s begin with three members of Congress who are all close friends with Congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords — U.S. Congressman Raul Grijalva of Arizona. He represents another part of Tucson. Also with us, U.S. Congresswoman Debbie Wasserman Schultz of Florida and Congresswoman Chellie Pingree of Maine. Thank you all for joining us. I want to start with my friend, Debbie Wasserman Schultz, and talk about this development tonight, and that is that Michael Bennet, the senator from Colorado, has just had someone threaten his life. That person has been arrested. This goes on. Your thoughts. REP. DEBBIE WASSERMAN SCHULTZ (D), FLORIDA: Well, my thoughts, just to follow up on your introduction to the show or that — you’re absolutely right, Chris. We have to tone down the rhetoric. We have to really look inside ourselves. I think members of Congress need to lead by example. And then, hopefully, by removing and checking ourselves on the violent rhetoric that far too many people sometimes use in the political arena, that we’ll be able to lead by example and push the outside world, the shock jocks and the — and other political leaders, to take a page from our book. It’s absolutely critical because there’s fragile people who are mentally unstable that, you know, we just don’t know when they’re going to take those — that language literally. MATTHEWS: Congressman Grijalva, your thoughts about this, coming so close to where you live and your friend? REP. RAUL GRIJALVA (D), ARIZONA: Yes, it’s been devastating for all of us. We’re happy with some of the prognostics that’s happening about Gabby, but generally, it’s a level of shock. That’s all I can say. And you know, this whole political discourse that we’ve had for the last four or five years in this country, we’re not — I’m not saying that this has led to this, but there is a contributing factor that all of us in political life that use rhetoric that is incendiary, that creates demons out of other people — we need to be very careful and we need to tone that whole thing down. MATTHEWS: And Congresswoman Pingree from Maine. Thank you for joining us, as well. REP. CHELLIE PINGREE (D), MAINE: Absolutely. Well, our thoughts and prayers are with Gabby and the families of all the victims of this senseless crime. And it was a deranged person, but the fact is, it gives us an opportunity to talk about political speech, to remember that words do matter, that as Debbie Wasserman Schultz said, people are influenced by these words. And you know, honestly, it happens on the left and the right. There was a left-wing blogger, when Debbie didn’t vote for Nancy Pelosi, said, Gabby Giffords, you’re dead. In my state, there’s a right-wing group that has a slogan on its Web site that said, If you’re willing to fight for your country, are you willing to kill for your country? We can’t use language like this and expect that it won’t have some effect on civil discourse, which is critical to our political system. So, roughly four months ago, two days after the Tucson shootings, Schultz told Matthews, “We have to tone down the rhetoric…Hopefully, by removing and checking ourselves on the violent rhetoric that far too many people sometimes use in the political arena, that we’ll be able to lead by example and push the outside world, the shock jocks and the — and other political leaders, to take a page from our book.It’s absolutely critical because there’s fragile people who are mentally unstable that, you know, we just don’t know when they’re going to take those — that language literally.” I guess Matthews has forgotten this, as he did Grijalva telling him, “This whole political discourse that we’ve had for the last four or five years in this country, we’re not — I’m not saying that this has led to this, but there is a contributing factor that all of us in political life that use rhetoric that is incendiary, that creates demons out of other people — we need to be very careful and we need to tone that whole thing down.” It appears he also forgot Pingree saying, “We can’t use language like this and expect that it won’t have some effect on civil discourse, which is critical to our political system.” Now, four months later, Matthews is quite comfortable saying Ryan's plan is a “killer politically” and a “death certificate.” Just more proof that all the hand-wringing about violent rhetoric in politics back then utter nonsense, for people like Matthews are now using the same language against their Republican rivals they were complaining about in January. And that ends this installment of “What a Difference a 'D' Makes.”
Continue reading …From the Layoff List, a story that continues to slip the minds of Congress, the media and the White House — but not the people who are still hanging by a thread: The April 2011 BLS employment report showed a gain of 244,000 jobs, which was trumpeted by the Obama administration and the mainstream media as a continuation of a rapidly improving jobs market. While job growth is important, it’s also important to realize the jobs hole that needs to be filled. Over the past four months more than 800,000 jobs have been created, but in January 2009 alone, more than 800,000 jobs were lost. Since February 2010, 1.8 million jobs have been created , but 8.8 million jobs were lost prior to that period. That’s a job shortage of 7 million and that doesn’t include the 125,000 jobs each month that needed to be created to simply absorb new entrants into the workforce. Additionally, the unemployment rate increased to 9%, since more people began looking for work. Returning job seekers is often considered an improved sign of job availability, but if they aren’t hired, they will go back into hiding and the unemployment rate will decline. Because of returning job seekers, the number of officially unemployed increased 205,000 to 13.75 million , which is still historically high when compared to other jobs challenged times. One of the few honest assessments of the current jobs market was offered by Heidi Shierholz of the Economic Policy Institute: At this point, coming out of a recession this deep, we should be getting unambiguously huge growth, of 300,000 to 400,000 [new jobs] a month,” said Heidi Shierholz, a labor economist at the Economic Policy Institute. “And it’s just nowhere near that.” She concluded: “We’re still in a rocky place.” The job market is admittedly improving for some, but it’s not improving quickly enough for millions of jobless, especially the long-term unemployed. In April, the ranks of the unemployed who have been out of work for 99 weeks or more increased by 21,000 to a record 1,920,000 . That equates to 14.5% of all unemployed.Other long-term unemployed fared a little better in April compared to March. Those out of work for 26 weeks or more decreased from 5.839 million from 6.122 million in March. But their percentage of the overall unemployment rate remained elevated at a near record level of 43.2%. The percentage of those out of work for more and 52 weeks increased from 31.5% to 32.8% of all unemployed. The Congress, the Obama administration and most media outlets are silent about long-term unemployment. How do they reconcile the fact that 244,000 jobs were created, but 21,000 additional workers have been unemployed for more than 99 weeks? How do they put on a happy face when a near record 5.893 million or 43.2% of all unemployed workers have been jobless for more than 26 weeks? How do they rationalize their cheerful statements of job improvements with the facts that job creation is very weak considering the trillions of dollars pumped into the economy to support Wall Street and fund tax breaks? How do they high-five the economic recovery when the labor force participation rate — the share of people over age 16 who are either working or actively seeking work — is at a low rate of 64.2%, a rate not seen since 1985? They can’t. They generally ignore the issue; long-term unemployment is the elephant in the economic recovery room. What is being done legislatively to address this elephant in the room? To date, nothing. The GOP controlled House has been busy attempting to cut the deficit, repealing healthcare funding, and restarting offshore oil drilling. The Republicans, with the help of some Democrats, are working to weaken Wall Street regulation legislation, end net neutrality, and are arguing the Defense of Marriage Act. They are pandering to their base, acquiescing to their corporate overlords and obliging their big-wallet campaign contributors.Congressional leaders are more concerned with ideology than reality. They have not presented a jobs bill or employment training legislation, conducted investigations on how to solve long-term unemployment, or offered tax incentives for companies to hire the long-term unemployed. They have ignored legislation, such as Rep. Barbara Lee’s H.R. 589 , that would help millions of long-term unemployed, the 99ers, who have exhausted all unemployment benefits. While most of the blame can be placed at the door of the GOP controlled House, the Democratic controlled Senate and Obama have been suspiciously silent about the long-term unemployment problem. The long-term unemployed are also part of the growing ranks of food stamp recipients, personal bankruptcies, foreclosures and healthcare uninsured. H.R. 589 is legislation designed to help the long-term unemployed by extending Tier 1 unemployment benefits 14 weeks. Those 14 weeks could be a financial lifesaver for millions of unemployed. Although the legislation has been discussed for months, moving it forward in a Republican controlled House will be challenging. How challenging? House Republicans are hoping to introduce legislation that could cut extended unemployment benefits in favor of lower business taxes and allow states to spend that money on other programs: The Ways and Means Committee passed a bill by 20-14 today that lets states shift some of the $31 billion they are set to get for extended unemployment aid to prevent the tax increases, pay back federal loans or fund job-training programs.While those are all commendable options, they are long-term rewards that won’t help those that need immediate financial assistance. Oil companies have reported record profits, but the GOP favors giving them billions in taxpayer subsidies while at the same time forcing the long-term unemployed to suffer without any financial assistance. The latest H.R.589 update comes from Crew of 42′s Lauren Victoria Burke; the news is both positive and disappointing: The good news for 99ers: The president mentioned he wants to possibly attach the 99ers money to some other big piece of legislation somehow… which piece, how and when is unclear…The bad news for 99ers: The president does not seem deeply motivated to to actively support unemployment benefits in general terms. .
Continue reading …MSNBC's Chris Matthews opened his “Hardball” program Monday by once again bashing the possible Republican presidential candidates. With Indiana governor Mitch Daniels dropping out Saturday, Matthews focused his attention on Mitt Romney, Tim Pawlenty, and Jon Huntsman telling guests John Heilemann and Mark Halperin, “I don’t want an interview with any of these guys” (video follows with transcript and commentary): CHRIS MATTHEWS, HOST: You first, you first. Which one of these fellows, we mentioned three of them, they're regular Republicans, conservative Republicans, I assume, I guess we are thinking that perhaps left to right it's probably Huntsman, Pawlenty and then Romney today, but it keeps changing. Which one of these could excite a big heated room down in Tampa, Florida, next September, when all the people are there, the whole party, left, rather right to far right, is present? Which could excite them and turn them on most likely? Mark? MARK HALPERIN, TIME MAGAZINE: All three have the potential to do it. But all of them have challenges, that is a challenge for all three of them, that particular skill. JOHN HEILEMANN, NEW YORK MAGAZINE: I think the one who has the most potential to be able to tap into the Tea Party's energy is Tim Pawlenty because in fact he is more of a populist, he’s more of a working class guy and he’s more of a social conservative. And we’re going to see him run that way in Iowa for instance. He’s going to run as a strong evangelical Christian. He can tap into a lot of that grass roots energy in a way that the other two might not be able. MATTHEWS: Well, I have an advantage over you guys: I don’t want an interview with any of these guys. Imagine saying that about men that could actually end up being president – that you don't want to interview them because you think they're boring. Should journalists only interview candidates that give them a thrill up their leg? Would Matthews have declined to interview Walter Mondale in 1984 or Michael Dukakis in 1988, neither of which were at all exciting? Ironically, Matthews' colleague Rachel Maddow predicted on his syndicated program this weekend that one of the GOP candidates would refuse all interviews with mainstream media outlets. Maybe Matthews wants to be the snubber rather than the snubbee. Of course, this is all a smokescreen, for the most exciting possible GOP candidate – from a purely entertaining level – was Donald Trump, and Matthews spent weeks trashing him day after day. As such, it's not excitement Matthews is looking for in a candidate – it's liberalism, and any that don't slant left are the subject of his ire. This was extremely obvious Monday as no matter how he pounded on the threesome in question, the “Hardball” host's guests – who both had significant access to the 2008 candidates for their book “Game Change” – were far more positive. Halperin for example mentioned that he had spent the weekend covering Huntsman and found the former ambassador to China to have a greater ability to speak about that nation than any presidential candidate he's ever seen with the exception of Bill Clinton. The Time magazine editor ended his thought by saying that Huntsman shows potential on a range of issues that if he lives up to, “I think he will be the next President of the United States.” Matthews was having none of this and instead told his guests, “I have an advantage over you guys: I don’t want an interview with any of these guys.” And this is what passes for journalism today at the so-called cable news network known as MSNBC.
Continue reading …If you need baby-naming help, shove aside those endless books and websites. Now you can get your options served up by a faceless government organization. The Social Security Administration wants to help name your little Junior. Testing the waters of the app building world, the SSA – the government bureau that’s responsible for Social Security
Continue reading …Judges praise first American writer to win accolade for ‘wild comedy’ of his novel Super Sad True Love Story Jeeves and Wooster may be as English as cream teas and Pimm’s, but the literary prize named after their creator, PG Wodehouse, has been swiped from under the noses of a gaggle of British writers by the American author Gary Shteyngart . The first American ever to win the Bollinger Everyman Wodehouse prize for comic fiction, which goes to a book that “has captured the comic spirit of PG Wodehouse”, Shteyngart triumphed over the British novelists Sam Leith, Catherine O’Flynn and India Knight and the Indian author Manu Joseph. The author’s winning novel, Super Sad True Love Story , is set in a dystopian, near-future America, where the 39-year-old Russian-American Lenny Abramov is attempting to persuade the 24-year-old Korean-American Eunice Park to fall in love with him. It “leaves you wondering whether that dull ache in your stomach is from laughter or just plain sadness”, wrote Chris Cox in the Observer. Prize judge and Hay festival director Peter Florence called the book “great literature” and “wild comedy”. “Gary Shteyngart’s writing is thrilling. He’s a staggeringly clever satirist who manages to create worlds and people of perfect coherence and outrageous misfortune,” said Florence. Shteyngart wins a jeroboam of champagne and a set of Wodehouse books. The author will also be presented with a pig named after his novel. The Gloucestershire Old Spot Super Sad True Love Story joins a herd of bizarrely named swine, from Salmon Fishing in the Yemen to A Short History of Tractors in Ukrainian and All Fun and Games until Somebody Loses an Eye. Organisers of the prize, won last year by Ian McEwan for Solar , pointed out that Wodehouse might be seen as quintessentially English, but the author actually became an American citizen in 1955 and set several of his Jeeves and Wooster titles in the US. Bollinger Everyman Wodehouse prize Fiction Awards and prizes United States Alison Flood guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Judges praise first American writer to win accolade for ‘wild comedy’ of his novel Super Sad True Love Story Jeeves and Wooster may be as English as cream teas and Pimm’s, but the literary prize named after their creator, PG Wodehouse, has been swiped from under the noses of a gaggle of British writers by the American author Gary Shteyngart . The first American ever to win the Bollinger Everyman Wodehouse prize for comic fiction, which goes to a book that “has captured the comic spirit of PG Wodehouse”, Shteyngart triumphed over the British novelists Sam Leith, Catherine O’Flynn and India Knight and the Indian author Manu Joseph. The author’s winning novel, Super Sad True Love Story , is set in a dystopian, near-future America, where the 39-year-old Russian-American Lenny Abramov is attempting to persuade the 24-year-old Korean-American Eunice Park to fall in love with him. It “leaves you wondering whether that dull ache in your stomach is from laughter or just plain sadness”, wrote Chris Cox in the Observer. Prize judge and Hay festival director Peter Florence called the book “great literature” and “wild comedy”. “Gary Shteyngart’s writing is thrilling. He’s a staggeringly clever satirist who manages to create worlds and people of perfect coherence and outrageous misfortune,” said Florence. Shteyngart wins a jeroboam of champagne and a set of Wodehouse books. The author will also be presented with a pig named after his novel. The Gloucestershire Old Spot Super Sad True Love Story joins a herd of bizarrely named swine, from Salmon Fishing in the Yemen to A Short History of Tractors in Ukrainian and All Fun and Games until Somebody Loses an Eye. Organisers of the prize, won last year by Ian McEwan for Solar , pointed out that Wodehouse might be seen as quintessentially English, but the author actually became an American citizen in 1955 and set several of his Jeeves and Wooster titles in the US. Bollinger Everyman Wodehouse prize Fiction Awards and prizes United States Alison Flood guardian.co.uk
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