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Evidence of earlier humans in Texas

Stone tools have been found in sediments 15,500 years old, before the Clovis people are thought to have arrived in America Humans first arrived in North America more than 2,500 years earlier than previously thought, according to an analysis of ancient stone tools found in Texas. And the people who left them appear to have developed a portable toolkit for killing and preparing meat. Researchers found a haul of thousands of artefacts near the state capital, Austin, some of which were identified as blades and other tools. The material was buried in sediments that are between 13,200 and 15,500 years old. Until now, the oldest evidence for human occupation in North America has come from the Clovis site in New Mexico . Scientists think that these people came to North America around 13,000 years ago by crossing the Bering Land Bridge from northeastern Asia. From there, they are thought to have spread across the northern and southern American continents. There are problems with this story, however. Clovis-like tools, known for their distinctive fluted points, have never been found in northeastern Asia. And stone tools found in Alaska are too young (and too different) to be associated with Clovis. Michael Waters from Texas A&M University led a team of researchers to study the Debra L. Friedkin site in Texas, about 40 miles northwest of Austin. Buried underneath the layer of rock that has been associated with the time period for the Clovis humans, his team found more than 15,000 objects that indicated the presence of an older civilisation. “This discovery challenges us to rethink the early colonisation of the Americas,” said Waters. “There’s no doubt these tools and weapons are human-made and they date to about 15,500 years ago, making them the oldest artefacts found both in Texas and North America.” He added: “This makes the Friedkin site the oldest credible archaeological site in Texas and North America. The site is important to the debate about the timing of the colonisation of the Americas and the origins of Clovis.” The analysis of the artefacts found at the site, which researchers have called the Buttermilk Creek Complex, is published in the latest issue of Science . “Most of these are chipping debris from the making and re-sharpening of tools, but over 50 are tools,” said Waters. “There are bifacial artefacts that tell us they were making projectile points and knives at the site. There are expediently made tools and blades that were used for cutting and scraping.” The researchers think that the tools were made small so they could be used in a mobile toolkit, easily packed up and moved to a new location. Though the tools are noticeably different from the Clovis technology, Waters thinks that they could be related. “This discovery provides ample time for Clovis to develop. People [from the Buttermilk Creek Complex] could have experimented with stone and invented the weapons and tools that we now recognise as Clovis … In short, it is now time to abandon once and for all the ‘Clovis First’ model and develop a new model for the peopling of the Americas.” The stone tools at Buttermilk Creek were dated using an optical technique called luminescence dating , which uses changes in luminescence levels in quartz or feldspar as a clock to pinpoint the time that objects were buried in sediment. “We found Buttermilk Creek to be about 15,500 years ago – a few thousand years before Clovis,” said Steven Forman of the University of Illinois, who is a co-author on the paper. He added that it was the first identification of pre-Clovis stone tool technology in North America. Anthropology Archaeology United States Alok Jha guardian.co.uk

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Knox asks court to block film online

Made-for-television drama is a ‘violation by the media’, argues US student jailed for the death of Meredith Kercher Amanda Knox, the US student jailed for murdering Meredith Kercher, has appealed to a civil court in Perugia, Italy, to prevent distribution over the internet of a made-for-television film about her case. Knox, who is appealing against her 26-year sentence for stabbing the British student in 2007, told the court she was “devastated by this invasion into my life and the way I’m being exploited”. The film, called Amanda Knox: Murder on Trial in Italy, was broadcast by America’s Lifetime network last month and can now be downloaded from the internet. Knox told the judge she had seen a trailer for the film. “I consider it the pinnacle of the repeated violations by the media against my person, my personality and my story,” she said. “It does not correspond with the truth.” After the court hearing on Thursday, Carlo Dalla Vedova, a lawyer representing Knox, called for its removal from the internet, pointing out that one site was now offering the film with Italian subtitles. The case was adjourned to 4 July. As Knox’s appeal against her sentence continues , a team of forensic experts called by the appeal judge has reported that a knife prosecutors believe is the murder weapon bears such a small quantity of DNA that it cannot be retested. A police forensic expert told Knox’s first trial that DNA belonging to Knox was on the knife. “There are no traces of usable DNA and for us that’s a positive thing,” said Luciano Ghirga, a lawyer representing Knox. But Francesco Maresca, a lawyer representing the Kercher family, said the finding was no surprise. “The police scientist said all along the DNA had been consumed during testing and this just confirms that,” he said. Kercher’s torn bra clasp was originally found to contain DNA belonging to Raffaele Sollecito, Knox’s former boyfriend, who was sentenced to 25 years for participating in Kercher’s murder at the flat she shared with Knox in Perugia. But the new evidence review found the metal part of the clasp has now rusted and cannot be retested. Amanda Knox Meredith Kercher Crime Italy Europe United States Tom Kington guardian.co.uk

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The Racial Biases of Duke Hating

First, a disclosure: I’m a Duke Blue Devils fan. I didn’t attend the university, and I’ve been told by someone from the South that I would have fit in better with the student body on the rival Chapel Hill campus than I would have with the one in Durham. (I think she meant that as a compliment, and as a lifelong state-school guy, I take it as such.) But I can’t help it; I simply enjoy watching Mike Krzyzewski’s team win year after year by playing disciplined, fundamentally strong basketball while avoiding the showboating and individual-over-team play, not to mention the NCAA violations, that often mar the college game. And as a Duke fan, I’ve become quite familiar with Duke Hating, a favorite pastime of fans of pretty much every other college team in the country. I’ve heard all the reasons why we should hate Duke: Duke is to be hated for its success — though, for some reason, we need not hate other winning programs like UCLA or North Carolina. Duke is to be hated because it’s a private school — though, for some reason, not other private schools like Syracuse or Wake Forest. Or the four-time national champions are to be hated because they’re perpetually “overrated” and “get all the calls” — something that has yet to be quantified, but which seems to stem from a fuzzy conspiracy involving the referees, the Selection Committee, Dick Vitale, and, I think, Oswald’s ghost. (For a good piece on the history of Duke hating, see Mike Kline’s column for Bleacher Report.) Duke has been this generation’s most successful men’s college team, so haters come with the territory. But what’s increasingly disconcerting is the racial element that often seems to be at the heart of antipathy toward Duke. Over the past two decades of Duke dominance, the haters have had one thing conspicuously in common: The slick-dishing Bobby Hurley? Hustling overachiever Steve Wojciechowski? Sharp shooter J.J. Reddick? Duke haters especially hated these guys. Yet you almost never heard the haters go after a Grant Hill or a Chris Carrawell or a Nolan Smith. It’s been the white players at Duke who’ve usually drawn the most venom… especially from white fans. White-on-white fan crime in college hoops is not without precedent. I remember fans at Rutgers would taunt the point guard of the opposing team with chants of “Dork!” — if and only if he was white. (One television color commentator, so to speak, misunderstood or perhaps intentionally misunderstood this practice and told viewers the home fans were jeering the opposing player because he was a freshman.) This was in the days when hip-hop culture spread into the suburbs and white kids began fronting as ghetto “gangstas.” (Straight outta Middletown, yo.) In this climate, Duke’s white players would make politically correct targets. Within the past year, however, we’ve heard some race-based comments from black sports commentators directed at Duke players. The day after last year’s classic championship game between Duke and Butler, ESPN’s Rob Parker and Skip Bayless spoke about the unusual number of white players in the game, which boasted (gasp!) five white starters. The Hated vs. The Hoosiers had more than lived up to its billing in showcasing two teams playing tough, smart basketball in a closely fought battle that came down to the last shot as Duke squeaked out a 61-59 victory. It was widely acclaimed as one of the best title games of all time. The nation’s First Fan, President Obama, was inspired to call both teams in their locker rooms to congratulate them. But in the context of this discussion of the game’s “whiteness,” Parker labeled this one-for-the-ages final as being one of the worst NCAA championships ever. Not content with that statement, he added that if Butler — the mid-major team with two Academic All-Americans that had captured the hearts of every non-Duke fan along with at least one Duke fan in yours truly — had won the game, they would have been the worst championship team ever. His synopsis seemed a pretty clear code for racial preference: Parker didn’t like how these white guys played the game. Lest you think I’m reading into his comments, Parker drew criticism in March 2008 for questioning the NBA potential of then-prospects Tyler Hansbrough and Kevin Love based on their being white. Although Hansbrough has been slow to establish himself with the Indiana Pacers, Love made the All-Star team as a member of the Minnesota Timberwolves this year. Fast forward to March 2011. In his self-produced documentary for ESPN on his old “Fab Five” team at Michigan, Jalen Rose made a pointed statement about the team that drubbed his Wolverines by 20 points in the 1992 title game: “I hated Duke and I hated everything I felt Duke stood for. Schools like Duke didn’t recruit players like me. I felt like they only recruited black players that were Uncle Toms.” When later pressed to expand upon his comments, Rose explained, “Certain schools recruit a typical kind of player whether the world admits it or not. And Duke is one of those schools. They recruit black players from polished families, accomplished families. And that’s fine. That’s OK. But when you’re an inner-city kid playing in a public school league, you know that certain schools aren’t going to recruit you. That’s one. And I’m OK with it. That’s how I felt as an 18-year-old kid.” In a response published in the New York Times, former Duke and current NBA star Grant Hill effectively rebuked Rose’s words: “In his garbled but sweeping comment that Duke recruits only ‘black players that were ‘Uncle Toms,’ Jalen seems to change the usual meaning of those very vitriolic words into his own meaning, i.e., blacks from two-parent, middle-class families.” Four days after Hill’s response, William Rhoden of the Times noted the eloquence of Hill’s letter but nevertheless invoked the language of the slave system to liken elite universities such as Michigan and Duke to symbols of plantation culture: “The reality is that, by the strict standards of black empowerment, neither Hill nor the Fab Five did the black community any favors. Uncle Tomism notwithstanding, Hill and the Fab Five both elected, for their own reasons, to play in the big house.” In the most insightful piece I’ve seen so far on the ESPN doc and the Rose-Hill feud, Jason Whitlock for Fox Sports agreed that Duke did indeed recruit a certain type of student, though he saw it in more pragmatic terms: “Coach K recruited kids who had every intention of staying in school for four years [and] who had a good chance of competing academically at Duke and could meet the standardized test score qualifications for entrance.” (Imagine, a high-ranking academic institution recruiting students who had a good chance of competing academically!) The Fab Five, meanwhile, “stated it was their intention to win a national championship and turn pro as a group after their sophomore season.” For Whitlock, Rose and crew were only on “the cutting edge of America’s unashamed embrace of style over substance,” known for their “baggy shorts, black socks, bald heads and trash talk” while never winning a conference championship let alone a national title for their own elite school. (Even their two Final Four appearances have been wiped off the books because of a booster scandal that involved Chris Webber, the best of the Fab Five at Michigan.) Whitlock describes their story as that of “Five super-talented black kids enrolled at a prestigious, white university… and, 20 years later, had the audacity to embark on a media tour preaching about black Duke players being Uncle Toms.” Let’s be fair to Rose: He was describing how he felt as a teenage recruit, not today — even if he didn’t exactly back off his “Uncle Tom” comment when asked for clarification in subsequent interviews. We also cannot fault Rose, either then or now, for commenting on the unfairness of a world in which some kids are born into poverty while others into a life of significant advantages. Certainly, the story of kids who aren’t from “accomplished” families despising those who are is an ageless one, and a very human one. But in describing the black players on Duke as “Uncle Toms,” Rose left himself open to deserved criticism. The term points to a destructive narrative that has become sadly ingrained in our culture: the notion that blacks who are too “polished” or “accomplished” are somehow betraying their race. This, too, is racial code: They are selling out their race. They aren’t “black enough.” They’re “acting white.” As Ron Christie demonstrates in his recent book, Acting White: The Curious History of a Racial Slur, the notion that blacks who sought social, cultural or intellectual advancement were “acting white” was a slur that originated during slavery and Reconstruction as a way for whites to keep down so-called “uppity” blacks. (Second disclosure: I was the editor of Christie’s book.) Since then, the stereotype of “acting white” also has taken hold within the African-American community as a form of black-on-black rhetoric that threatens to subvert the social and economic gains for which generations of blacks have fought. A successful political strategist who happens to be black, Christie writes that he himself has been labeled as someone who “acts white” because he is well-dressed and well-spoken. In one instance while volunteering as a tutor and mentor for at-risk elementary children, one student asked him, “Is it cool to study and act white like you do?” When Christie asked the student what he meant, the student explained that everyone in his school knew that “if you study, pay attention in class, and do well, you’re ACTING WHITE.” Christie and Obama are on opposite ends of the political spectrum, but they share an interest in dispelling the stereotype of “acting white.” In addressing the Democratic National Convention in 2004, then-senator Obama urged that we “eradicate the slander that says a black youth with a book is acting white.” His presidential win four years later was hailed, naively, as signaling the beginning of a “post-racial America.” But as long as being “polished” or “accomplished” is viewed as the sole domain of white students and families in America, and as long as black students striving for academic success are branded sellouts for going to so-called “white” universities, we will never see a post-racial America. Sport fan allegiances can run deep; so too can fan hate. It’s a fan’s right to hate, and for the most part, it’s a harmless kind of hate. You might hate Duke because you didn’t go there, or because you know someone you did. You might resent them their success on the court or in life, or that the school was endowed with tobacco money. Or you might not care for devils, or the color blue. But if you hate them because they are an integrated team with “too many” white players or because their white players are “too white” or because their black players aren’t “black enough,” that kind of hatred isn’t the innocent hatred of sports rivalries. It’s a much more real kind of hate, and it ultimately says more about where we are as a society than it does about sports.

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The Engadget Mobile Podcast, live from CTIA at 2:45 ET!

3D HTCs , dual-core LGs , 8.9-inch Samsungs , and a sun-soaking display : needless to say, it’s been a fun CTIA Wireless as usual, and that’s not even including all the AT&T / T-Mobile madness from last weekend! We’re curled up beside the fire (you know, because there are fireplaces strewn about the CTIA show floor) with a microphone to bring you the week in mobile news… live from sunny Orlando, Florida. Join us! Continue reading The Engadget Mobile Podcast, live from CTIA at 2:45 ET! The Engadget Mobile Podcast, live from CTIA at 2:45 ET! originally appeared on Engadget on Thu, 24 Mar 2011 14:28:00 EDT. Please see our terms for use of feeds . Permalink

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Jon Stewart razzed reporters in a segment last night , kicking things off by poking at Nancy Grace, whose arguments about the radiation threat the US faces from Japan unraveled into an argument about how “there is no such thing as magic.” But she is not the media story of the…

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Reason.tv: LA Food Police Ban Burger Joints – Is Your City Next?

First Lady Michelle Obama hopes to curb childhood obesity by teaching children about nutrition and exercise. “There’s no expert on this planet who says that the government telling people what to do actually does any good with this issue,” she says. But local government officials around the country have already adopted a more forceful tact, whether it’s New Broadcasting platform : YouTube Source : Big Government Discovery Date : 23/03/2011 16:55 Number of articles : 4

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Threat of America’s nativist far right

While Peter King holds hearings on homegrown jihadists, the growing menace of white supremacist terror goes unremarked As emerging reports would have it, Kevin William Harpham, 36, who is accused of setting a bomb to go off at the Martin Luther King Jr Day parade in Spokane, Washington, was yet another “lone wolf” terrorist, acting at his own behest and on his own behalf. Even groups on the racist, radical far right that so clearly inspired him are rushing to disown and denounce the indicted man. Regardless of whether he was a “member” of an organised group, there can yet be no doubt that Harpham saw himself as part of a movement – one that has an especially broad reach in the age of Obama, and roots as deep as American culture itself. The vision of a black president has given the racist far right one of its biggest boosts since the civil rights era of the 1960s. Figures toted up by the Southern Poverty Law Centre suggest a dramatic rise in the numbers of organized groups : their numbers grew by 40% from 2008 to 2009, and an additional 22% from 2009 to 2010, bringing the total to 2,145 groups. It’s difficult to know precisely what these numbers mean, since these groups are constantly changing names, dissolving, reforming or springing up, and few of them maintain public membership rolls. What is nonetheless clear is that a strong far right movement has re-emerged, and what unites it is the age-old American doctrine of nativism, born out of fear of some dark outsider sneaking in to steal the white man’s homeland and his hegemony. Nativist thinkers are spread all over the map, but the strongest current comes in the form of the Sovereign Citizen movement , or what used to be called the Posse Comitatus and before the posse, the Silver Shirts . For the old Posse adherents and their contemporary progeny, the white Aryan man is the only true “sovereign” over his land and his life. White women serve beneath him; black and brown “mud people” are menials worthy only of disdain; and Jews (who do not qualify as white) are usually behind it all, running the economic and financial systems through a worldwide Jewish conspiracy. They do not admit to being subject to the laws and dicates of the US government; they eschew social security, cars and drivers’ licences, and won’t pay taxes. For the true sovereign, the sheriff is the highest legitimate law enforcement official in the land, and a jury of his (white male) peers the only legitimate government body. These beliefs are underpinned by the religion of Christian Identity , which claim white sovereigns are the direct descendants of the lost tribes of Israel, who on their long trek out of the Middle East made their way up through Scotland and Ireland over to the United States. Different facets of the nativist movement have enjoyed periodic heydeys in 20th-century America – first in the 1910s and 20s, when anti-immigrant sentiments were rife and membership in the Ku Klux Klan reached more than 2m. In the 1930s and 1940s, they penetrated the edges of the political mainstream through figures like Father Charles Coughlin, who was the Glenn Beck of his day . A Catholic priest and radio personality, Coughlin was at once enormously popular and virulently antisemitic and anti-New Deal. His ally Gerald LK Smith, leader of the Share Our Wealth campaign, was evocative of some of today’s more extreme Tea Party candidates. The Klans and related groups had another resurgence in response to the civil rights movement of the 1960s. In the 1980s, groups like the Posse, which drew together white supremacy and Christian Identity with anti-government “patriot” sentiments, found particularly fertile ground for recruitment among dispossessed Midwestern farmers. While figures like David Duke ran for political office, others, like the violent group The Order , carried out bombings, bank robberies and murders, and engaged in blazing shootouts with federal agents, all in service of their plan to build a white homeland. After the Oklahoma City bombing, with its perpetrators’ ties to the militia movement (and, most likely, to other far right groups as well), the movement tended to dig in further underground. Just as Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols were deemed to be acting alone, the periodic bursts of far right violence – whether they be an attempted bombing, the murder of an abortion doctor, attacks on undocumented immigrants or on Muslims, or the shooting of a congresswoman – are attributed to “lone wolves” rather than to organised plots by any particular group. Yet the distinction belies the reality of a movement that has long encouraged its adherents to act in “leaderless resistance” cells or carry out one-man guerrilla attacks (and become celebrated as “Phineas Priests”, named for the Bible story of a man who executed an interracial couple). The alleged MLK Day parade bomber, Kevin William Harpham, may or may not have consider himself a lone wolf if, as he is accused, he put together a backpack bomb laden with shrapnel dipped in rat poison to induce bleeding and placed it on the route of the parade. But there can be little doubt as to where his inspiration came from. Bill Morlin, formerly a reporter for the Spokane Spokesman-Review and now an independent investigator, traced Harpham’s background in a comprehensive report for the publication Hatewatch . In the military, Harpham was stationed at Fort Lewis in Washington, home base for 320 far right wingers. He was once a member of the racist far right National Alliance, and had left various postings on extremist websites suggesting he had had enough of the “international Jewish conspiracy”, which, among other things, he held responsible for 9/11. Leonard Zeskind, a leading expert on the radical far right and author, says that today, “the main tendency of organisations is mainstreaming … The movement imperative is towards the Tea Parties, running for office, anti-immigrant mongering – not roadside bombs.” None of this, of course, prevents people from being “recruited” to their ideas and choosing to act on them. One far right leader said much the same in an interview following the attempted bombing in Spokane. “There are many aspects to the white supremacist movement,” Shaun Winkler, Imperial Wizard of the White Knights of the KKK in Idaho, told a local television station . “There are those of us that are on the political side, and there are those of us that are revolutionary. It sounds as if this individual was on the revolutionary end rather than the political. And there are a lot of lone wolves out there. People that are sympathetic to us, but people that we don’t know.” Historically, federal law enforcement has given little credence to the power of the nativist current in American society, and has paid relatively little attention to the activities of nativist groups. That has perhaps changed since the election of Barack Obama, whose presidency has so focused and emboldened the racist far right. Yet, despite their obvious threat, there are no competitors to Peter King, holding congressional hearings on the recruitment of homegrown jihadist terrorists . The far right Global terrorism Tea Party movement US immigration Race issues Washington state James Ridgeway guardian.co.uk

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Call to allow tweeting in Commons

Rules governing Commons microblogging have been confused since deputy Speaker told MPs not to use Twitter to update followers from house Smartphones and iPads should be allowed into the chamber of the House of Commons, a committee report proposing to overthrow the ban on Twitter in parliament has said. The procedures committee has ruled that MPs should be allowed to use such electronic devices during parliamentary debates provided they are on silent and “used in a way that does not impair decorum” The new rules would also allow them to refer to electronic devices rather than paper notes when making speeches. The committee recommended keeping a ban on laptop computers or devices larger than A4 paper because of a lack of space in the crowded chamber. The committee chair Greg Knight, the MP for East Yorkshire, said the group had taken a “common sense approach” to modern technology that would stop MPs feeling obliged to miss chamber debates in order to catch up with vital emails. “In the modern age, it’s easy for your inbox to fill up but … [this measure] allows MPs to attend a debate and still keep an eye on their inbox as long as it doesn’t impair decorum. “At the moment, we have the odd situation where we can have a wad of notes an inch thick but, if you have your notes on an iPad, you can’t refer to them. We have to acknowledge the need for change.” But the debate has split MPs, with some warning that the changes could undermine the principle of parliamentary debate. The Conservative MP for North Wiltshire, James Gray, voted against the report, saying the changes could lead to a “worrying change in the atmosphere” in parliament. “The excessive use of any [electronic] device … could become an epidemic which would both be very unattractive to those observing our proceedings and also diminish the power of our debates,” he said. “MPs should be in the chamber of the House of Commons and in committee to listen carefully to arguments advanced by colleagues and be ready to intervene or reply in their own speeches.” Rules governing Commons microblogging have been confused since the deputy Speaker, Lindsay Hoyle, told MPs in January not to use Twitter to update their followers from the house. In its final report, the committee acknowledged that there were potential disadvantages to the changes if they were used inappropriately by lobbyists to influence members in the chamber. Knight also said there was a risk of embarrassment if MPs failed to act with discretion, adding: “Rightly, there would be an outcry if, whilst a minister was announcing deaths in Afghanistan, someone was tweeting about their holidays … but we are relying on the good sense of members. To pretend this [technology] doesn’t exist would just be backwards.” The report said 225 MPs now tweet, and the committee had received a large volume of correspondence during its consultation. The Commons will have to decide whether to accept the recommendations in a vote, which is expected to take place in the next eight weeks. If accepted, the changes proposed by the committee will be given a one-year trial. Twitter Internet House of Commons Rowenna Davis guardian.co.uk

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Workers suffer radiation poisoning

TWO emergency workers at Japan's crippled Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant have been admitted to hospital suffering from radiation injuries….

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It’s not just gays who suffer discrimination, the Vatican says: Those who decry homosexual behavior are stigmatized for their beliefs, and it amounts to a violation of their “fundamental human rights,” a Vatican official told the UN Human Rights Council Tuesday. “People are being attacked for taking positions that do…

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