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The popular call for a fundamental change in Egypt’s politics may have many drivers ( Egypt’s new dawn , 12 February). One thing that has not prevented the protests has been Egypt’s impressive economic growth. Egypt has one of the largest economies in north Africa, yet the benefits have failed to trickle down to ordinary Egyptians, millions of whom spend hours every week queuing for subsidised bread to feed their families. Unemployment is 9% – 90% of the unemployed in the country are young people and university graduates unable to find work. In an age of the knowledge economy this is a double tragedy for these individuals and the nation as a whole. With double-digit consumer price rises in the past few years the poor, the unemployed and the middle classes are finding the going tough. Oxfam supports the right of the Egyptian people to be heard and we therefore see that it is vital for the future success of the country that the outcome of the crisis ensures security of Egyptians’ political rights and that they benefit from the fruits of economic growth, especially the most vulnerable of the society. Olga Ghazaryan Regional director, Middle East, Oxfam • Amid all the comments on the situation in Egypt, there has been one small corner of silence in the UK. Why hasn’t Ed Miliband articulated the revulsion of British people at Mubarak and all he stands for? A great chance has been missed by Labour to be seen to be leading a popular cause. Surely the dead hand of Mubarak’s pal Tony Blair can’t have stifled his voice? Tim Webb London • The attempt by some commentators to analogise recent events in Egypt and Tunisia with Polish Solidarity is misstated. Polish Solidarity of 1980-81 was killed off by the imposition of martial law (I was there in the 80s, meeting with activists and saw the impact). What re-emerged in 1989-91 as Stalinism collapsed was a far weaker organisation unable to withstand the neoliberal regime being imposed globally. So, the Polish working class was defeated not victorious over a 20-year period, and thus it is not such an appealing model, despite the heroism and inspiration the 1980-81 period provided to the entire eastern European democracy movement. In Egypt and Tunisia the strike wave has emerged in the wake of the attempt to impose neoliberal reforms. Thus, these new unions face directly not just questions of union freedom, but of economic and political structure in their societies. Certainly if they do not move beyond ordinary bread and butter trade unionism, they will once again find themselves under the yoke of global economic forces – but with new bosses who use Facebook and Google instead of torture and repression. Stephen Diamond Santa Clara University, California, USA • The old guard running the Egyptian army and, with the help of the secret police, still ruling the country, have a world power they can turn to for help in remaining in power. They can now play China off against the US and a feeble and unorganised Europe, just as Nasser and Hafez al-Assad did with the Soviet Union. It is astonishing that among the countless words that have been printed about the developments in Tunisia, Egypt and the Arab world, there has been no informed speculation about what China has been up to during the last three weeks. One thing for certain is that this ubiquitous oil, trade and dollar-hungry nation won’t have been idle. Richard Wilson Oxford • The apologists for the decades-long support by US and European governments for the dictatorships in Egypt, Tunisia and Algeria argue this support was justified by these governments’ suppression of Islamist movements. But this interpretation is contradicted by the west’s shifting attitude to Saddam Hussein. The west supported Saddam diplomatically and militarily in his 10-year war against Islamic Iran in the 80s, and in his suppression of Islamists within Iraq. But this did not stop the west overthrowing him in 2003. The crucial difference between Saddam and the dictators of the Magreb was (and is) that Saddam ran a statist economy, whereas Mubarak et al have run neoliberal economies open to western corporations. We can be sure that the main current concern of western governments, who now speak so eloquently about democracy, will be to ensure that Egypt remains neoliberal and “open for business”. Jamie Gough Sheffield • I scanned your reports of Mubarak’s departure for the words Saudi Arabia. As Saudi King Abdullah desperately tries – and fails – to shore up his Egyptian ally, is it too much to hope the Riyadh regime’s days are also numbered? Or will the west intervene to keep the oil flowing? Bruce Whitehead Edinburgh • Although the removal of despotic power in any country must be applauded, the fact that the west may have lost an ally in this part of the world must be taken into account. Mubarak has been a positive force regarding both the US and Israel, holding strong ties with each, even attacking Iran’s nuclear programme. The west now seems rather fickle in drastically switching its support. Michael Dunn Newcastle Upon Tyne • Middle East regime change without the hand of Bush and Blair? Barely credible. Roger Blow s London • Thank you for reminding us that 11 February, when Mubarak resigned, was also the date Thatcher succeeded Heath and Sarah Palin was born. It’s a pity you didn’t mention it was also the birthday of King Farouk , the last king of Egypt. Bassem Abdallah London Egypt Hosni Mubarak Middle East Protest China Tunisia Ed Miliband Algeria US foreign policy Saddam Hussein guardian.co.uk