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Social care failing disabled over 65s, says report

Age UK predicts more than 1m will be without support by 2014 Social care in England is “grossly inadequate” and “totally failing” to meet the needs of disabled people aged over 65, according to a new report. Research by Age UK has found that of the 2 million older people in England with care-related needs, just 800,000 receive formal support from public or private sector agencies. But the picture is growing even bleaker, warns the report, Care in Crisis : with spending cuts under way, more than 1 million of the most vulnerable pensioners in England will be left without help or support by 2014, it concludes. “There has been unprecedented debate on the future of care – both its long-term funding and the ‘transformation’ of council provision today,” said the report’s author, Andrew Harrop , Age UK’s director of policy and public affairs. “But in the meantime, local authority spending decisions have changed the facts on the ground, with a significant deterioration in services for older people. “Over the last six years publicly funded social care for older people has been systematically starved of cash,” he said. Elaine McDonald, a 67-year-old former ballerina, is taking her local authority of Kensington and Chelsea to the supreme court for reducing her care package from seven days a week to just one. McDonald has had to use a wheelchair since a stroke in 2007. Since the local authority reduced her care package, she has had two serious falls, one of which led to a broken hip. “I have worked and paid taxes since I was 16, and have lived in the borough for 47 years, so I don’t think I am asking for much in return,” she said. Since 2004, net spending on older people’s social care has risen by 0.1% a year in real terms, a total of £43m, while real spending on the NHS has risen by £25bn. “Spending cuts are projected to reduce spending on older people’s care by a minimum of £300m over four years,” said Harrop. “Real spending on older people’s care will be £250m lower in 2014 than in 2004. Over the same period, the number of people over 85 has risen by two-thirds to 630,000 people.” The Care in Crisis report said that while half of councils provided support to people assessed as having “moderate” needs in 2005, that had fallen to 15% by 2011. The Age UK report found huge regional discrepancies in the quantity and quality of care for older people: Tower Hamlets, the highest-spending local authority, spends five times as much on each older resident as Cornwall, the lowest-spending. “Age UK found that public sector commissioners are underpaying for older people’s care homes by a total of around half a billion pounds,” Harrop said. “The average shortfall per resident is £60 per week, rising to £120 per week in south-east England. Many care homes are demanding that older people and their relatives ‘top up’ their care fees with private money.” It is, he said, a “real injustice” that forces families to subsidise the state’s statutory duties. Especially when, he points out, younger service users are allocated an average of £78 a week per person, compared to £53 a week per older person. Reform, however, cannot be achieved without billions of pounds of new money, the researchers found. “Today taxpayers spend 0.5% of GDP on care for older people in England. If we merely maintain this level we will cause misery and danger for hundreds of thousands of frail older people,” said Harrop. In a costed package of solutions, the report estimates that Britain needs to spend a minimum of 0.9% of GDP on care in later life by the mid-2020s: around £2-3bn a year. The publication of the Age UK report comes as The Dilnot Commission finalises its recommendations on the future funding of care and support in England. The independent commission is due to publish its findings at the beginning of July. Martin Green, chief executive of the English Community Care Association , said: “We need the Dilnot Commission to come up with a solution, but we also need politicians with the guts to actually implement it. Older people Disability Social care Amelia Hill guardian.co.uk

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Social care failing disabled over 65s, says report

Age UK predicts more than 1m will be without support by 2014 Social care in England is “grossly inadequate” and “totally failing” to meet the needs of disabled people aged over 65, according to a new report. Research by Age UK has found that of the 2 million older people in England with care-related needs, just 800,000 receive formal support from public or private sector agencies. But the picture is growing even bleaker, warns the report, Care in Crisis : with spending cuts under way, more than 1 million of the most vulnerable pensioners in England will be left without help or support by 2014, it concludes. “There has been unprecedented debate on the future of care – both its long-term funding and the ‘transformation’ of council provision today,” said the report’s author, Andrew Harrop , Age UK’s director of policy and public affairs. “But in the meantime, local authority spending decisions have changed the facts on the ground, with a significant deterioration in services for older people. “Over the last six years publicly funded social care for older people has been systematically starved of cash,” he said. Elaine McDonald, a 67-year-old former ballerina, is taking her local authority of Kensington and Chelsea to the supreme court for reducing her care package from seven days a week to just one. McDonald has had to use a wheelchair since a stroke in 2007. Since the local authority reduced her care package, she has had two serious falls, one of which led to a broken hip. “I have worked and paid taxes since I was 16, and have lived in the borough for 47 years, so I don’t think I am asking for much in return,” she said. Since 2004, net spending on older people’s social care has risen by 0.1% a year in real terms, a total of £43m, while real spending on the NHS has risen by £25bn. “Spending cuts are projected to reduce spending on older people’s care by a minimum of £300m over four years,” said Harrop. “Real spending on older people’s care will be £250m lower in 2014 than in 2004. Over the same period, the number of people over 85 has risen by two-thirds to 630,000 people.” The Care in Crisis report said that while half of councils provided support to people assessed as having “moderate” needs in 2005, that had fallen to 15% by 2011. The Age UK report found huge regional discrepancies in the quantity and quality of care for older people: Tower Hamlets, the highest-spending local authority, spends five times as much on each older resident as Cornwall, the lowest-spending. “Age UK found that public sector commissioners are underpaying for older people’s care homes by a total of around half a billion pounds,” Harrop said. “The average shortfall per resident is £60 per week, rising to £120 per week in south-east England. Many care homes are demanding that older people and their relatives ‘top up’ their care fees with private money.” It is, he said, a “real injustice” that forces families to subsidise the state’s statutory duties. Especially when, he points out, younger service users are allocated an average of £78 a week per person, compared to £53 a week per older person. Reform, however, cannot be achieved without billions of pounds of new money, the researchers found. “Today taxpayers spend 0.5% of GDP on care for older people in England. If we merely maintain this level we will cause misery and danger for hundreds of thousands of frail older people,” said Harrop. In a costed package of solutions, the report estimates that Britain needs to spend a minimum of 0.9% of GDP on care in later life by the mid-2020s: around £2-3bn a year. The publication of the Age UK report comes as The Dilnot Commission finalises its recommendations on the future funding of care and support in England. The independent commission is due to publish its findings at the beginning of July. Martin Green, chief executive of the English Community Care Association , said: “We need the Dilnot Commission to come up with a solution, but we also need politicians with the guts to actually implement it. Older people Disability Social care Amelia Hill guardian.co.uk

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Barack Obama visits Joplin tornado scene

President described the scene as ‘heartbreaking’ and promised a ‘national response’ to the tornado that struck a week ago It was, said Barack Obama, the worst destruction he had ever seen. As the president flew over the small town of Joplin, Missouri, one of those travelling with him said it looked as if the heart of the city had been destroyed by a giant bulldozer cutting a swath nearly a mile wide. On the ground, Obama described the scene as “heartbreaking” and promised a “national response” to the tornado that struck a week ago, killing at least 139 people and leaving scores missing. More than 900 were injured. The president returned from his much heralded tour of Europe to pay a sobering visit to Joplin, a city of about 50,000 people which was hit by the deadliest tornado in the US in more than 60 years. His motorcade moved along a main street that one of those accompanying him described as looking as if it had been destroyed by a giant bulldozer. Most of the houses are reduced to debris. Trees were not only stripped of their branches but their bark, leaving unusually white wooden stumps. Obama stopped to talk to survivors who spoke of a miracle that they had survived when others had not. “Sorry for your loss,” he told an anguished woman, hugging her twice as they talked One of those the president spoke to was 85 year-old Hugh Hills who was holding a large American flag in front of his largely destroyed house on Kentucky avenue. Hills told Obama he had “just pulled my chicken pot pie out of the oven when I looked at the TV and it said the storm is coming. And then the TV cut off”. Hills said he hid in a cupboard while most of his house was destroyed around him. The president said afterwards that he had listened to “harrowing stories but also miraculous stories”. “Obviously, it is going to take years to build back,” he said. “This is just not your tragedy. This is a national tragedy, and that means there’s going to be a national response. “What I’ve been telling every family that I’ve met here is we’re going to be here long after the cameras leave. We are not going to stop until Joplin is fully back on its feet.” Natural disasters and extreme weather Barack Obama United States Missouri Chris McGreal guardian.co.uk

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Barack Obama visits Joplin tornado scene

President described the scene as ‘heartbreaking’ and promised a ‘national response’ to the tornado that struck a week ago It was, said Barack Obama, the worst destruction he had ever seen. As the president flew over the small town of Joplin, Missouri, one of those travelling with him said it looked as if the heart of the city had been destroyed by a giant bulldozer cutting a swath nearly a mile wide. On the ground, Obama described the scene as “heartbreaking” and promised a “national response” to the tornado that struck a week ago, killing at least 139 people and leaving scores missing. More than 900 were injured. The president returned from his much heralded tour of Europe to pay a sobering visit to Joplin, a city of about 50,000 people which was hit by the deadliest tornado in the US in more than 60 years. His motorcade moved along a main street that one of those accompanying him described as looking as if it had been destroyed by a giant bulldozer. Most of the houses are reduced to debris. Trees were not only stripped of their branches but their bark, leaving unusually white wooden stumps. Obama stopped to talk to survivors who spoke of a miracle that they had survived when others had not. “Sorry for your loss,” he told an anguished woman, hugging her twice as they talked One of those the president spoke to was 85 year-old Hugh Hills who was holding a large American flag in front of his largely destroyed house on Kentucky avenue. Hills told Obama he had “just pulled my chicken pot pie out of the oven when I looked at the TV and it said the storm is coming. And then the TV cut off”. Hills said he hid in a cupboard while most of his house was destroyed around him. The president said afterwards that he had listened to “harrowing stories but also miraculous stories”. “Obviously, it is going to take years to build back,” he said. “This is just not your tragedy. This is a national tragedy, and that means there’s going to be a national response. “What I’ve been telling every family that I’ve met here is we’re going to be here long after the cameras leave. We are not going to stop until Joplin is fully back on its feet.” Natural disasters and extreme weather Barack Obama United States Missouri Chris McGreal guardian.co.uk

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David Brooks: To Have Democratic Fingerprints on a Medicare Reduction Plan Would be Good for the Country

Click here to view this media I wonder if this is what Brooks meant when he said the Republicans need to “do something more crafty” with their messaging on destroying Medicare — let’s figure out how to blame the Democrats too. It seems Brooks also thinks that the audience of Meet the Press is silly enough to believe that there is a chance in hell that the Republicans are going to agree to increase taxes, much less offer that up in negotiations with the Democrats. MR. GREGORY: But here’s the–I mean, the question, David Brooks, is whether there’s going to be a deal before they raise the debt ceiling on Medicare, and what that looks like. I mean, Senator McConnell wouldn’t say it, but he’s certainly not backing the Ryan plan. He’s not going to go to the mat. I mean, you don’t–if you don’t whip up the vote in the Senate, that’s not going to the mat, it’s letting your members vote. It would be something different than what Ryan is talking about. MR. BROOKS: Right. If you ask Americans, should we cut Medicare to help and reduce the deficit, 78 percent say no. And so that’s pretty strong. So that’s what happened in New York 26, I agree with Ruth’s analysis on that. So what do the Republicans like Mitch McConnell do? Well, they can do a couple things. One of the things that’ll be useful is to cut a deal that includes Medicare. To have Democrats–Democratic fingerprints on a Medicare reduction plan, which would be good for the country. And by getting the Democrats involved, then that would reduce that as an issue. MR. GREGORY: I–right. MR. BROOKS: And then what they have to offer is tax cut–tax increases on the rich. Now, would the Democrats take that up? I’m not sure and, frankly, I don’t think it’s likely. But that’s what the Republicans need. I think it’s much more likely that we’ll have really a fudge deal on the debt ceiling limit, a nontrivial chance of a significant default problem this year or a government shutdown problem this year, and then a very large chance of some sort of fiscal crack-up in the next couple of years. I was up on Wall Street this week. I know more about political risk than they do. They’re vastly underestimating the source of political risk here. We could have a major problem, I think, either this summer or the next couple years. And I’d be worried about investing too much in the market, that’s my financial advice.

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David Brooks: To Have Democratic Fingerprints on a Medicare Reduction Plan Would be Good for the Country

Click here to view this media I wonder if this is what Brooks meant when he said the Republicans need to “do something more crafty” with their messaging on destroying Medicare — let’s figure out how to blame the Democrats too. It seems Brooks also thinks that the audience of Meet the Press is silly enough to believe that there is a chance in hell that the Republicans are going to agree to increase taxes, much less offer that up in negotiations with the Democrats. MR. GREGORY: But here’s the–I mean, the question, David Brooks, is whether there’s going to be a deal before they raise the debt ceiling on Medicare, and what that looks like. I mean, Senator McConnell wouldn’t say it, but he’s certainly not backing the Ryan plan. He’s not going to go to the mat. I mean, you don’t–if you don’t whip up the vote in the Senate, that’s not going to the mat, it’s letting your members vote. It would be something different than what Ryan is talking about. MR. BROOKS: Right. If you ask Americans, should we cut Medicare to help and reduce the deficit, 78 percent say no. And so that’s pretty strong. So that’s what happened in New York 26, I agree with Ruth’s analysis on that. So what do the Republicans like Mitch McConnell do? Well, they can do a couple things. One of the things that’ll be useful is to cut a deal that includes Medicare. To have Democrats–Democratic fingerprints on a Medicare reduction plan, which would be good for the country. And by getting the Democrats involved, then that would reduce that as an issue. MR. GREGORY: I–right. MR. BROOKS: And then what they have to offer is tax cut–tax increases on the rich. Now, would the Democrats take that up? I’m not sure and, frankly, I don’t think it’s likely. But that’s what the Republicans need. I think it’s much more likely that we’ll have really a fudge deal on the debt ceiling limit, a nontrivial chance of a significant default problem this year or a government shutdown problem this year, and then a very large chance of some sort of fiscal crack-up in the next couple of years. I was up on Wall Street this week. I know more about political risk than they do. They’re vastly underestimating the source of political risk here. We could have a major problem, I think, either this summer or the next couple years. And I’d be worried about investing too much in the market, that’s my financial advice.

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Syria offers to cooperate on nuclear inquiry

Offer comes as Assad’s government tries to suppress demonstrations inspired by the Arab spring movement Syria has offered to cooperate with a UN investigation into evidence that it tried to build a reactor that could have been used to make a nuclear weapon, it has been reported. For the past three years, the country has prevented inspectors from the International Atomic Energy Agency gaining access to the site at al-Kibar. The offer of cooperation comes as the government of President Bashar al-Assad is trying to suppress demonstrations inspired by the Arab spring democratic movement. A damning IAEA report last week on the suspect building, which was bombed by Israel in 2007, said the IAEA “assesses that the building destroyed … was a nuclear reactor”. This is a far stronger finding than previous reports, which simply registered unanswered questions about the site. Last week’s report also noted Syria’s lack of cooperation with the IAEA after an initial inspection found traces of man-made uranium, and gave details of an apparent attempt to conceal, dismantle and bury the remains of the building. The report prompted US-led calls for Syria to be referred to the UN security council. According to documents seen by the Associated Press, the IAEA chief, Yukiya Amano, reported on Friday that top Syrian nuclear officials had told him the previous day: “We are ready to fully cooperate with the agency.” Despite the offer, which some diplomats regard as a delaying tactic, the US will seek Syria’s referral to the security council when the IAEA’s governing board meets on 6 June. A US letter sent to IAEA board members on Friday, and obtained by AP with an attached copy of a draft resolution, said: “Such cooperation would indeed be welcome but would not have any bearing on the finding of non-compliance” by Syria of its obligations under the nuclear non-proliferation treaty. The outcome of the IAEA’s vote on the US resolution is unclear, as the Syrian offer may persuade some members that a referral is not warranted. Syria Bashar Al-Assad Nuclear weapons Middle East Julian Borger guardian.co.uk

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Fareed Zakaria: Netanyahu Should Have Thanked Obama For His Middle East Proposal

Just how in bed with Barack Obama is Fareed Zakaria? On the Sunday CNN program bearing his name, the host began the show by saying Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu should have thanked the President for his Middle East peace proposal given earlier this month (video follows with transcript and commentary): FAREED ZAKARIA, HOST: We've just gone through an arcane debate about whether Barack Obama said anything new when he called for an Israeli-Palestinian settlement based on 1967 borders with mutually agreed upon land swaps. In fact, that has been the working assumption of all negotiating parties — America, Israel and the Palestinian authority — for over 20 years. It is what the Camp David talks of 2000 were based on, it's what former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's talks with the Palestinians was based on. The newsworthy and real shift in U.S. policy was President Obama publicly condemning the Palestinian strategy to seek recognition as a state from the U.N. General Assembly in September. Instead of thanking Obama for this, Prime Minister Netanyahu chose to stage, in the words of the former Israeli diplomat Alon Pinkas, quote, “nothing less than a bizarre tirade at the White House on Friday, educating the president about the plight (ph) and the pogroms of Jews throughout history,” end quote. So why did Netanyahu do this? Does it help Israel's security or strengthen it otherwise to stoke tensions with its strongest ally and largest benefactor, Washington? Does such behavior further the resolution of Israel's problems? No, but it helps Netanyahu stir up support at home and maintain his fragile coalition. The real revelation, which has been picked up by many in the Israeli press, is that it shows finally that Netanyahu simply doesn't want a deal. He always has a new objection, a new problem, a new delaying tactic because, at core, he has never believed that the Palestinians should have a state. Fascinating. So the man that has admitted to giving foreign policy advice to the President is now blaming tensions between the White House and Israel on Netanyahu while claiming the Prime Minister really doesn't want a peaceful settlement with the Palestinians. This is precisely why Zakaria should recuse himself from reporting on such matters as NewsBusters publisher Brent Bozell requested on May 16. Unfortunately, this unrestrained shill was just warming up, for he next cherry-picked statements Netanyahu made 33 years ago: Here is the young Bibi, 33 years ago, at a forum in Cambridge, Massachusetts. (BEGIN VIDEO CLIP) BENJAMIN NETANYAHU, ISRAELI PRIME MINISTER: I think the United States should oppose the creation of a Palestinian state for several reasons, the first one being that it is unjust to demand the creation of a 22nd Arab state and a second Palestinian state at the expense of the only Jewish state. There is no right to establish the second one on my doorstep, which will threaten my existence. There is no right whatsoever. (END VIDEO CLIP) It might have been nice if Zakaria had offered viewers some context concerning these remarks. The video of Netanyahu's entire testimony at that 1978 Cambridge forum is available at Right Scoop. At minute 2:30, Netanyahu said the following: NETANYAHU: The Palestinians themselves, in the Palestinian National Covenant, the very first article, say that the people of Palestine quote “are part of the Arab nation.” Well, let’s look at the Arab nation. It has 21 states, and area roughly the size of the United States, and one sixth of the entire world’s wealth. Now add to that the fact that there already exists a Palestinian state, and that is Jordan, 60 percent of whose population is Palestinian. I think it’s quite interesting that Yasser Arafat and King Hussein who are bitter enemies agree on one thing: that Jordan is a Palestinian state. So what we’re talking about is a demand for a 22nd Arab state and a second Palestinian state. As such, and contrary to what Zakaria presented, Netanyahu didn't say he was opposed to the creation of a Palestinian state. He said that he was for the creation of such a state in Jordan whose population at that time was 60 percent Palestinian and which was already recognized as a Palestinian state by much of the Arab world. Not surprisingly, the CNN host that advises Obama didn't share that with his viewers: ZAKARIA: Prime Minister Netanyahu's references to the indefensible borders of 1967 last week also reveal him to be mired in a world that has really gone away. The chief threat to Israel today is not from a Palestinian army. Israel has the region's strongest economy and military by far, complete with an arsenal of nuclear weapons. The chief threats to Israel are from new technologies — rockets, biological weapons and from demography. Its physical existence is less in doubt than its democratic existence as it continues to rule millions of Palestinians who are entitled to neither a vote nor a country. Ironically, the young Bibi understood that it was impossible to keep the Palestinians in such serf-like conditions forever. Listen to him advocating that Palestinians should be given citizenship, either in Jordan or in Israel. (BEGIN VIDEO CLIP) NETANYAHU: In the event that this negotiation process will continue, I am sure that what we're talking about is, in fact, eventual citizenship of some kind, either Jordanian or Israeli or in any other arrangement. (END VIDEO CLIP) ZAKARIA: If the Palestinians were smart, they'd take Prime Minister Netanyahu up on that offer of citizenship in Israel, and then Bibi would wish he had been for a two-state solution all along. Yes, Fareed, they should take Netanyahu up on something he said 33 years ago in a completely different world where Iran and its leader were strong allies of America and neither Hezbollah nor Hamas yet existed. And Zakaria has the gall to accuse Netanyahu of being “mired in a world that has really gone away.”

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The ruined village Palestinians will never forget

The ruins of Lifta are the final remains of the Palestinian hamlets that fringed Jerusalem until 1948. Now plans to bulldoze them are causing outrage In the soft golden light of a late spring evening, as yellow flowers are beginning to bloom on giant cacti, Yacoub Odeh climbs up through knee-high grass to the ruin that was his childhood home. For a man in his eighth decade, he is surprisingly nimble as he navigates ancient stones that litter the ground. But behind his light step is the weight of painful memories of a lost youth and a fading history. “Here is my house,” he says, sitting on the remains of a stone wall in whose crevices wild flowers and saplings cling. “Now only the corners remain. Here is the taboun [outdoor oven] where my mother used to bake bread. The smell!” With distant eyes, he describes an idyllic childhood in a place he calls paradise, where families helped one another and children played freely amid almond and fig trees and on the rocks around the village’s natural spring. The place is Lifta , an Arab village on the north-western fringes of Jerusalem, for centuries a prosperous, bustling community built around agriculture, traditional embroidery, trade and mutual support. But since 1948, shortly before the state of Israel was declared, it has been deserted. The population, according to the Palestinian narrative of that momentous year, was expelled by advancing Jewish soldiers; the people abandoned their homes, say the Israeli history books. Lifta was one of hundreds of Arab villages taken over by the embryonic Jewish state. But it is the only one not to have been subsequently covered in the concrete and tarmac of Israeli towns and roads, or planted over with trees and shrubs to create forests, parks and picnic areas, or transformed into Israeli artists’ colonies. Some argue that Israel set out to erase any vestige of Palestinian roots in the new country. Now, 63 years on, the ruins of Lifta are finally facing the threat of bulldozers and concrete mixers . A long-term proposal to sell the state-owned land for the construction of luxury housing units and a boutique hotel on the site is awaiting the authorities’ final approval. It has caused a furore. Opponents of the plan include those who believe Lifta should be preserved as a monument to history; those who want to retain its charming environs as a rambling spot; and those – Odeh among them – who insist that one day they will return and reclaim their homes. For many Palestinians, Lifta is a symbol of the Nakba , literally the “catastrophe”, of 1948 in which 700,000 people were dispossessed. It embodies their longing for their land, and their bitterness at their continued refugee status. It is, wrote Palestinian author Ghada Karmi in a letter to the Los Angeles Times, “a physical memory of injustice and survival”. The development plan was approved by the Jerusalem municipality five years ago, but earlier this year the Israel Lands Administration – the state agency that took ownership of Lifta’s land under the Israeli law governing property deemed to be abandoned – began marketing the plot to private developers. A legal challenge stayed the tender process, but a decision is due any day on whether to proceed. The proposal is for 212 luxury housing units, expected to be advertised to wealthy expatriate Jews, a chic hotel and shops, and a museum. It suggests that some of the ruins be restored. But Lifta as a sanctuary and de facto heritage site will be lost . Shmuel Groag, one of the architects of the original proposal, has since reversed his position and has backed the campaign to preserve the ruined village. “I have changed my mind about conservation in general, and about Lifta in particular,” he says. The site, he argues, should be “frozen”. Others have appealed to Unesco to declare Lifta a world heritage site, saying that work must begin to halt further decay and the theft of valuable stones from the ruins. Alongside the ramblers, drug-users and illicit lovers frequent the ruins. Crowds of ultra-orthodox Jewish teenage boys, stripped to their underwear, swim in the spring, and light barbecues on the rocks. Graffiti scars many of the fragmented walls. For Odeh, this is distressing. “Why should they have free access to my home when I am stopped by security guards and questioned about my right to be here,” he asks. “When I see these people coming here, I feel sorrow and anger.” The remains of the village are bounded by roads, along which traffic rumbles to and from Tel Aviv and Jerusalem’s suburbs and settlements. On the ridge above Lifta, concrete mixers and diggers are at work on a high-speed rail link to Tel Aviv; deep in the valley below is a guarded complex, said to be the site of the Israeli government’s underground nuclear bunker. Out of sight of Lifta’s ruins, but built on its former farmlands are the Knesset (Israel’s parliament), the supreme court, the Hadassah hospital, the Hebrew University and the city’s central bus station. In 1948, the village owned 1,200 hectares but they have long gone, along with olive, fig, apricot, almond, plum, pomegranate and citrus trees plus the fields of spinach, cauliflower, peas and beans that gave Lifta its prosperity. “Life was rich,” recalls Odeh. “The spring watered the village gardens. We had more olives than we needed so we sold them and the oil in Jerusalem.” As we walk amid the ruins, Odeh points out the old landmarks. “Here was the mosque. This was the sheriff’s house. Here was the olive press. There is the house where I was born, and where my father was born. Over there is the cemetery. This was the sahn [courtyard] where people shared happy occasions and sorrowful occasions. Here I breathed my first breath. The first water I drank, I drank here.” It is painful, he says. He points out what is remaining of the beautiful architecture of the houses, with arched windows, columns and graceful balconies. Over a door, a lintel is inscribed with Arabic writing. Enter in safety, it says; the owner of this house is God. “The people of the village cut the stones and built their houses themselves. They were proud of that. They helped each other build and harvest the olives. The village lived as a family, one family.” But in 1948, when Odeh was eight years old, the bucolic life of Lifta came to an end. At the gateway to Jerusalem, Lifta was strategically important to the advancing Jewish troops. A series of violent skirmishes caused fear and panic, he recalls. There was firing and attacks from both sides. And then came the day his family left. “My mother was preparing a fire to warm the house. I was with my little brother. The gangs began to shoot in the direction of Lifta. My brother was shouting: ‘Mama! Mama! They’re shooting us.’ My mother took us inside and put us in a corner. The people of Lifta were crying to one another.” Odeh’s father, then 33, carried the youngest of the eight children, and the family crossed the valley and climbed up to the main road to Jerusalem. His mother took the key to the house but they left everything they owned. “We had nothing but the clothes we were wearing. We had everything – and in one moment we had nothing. We became beggars.” As the villagers left, Jewish soldiers blew holes in the roofs of the houses to make them uninhabitable. Odeh’s father stayed in Lifta for a few more days. After boarding a truck heading away from the village, the rest of the family slept under fig trees. They spent the following two years in Ramallah before moving to Jerusalem’s Old City. His father, a broken man, developed stomach problems and died at the age of 35. His mother suffered from asthma from the time she left Lifta until her death. Many of the 3,000 residents of Lifta scattered across the West Bank and beyond to Jordan, but a core still live in East Jerusalem within a few kilometres of their former homes. Odeh himself later joined the armed resistance against Israel and spent 17 years in prison. Now, in his twilight years, he is as impassioned as ever about his home. “We will never forget nor forgive the destruction of our village. Lifta is in our memory and in our history. It is our fathers’ and grandfathers’ graveyard. The spring, the trees, the land – we will never forget it.” He is unshakeable in his belief in the Palestinians’ right to return to their homes – something that cannot be countenanced by Israel because it would threaten the state’s Jewish majority and hence its Jewish nature. “We still dream of coming back,” says Odeh. “I’m sure the time will come to return to Lifta, to my home.” There can be no lasting peace until the refugee issue is resolved, he adds. But he knows time may be running out. “Lifta is an eyewitness to history, to what happened in the Nakba. If we can’t come back, then leave the village to this history.” Israel Middle East Harriet Sherwood guardian.co.uk

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The ruined village Palestinians will never forget

The ruins of Lifta are the final remains of the Palestinian hamlets that fringed Jerusalem until 1948. Now plans to bulldoze them are causing outrage In the soft golden light of a late spring evening, as yellow flowers are beginning to bloom on giant cacti, Yacoub Odeh climbs up through knee-high grass to the ruin that was his childhood home. For a man in his eighth decade, he is surprisingly nimble as he navigates ancient stones that litter the ground. But behind his light step is the weight of painful memories of a lost youth and a fading history. “Here is my house,” he says, sitting on the remains of a stone wall in whose crevices wild flowers and saplings cling. “Now only the corners remain. Here is the taboun [outdoor oven] where my mother used to bake bread. The smell!” With distant eyes, he describes an idyllic childhood in a place he calls paradise, where families helped one another and children played freely amid almond and fig trees and on the rocks around the village’s natural spring. The place is Lifta , an Arab village on the north-western fringes of Jerusalem, for centuries a prosperous, bustling community built around agriculture, traditional embroidery, trade and mutual support. But since 1948, shortly before the state of Israel was declared, it has been deserted. The population, according to the Palestinian narrative of that momentous year, was expelled by advancing Jewish soldiers; the people abandoned their homes, say the Israeli history books. Lifta was one of hundreds of Arab villages taken over by the embryonic Jewish state. But it is the only one not to have been subsequently covered in the concrete and tarmac of Israeli towns and roads, or planted over with trees and shrubs to create forests, parks and picnic areas, or transformed into Israeli artists’ colonies. Some argue that Israel set out to erase any vestige of Palestinian roots in the new country. Now, 63 years on, the ruins of Lifta are finally facing the threat of bulldozers and concrete mixers . A long-term proposal to sell the state-owned land for the construction of luxury housing units and a boutique hotel on the site is awaiting the authorities’ final approval. It has caused a furore. Opponents of the plan include those who believe Lifta should be preserved as a monument to history; those who want to retain its charming environs as a rambling spot; and those – Odeh among them – who insist that one day they will return and reclaim their homes. For many Palestinians, Lifta is a symbol of the Nakba , literally the “catastrophe”, of 1948 in which 700,000 people were dispossessed. It embodies their longing for their land, and their bitterness at their continued refugee status. It is, wrote Palestinian author Ghada Karmi in a letter to the Los Angeles Times, “a physical memory of injustice and survival”. The development plan was approved by the Jerusalem municipality five years ago, but earlier this year the Israel Lands Administration – the state agency that took ownership of Lifta’s land under the Israeli law governing property deemed to be abandoned – began marketing the plot to private developers. A legal challenge stayed the tender process, but a decision is due any day on whether to proceed. The proposal is for 212 luxury housing units, expected to be advertised to wealthy expatriate Jews, a chic hotel and shops, and a museum. It suggests that some of the ruins be restored. But Lifta as a sanctuary and de facto heritage site will be lost . Shmuel Groag, one of the architects of the original proposal, has since reversed his position and has backed the campaign to preserve the ruined village. “I have changed my mind about conservation in general, and about Lifta in particular,” he says. The site, he argues, should be “frozen”. Others have appealed to Unesco to declare Lifta a world heritage site, saying that work must begin to halt further decay and the theft of valuable stones from the ruins. Alongside the ramblers, drug-users and illicit lovers frequent the ruins. Crowds of ultra-orthodox Jewish teenage boys, stripped to their underwear, swim in the spring, and light barbecues on the rocks. Graffiti scars many of the fragmented walls. For Odeh, this is distressing. “Why should they have free access to my home when I am stopped by security guards and questioned about my right to be here,” he asks. “When I see these people coming here, I feel sorrow and anger.” The remains of the village are bounded by roads, along which traffic rumbles to and from Tel Aviv and Jerusalem’s suburbs and settlements. On the ridge above Lifta, concrete mixers and diggers are at work on a high-speed rail link to Tel Aviv; deep in the valley below is a guarded complex, said to be the site of the Israeli government’s underground nuclear bunker. Out of sight of Lifta’s ruins, but built on its former farmlands are the Knesset (Israel’s parliament), the supreme court, the Hadassah hospital, the Hebrew University and the city’s central bus station. In 1948, the village owned 1,200 hectares but they have long gone, along with olive, fig, apricot, almond, plum, pomegranate and citrus trees plus the fields of spinach, cauliflower, peas and beans that gave Lifta its prosperity. “Life was rich,” recalls Odeh. “The spring watered the village gardens. We had more olives than we needed so we sold them and the oil in Jerusalem.” As we walk amid the ruins, Odeh points out the old landmarks. “Here was the mosque. This was the sheriff’s house. Here was the olive press. There is the house where I was born, and where my father was born. Over there is the cemetery. This was the sahn [courtyard] where people shared happy occasions and sorrowful occasions. Here I breathed my first breath. The first water I drank, I drank here.” It is painful, he says. He points out what is remaining of the beautiful architecture of the houses, with arched windows, columns and graceful balconies. Over a door, a lintel is inscribed with Arabic writing. Enter in safety, it says; the owner of this house is God. “The people of the village cut the stones and built their houses themselves. They were proud of that. They helped each other build and harvest the olives. The village lived as a family, one family.” But in 1948, when Odeh was eight years old, the bucolic life of Lifta came to an end. At the gateway to Jerusalem, Lifta was strategically important to the advancing Jewish troops. A series of violent skirmishes caused fear and panic, he recalls. There was firing and attacks from both sides. And then came the day his family left. “My mother was preparing a fire to warm the house. I was with my little brother. The gangs began to shoot in the direction of Lifta. My brother was shouting: ‘Mama! Mama! They’re shooting us.’ My mother took us inside and put us in a corner. The people of Lifta were crying to one another.” Odeh’s father, then 33, carried the youngest of the eight children, and the family crossed the valley and climbed up to the main road to Jerusalem. His mother took the key to the house but they left everything they owned. “We had nothing but the clothes we were wearing. We had everything – and in one moment we had nothing. We became beggars.” As the villagers left, Jewish soldiers blew holes in the roofs of the houses to make them uninhabitable. Odeh’s father stayed in Lifta for a few more days. After boarding a truck heading away from the village, the rest of the family slept under fig trees. They spent the following two years in Ramallah before moving to Jerusalem’s Old City. His father, a broken man, developed stomach problems and died at the age of 35. His mother suffered from asthma from the time she left Lifta until her death. Many of the 3,000 residents of Lifta scattered across the West Bank and beyond to Jordan, but a core still live in East Jerusalem within a few kilometres of their former homes. Odeh himself later joined the armed resistance against Israel and spent 17 years in prison. Now, in his twilight years, he is as impassioned as ever about his home. “We will never forget nor forgive the destruction of our village. Lifta is in our memory and in our history. It is our fathers’ and grandfathers’ graveyard. The spring, the trees, the land – we will never forget it.” He is unshakeable in his belief in the Palestinians’ right to return to their homes – something that cannot be countenanced by Israel because it would threaten the state’s Jewish majority and hence its Jewish nature. “We still dream of coming back,” says Odeh. “I’m sure the time will come to return to Lifta, to my home.” There can be no lasting peace until the refugee issue is resolved, he adds. But he knows time may be running out. “Lifta is an eyewitness to history, to what happened in the Nakba. If we can’t come back, then leave the village to this history.” Israel Middle East Harriet Sherwood guardian.co.uk

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