Lampara Osram NIGHT BREAKER ld Sand- og leranimation i Osram huset Iluminacion Bogota colombia, lamparas tubos bombillos balastros sockets, Somos Mayoristas Siemens to spin off lighting business Osram | The Daily Blitz … GERMANY, Frankfurt The Munich-based company said Tuesday it will hold a public stock offering in Osram GmbH later this year, but will remain a long-term anchor. Siemens to spin off lighting business Osram | The Daily Caller … FRANKFURT, Germany (AP) — Industrial engineering company Siemens AG said Tuesday it is shaking up its organizational chart, spinning off light bulb maker. Siemens spin-off company Osram lighting – Forbes – Your Financial … Siemens spin-off company Osram lighting – Forbes: Associated Press, 03:29:11, 04.19 GMT Clock GERMANY, Frankfurt – Industrial engineering company Siemens AG said it shakes its organization chart, spinning off its lighting business Osram … Siemens to spin off lighting business Osram | The Associated Press … Industrial engineering company Siemens AG said Tuesday it is shaking up its organizational chart, spinning off light bulb maker Osram and forging a new division that will focus on energy-efficient infrastructure projects in the world’s … Takeover Chatter: RPT-Siemens says Osram to drive consolidation … DE) Osram unit will give the division leeway to pursue takeovers and alliances in the lighting sector, Siemens Chief Executive Peter Loescher said on Tuesday. Siemens unveiled plans to float Osram as part of a new management and … jeffprice says: Siemens to spin off lighting business Osram : FRANKFURT, Germany — Industrial engineering company Siem… http://bit.ly/fU7lpV Please RT
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Continue reading …Obama’s arguments for US action in Libya draws scorn from Sarah Palin and comparisons with Bush’s foreign policy Did the world witness the birth of an “Obama doctrine” in the president’s speech on Libya? Or is it just a thinly disguised version of George Bush’s doctrine? “It is stunning how similar in tone this speech is to George W Bush’s Iraq speeches,” was the response of former Republican congressman and TV anchor Joe Scarborough. Later, Scarborough accused Obama’s supporters on the left of hypocrisy: How can the left call for the ouster of Muammar Qadhafi for the sin of killing hundreds of Libyans when it opposed the war waged against Saddam Hussein? Erick Erickson, the influential Republican blogger, derided Obama’s justifications for military action. “Here comes the ‘I am George Bush, but I don’t want you to think I am George Bush’ line,” Erickson tweeted mid-speech . But otherwise Erickson was unimpressed : Obama’s doctrine or lack thereof is the foreign policy equivalent of being a little bit pregnant. Wants Gaddafi gone, but no regime change. Steven Metz, a professor at the US Army War College, heard echoes of Bush’s defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld in Obama’s arguments for international participation. “Rumsfeld believed that if the United States minimised its role in the stabilisation and reconstruction of Iraq, other nations would step up,” Metz wrote in the New Republic, explaining: Initially Bush was only addressing the September 11 attacks. The big ideas and the doctrines came later. Only time will tell whether an Obama Doctrine will emerge following this pattern. Defining the Obama doctrine proved more difficult. Aaron David Miller, a Middle East peace negotiator in the Clinton administration, told the New York Times : The Obama doctrine is the ‘hedge your bets and make sure you have a way out’ doctrine. He learned from Afghanistan and Iraq. On the more immediate question of whether the speech would win support for Obama’s action, the president found himself with some unusual supporters. One was the neoconservative cheerleader William Kristol, editor of the right-wing Weekly Standard , one of a small group of commentators Obama spoke to before his speech: The president was unapologetic, freedom-agenda-embracing, and didn’t shrink from defending the use of force or from appealing to American values and interests. Furthermore, the president seems to understand we have to win in Libya. I think we will. On the fringes of the Republican party Obama’s speech got qualified support from his 2008 opponent, Senator John McCain. But McCain is regarded with deep suspicion by many Republicans, and the party’s congressional leaders instead aimed criticism at Obama’s actions, saying he hadn’t explained the extent and costs of the US’s role and failed to gain approval from Congress. Sarah Palin represented a more mainstream Republican opposition, accusing Obama of a “dodgy” strategy. It was, Palin told Fox News , “full of chaos and questions”: [Obama] did not make the case for this intervention. US interests have got to be met if we are going to intervene. And US interests can’t just mean validating some kind of post-American theory of intervention wherein we wait for the Arab League and the United Nations to tell us ‘thumbs up America, you can go now, you can act’, and then we get in the back of the bus and we wait for Nato, we wait for the French to lead us. That’s not inspirational. At the National Review, unofficial house organ of the Republican right, the discomfort of America’s neocons was on display. While they liked military intervention against Gaddafi, they couldn’t rush to support a political opponent. “On paper, I agree with a lot of what Obama is saying,” said National Review commentator Jim Geraghty . “But he’s stringing together a lot of pretty-sounding phrases without really getting at the questions most skeptical Americans have: why intervene here and not in other places?” Marc Lynch, director of George Washington University’s Institute for Middle East Studies, had an answer : “The fact that Cote d’Ivoire is awful is a terrible reason to oppose intervening to save Libyans from slaughter in Benghazi.” Update : The New York Times’s Michael Shear has a fascinating side-by-side comparison of the language used by Obama and Bush. Barack Obama Libya George Bush Sarah Palin US foreign policy Obama administration Republicans United States Richard Adams guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …The GOP often argues that “we’re making it harder and harder for good, honest corporate citizens to create jobs here” thanks to a stiff corporate tax rate, Jon Stewart noted last night . “Can you blame a company like GE for not wanting to do business in America when it has…
Continue reading …Deadmau5 (also known as Joel Zimmerman) is one of the largest names in the electronic and house music scene — and he also happens to be a major tech head. Recently, the Canadian producer added some impressive new gear to his productions, in the form of a massive LED-covered cube and signature mau5head (that’s pronounced “mouse-head” in case you couldn’t guess). Read along after the break for an exclusive look at exactly what’s going on inside the mind of Deadmau5 — both literally and figuratively. Continue reading A day with Deadmau5: LEDs, Super Mario, and techno A day with Deadmau5: LEDs, Super Mario, and techno originally appeared on Engadget on Tue, 29 Mar 2011 13:30:00 EDT. Please see our terms for use of feeds . Permalink
Continue reading …The aesthetic movement rejected John Ruskin’s high-minded approach to art – but there was real radicalism behind his moralising What are you rebelling against? If you had asked this of the founders of the aesthetic movement, whose art is surveyed from this week at the V&A and whose ideas I describe here , they might have said “what Victorian stuffiness have you got?” Or perhaps they would have answered just one word: “Ruskin.” When Walter Pater wrote his aesthetic manifesto, The Renaissance – which was published in 1873, though its essays had been on the lecture circuit for years – he was, in fact, launching a not-so-veiled critique of the art critic and social campaigner John Ruskin . When Pater claims art exists to give pleasure, he is defying the ethical patriarch Ruskin, for whom art exists to redeem the world. Even by simply championing the Renaissance , Pater was begging to differ with Ruskin. In his book The Stones of Venice , Ruskin – equally at home with art and architecture – celebrates the buildings of medieval Venice. In this 19th-century literary and intellectual masterpiece, Ruskin goes into raptures over the facade of the Doge’s Palace. He argues that gothic design is superb because it rejoices in nature, and because it is the “honest” work of true craftsmen who worked anonymously and cared more for the glory of God than the glory of artistic fame. For Ruskin, gothic Venice stood for an organic, communal way of life, and the beauty of its buildings reflects a wholesome social order. All his social reform projects, which included getting Oxford students to build a road as an exercise in honest toil, can be understood through The Stones of Venice. The Renaissance, Ruskin claims, was a decay, a decline, from the true golden age of Venice. In place of the natural complexity of all things gothic, it imposed a chilly classical order. It led to what he saw as the heartless architecture of modern classical buildings such as the Bank of England . Where medieval art was communal, Renaissance art was selfish – the plaything of plutocrats. Pater’s vision of the Renaissance is a conscious repudiation of Ruskin’s. He embraces the very amorality that made Ruskin shudder and argues the aesthetic mission is not to change society but yourself. This debate was not confined to Britain. The Swiss art historian Jacob Burckhardt also rejects Ruskin in his classic book The Civilisation of the Renaissance in Italy, asking outright what was so special about the primitive world of the Christian middle ages. In art, however, the currents are not so clear. Although the aesthetic movement rejected Ruskin’s moralism, artists such as William Morris , the Arthurian Marxist, shared his belief that art can change the social world. For Ruskin, too, was rejecting ugliness, above all attacking the ugliness of industrial capitalism. Where Oscar Wilde’s Dorian Gray was a snob, Ruskin wanted to improve working-class lives. Modern art owes a lot to Pater, but the welfare state and the socialist tradition owe quite a bit to Ruskin. In the end, what is so moving about all these passionate Victorians is the scale of their thinking, the radicalism of their ambitions, the intensity of their engagement with art and society. As the achievements of the Labour movement are thrown away by an amnesiac age, we have a lot to learn from their ideals. Art Jonathan Jones guardian.co.uk
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