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The job of the generals is to help implement the demands of the people Egypt is relieved of Hosni Mubarak; the dictator is gone. That is no guarantee that democracy will follow, but it is a brave leap towards that goal. The crowds that gathered on the streets of Cairo and other cities knew there could be no progress as long as the president of 30 years stayed on. The peaceful, irrepressible tenacity with which they enforced that demand is an inspiration to those who value democracy and a clear warning to those who do not. The sustained power of the crowd is also a vital factor in the political settlement that emerges over the coming days. Within hours of Mr Mubarak’s resignation, the army, which inherited power, recognised that popular consent alone could confer legitimacy on Egypt’s next government. It is a major concession. The nation insisted on regime change, the generals obliged. That makes this a hybrid of popular revolution and military coup. Liberation is cause for celebration, but the role of the army should temper romantic exuberance. Egyptian political and military hierarchies are enmeshed. No one with a civilian background has led the country since the foundation of the modern republic in 1952. The army is a respected institution and its status was enhanced when commanders made early decisions not to move against the protesters. But pro-democracy activists are perfectly aware that the military is acting in its own interests, just as it did when propping up Mr Mubarak for a generation. There is a fundamental mismatch between the kind of political movement represented by the activists in Tahrir Square and the kind of state that is run by men with guns. There could hardly be a starker contrast between Wael Ghonim, the 30-year-old Google executive whose Facebook pages became a digital rallying point against oppression, and Field Marshall Mohammed Hussein Tantawi, 75-year-old head of the Supreme Military Council that now formally runs Egypt. There is no evidence yet that the army plans to renege on its commitments to facilitate a transition to popular rule. But in the absence of mature civil institutions, the fear of chaos might easily lead the generals to conclude that democracy is a project for the long term and then to extend the length of that term ever further. There is a deadline. Mr Mubarak, while clinging desperately to office, made a commitment to free elections in September. That was too long a wait for Egyptians, who wanted the president out forthwith. But there are reasonable arguments now for planning the poll according to a carefully measured timetable. The constitution has to be amended and the apparatus of state repression dismantled. There are political prisoners to be freed and censorship laws to be repealed. Egyptians have demonstrated a passion for free speech and free association over the last 18 days, but the process of channelling those impulses into party politics is not simple. Traditionally, the most organised opposition group is the Muslim Brotherhood, whose Islamist credentials have made western diplomats and politicians nervous. Although the Brotherhood is an important part of the anti-Mubarak coalition, there is no sign of a fundamentalist conspiracy to hijack the revolution. The flags in Tahrir Square bore the colours of the secular republic; the crowd’s hymn of choice was the national anthem. Islam will feature in Egypt’s political settlement – it is the faith of the overwhelming majority. Religious groups cannot be excluded from the process of national rehabilitation. The hope is that a democratic constitution will nurture moderation and sideline extremists. Egypt’s revolution has so far shown no appetite for violence. Ideally, democratic mechanisms would be in place before September. Certainly, the army must not still be running things after then. What happens in Cairo is being meticulously scrutinised in neighbouring states with leaders whose hold on power might be as brittle as Mr Mubarak’s. Pro-democracy protests in Algeria yesterday clashed with government riot police. Meanwhile, there are worrying signs from Tunisia, where a popular uprising in January unseated President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali . That revolt was an inspiration to Egyptians, but Tunisians’ liberation is not consolidated. The caretaker committee managing the transition to democracy is finding the habits of authoritarianism hard to shed. The situation in Egypt is further complicated by the army’s involvement in the economy. The military controls large estates of land and has stakes in businesses ranging from tourism to olive oil production. That creates an obvious conflict of interest. The army is now expected to manage a process of political liberalisation, but that will be hard to deliver without economic change. Unemployment and inflation were key spurs to popular revolt. The US response will be crucial in that respect. Barack Obama vacillated awkwardly as Mr Mubarak tottered. The White House was conspicuously reluctant to write off an old ally, while eager also to be seen to support the principle of democracy. Mr Obama squandered potential goodwill on the streets of Cairo by hedging his bets. He should not repeat that mistake by tolerating economic and political stagnation under military rule. US aid is a vital source of income to the Egyptian army. Mr Obama should pull hard on that lever to make sure the pace of reform is brisk. Popular revolutions can inspire awe that turns quickly to fear. When power cascades out of presidential palaces and on to the streets, it is not always the most deserving candidates who scoop it up. Egypt’s allies must help the country share the bounty of political freedom equitably and resist the temptation to play casting director, choosing the actors in the unfolding drama and controlling their positions on stage. Mass celebrations of Mr Mubarak’s departure were peaceful – an expression of unity, solidarity and, above all, optimism. That spirit will dissipate quickly if ordinary Egyptians feel their will is being second-guessed or undermined by foreign intervention. So far, the people have proved the best judges of what is in the national interest. The job of the generals, and the policy imperative in the White House, is to help implement the demands of the revolution, not try to contain them. Egypt Hosni Mubarak Middle East guardian.co.uk