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A mentally ill man with an uncanny resemblance to actor Christopher Walken has been hospitalized after stalking students at several colleges. Tony Kadyhrob, 68, was arrested and released on bail after trying to pull a Rider College student into his car last week, reports the New York Daily News . A…

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Boehner

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Boehner

Shutdown May Close Museums; Schools Reopen In Japan SPEAKER BOEHNER MAKE THE DAMN DEAL Obama, Boehner, Reid Duking the Budget out! YAWN! Prayer! Exclusive – Speaker Boehner on Budget Negotiations: 'No Daylight … Speaker of the House John Boehner said he is in lockstep with the Tea Party on budget negotiations despite claims from Democrats that there could be a deal if only he could buck the Tea Party. “Listen, there’s no daylight. Hardball: Boehner to introduce one-week budget with $12 billion in … Hardball: Boehner to introduce one-week budget with $12 billion in cuts; Update: Pence supports Boehner . John Boehner Cries Amid Government Shutdown Standoff – The Note ABC’s Jonathan Karl reports: He did it again. John Boehner was driven to tears again today. This time it happened at a closed-door meeting of House Republicans. According to sources inside the meeting, Boehner it happened while Boehner … Michelle Malkin » Shutdown Theater update: Boehner schedules stop … Shutdown Theater update: Boehner schedules stop-gap vote tomorrow; WH meeting tonight 8:45pm. John Boehner : 'No Daylight Between Tea Party And Me' (VIDEO) In an exclusive interview with ABC News’ George Stephanopoulos published online Wednesday evening, House Speaker John Boehner said “there’s no daylight between” himself and the Tea Party when it comes to volatile budget negotiations … niihilist says: When blaming a party for the government shutdown, remember who cheers when someone talks about it. # boehner #teabagger hypocrites

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Pawlenty Staffer Arrested

Pawlenty Staffer Arrested in Iowa – The Daily Beast This is not going to look good on campaign signs: A staffer for Tim Pawlenty’s political action committee was arrested in Iowa for public intoxicatio. Pawlenty Staffer Arrested For Trespassing & Public Intoxication … Benjamin Foster, a staff member for Tim Pawlenty’s presidential exploratory committee, was arrested and charged with public intoxication and trespassing early Wednesday morning in Iowa, KCCI reports…. Pawlenty staffer arrested after trying to enter Iowa home … An Alabama man employed by the Pawlenty Exploratory Committee was arrested early Wednesday morning for allegedly trying to enter a home in Ankeny, Iowa. Pawlenty staffer arrested for public intoxication, trespassing in … DES MOINES, Iowa — A staffer for Republican Tim Pawlenty s presidential exploratory committee has been arrested for public intoxication and trespassing at an Iowa home. Ben Foster, Pawlenty staffer, arrested in Iowa for drunkenness … When Tim Pawlenty hired 24-year-old Ben Foster in September, it made headlines: Foster was the first full-time… Gabby_Hoffman says: RT @socialism_sucks : RT @DailyCaller Pawlenty staffer arrested in Iowa after attempting to enter family’s house at 3 a.m. http://dailycaller.com/?p=2258453

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‘Shut It Down!’ Mike Pence and AFP Tea Partiers leave little doubt who’s pushing for a shutdown

Click here to view this media Republicans have been playing the innocent the past couple of weeks as the now-imminent government shutdown began looming closer, even though it was obvious they were taking their cues from Fox pundits and Rush Limbaugh, who were urging them to embrace the concept. Who, us, push for a shutdown? they’ve been saying. Why, it’s the Democrats who’ve been pushing for it, they claim. Well, Mike Pence cleared that up for us yesterday — first in an interview with MSNBC’s Contessa Brewer, then more loudly at a Tea Party gathering organized at the Capitol by those noted astroturfers ‘entrepreneurial advocates’ at Americans for Prosperity: PENCE: It’s time to take a stand. We need to say to liberals, ‘This far and no further.’ To borrow a line from another Harry, we’ve got to say, ‘The debt stops here.’ And if liberals in the Senate would rather play political games and force a government shutdown instead of accepting a modest down payment on fiscal discipline and reform, I say, ‘Shut it down.’ After which, of course, the crowd chanted: “Shut It Down! Shut It Down!” You get the idea of their idea of a workable compromise: Utter defeat for Democrats: The crowd of bussed-in people from Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Virginia, Maryland and other states, repeatedly cheered for a shutdown and for deeper cuts. “A quarter of a trillion [in cuts] won’t be enough,” Rick Mishoe from South Carolina, told TheDC. Yet Pence did not threaten to campaign against any deal cut by Boehner. He didn’t lay down any markers, nor demand any particular level of cuts. Asked afterward if the GOP caucus would gain from a shutdown, he punted, and said that “the politics will take care of themselves.” “It’s not 1995, the American people are more informed and more engaged… The taxpayer will win in any confrontation with big spenders in Washington,” Pence said. Well, as Scott Keyes at ThinkProgress observes : The reason for Boehner’s intransigence is increasingly clear: as Republicans and Democratic lawmakers negotiate, Boehner is giving the Tea Party veto-power. Sen. Chuck Schumer detailed this point while discussing the ongoing negotiations on Good Morning America this week, noting that “The tea party just continues to pull Speaker Boehner further back and back and back. They’re the people who say they don’t want compromise. They’re the people who say they relish a shutdown.” I can’t believe anyone who’s watched Fox or listened to Limbaugh for the past couple of weeks would have any doubt about Republican thinking on the issue. Because that’s obviously what’s being executed here.

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Cliches fly like bullets in The Runaway

With its violent beatings, twisted family dynamics and bent coppers, Martina Cole’s The Runaway has all the hallmarks we’ve come to expect of the gangster genre Most of the indispensable cliches of gangster drama exist for a reason – shows that ignore them do so at their peril. The Runaway, Sky’s gritty new show certainly embraces every diamond-geezer gangster trope imaginable – it’s a one-stop shopping centre. But would you want it any other way? There are certain things we have come to expect of our TV gangsters. Family, obviously, is very, very important, but we want our mob relations to be screwed up – although even The Take ‘s family dynamics aren’t as twisted as those of The Runaway. So what else do we demand of our TV gangsters? To start with they’ve got to have a look. The Wire’s gangbangers embraced street fashion, based on prison clothes: anti-fit raw denim, white trainers (Nike or Adidas) and white vests which Bubs sold from his shopping trolley. Other characters such as Brother Mouzone wore a suit and bow tie so the cops would leave him alone, prompting Cheese to enquire “You with the Nation, homey? ‘Cause either you a Muslim, or your mama need to stop laying your clothes out in the morning.” The plastic gangsters of EastEnders also wear suits to their offices – which isn’t strictly necessary as they tend to be rooms behind the club (Jack Dalton) or the bookies (Andy Hunter). The Sopranos favour Fila tracksuits – as Uncle Junior noted, “I swear these bums would get buried in sweat-suits if they could.” Boardwalk Empire’s Arnold Rothstein and Nucky Thompson make excellent wardrobe choices and Al Capone has just bought the wide brimmed hat that would become his trademark. If a gangster wears a wig, it must be a bad one. Christopher is more scared of Ralph Cifaretto’s wig in The Sopranos than he is of cutting his head off. Then there’s Freeman’s Colonel Sanders hairpiece in Underbelly and Keith Allen’s spectacularly awful syrup in The Runaway. If a gangster goes for a gentleman look and carries a suitcase, it must contain either bank notes or weapons. Any self-respecting firm needs to have bent coppers on the payroll. In fact the police are routinely almost as bad as the villains. Our Friends In the North is partially set in the same era as The Runaway and features similarly crooked cops while in The Sopranos a smitten Tony paid a corrupt detective to follow Doctor Melfi and beat up her boyfriend after pulling him over for a breathalyser test. “You got prime rib at home, and you’re going out for hamburger?” he asks a mystified Melfi. It goes without saying that all mobsters all love their mums. Or more accurately, they have an uncomfortably close relationship with an overbearing parent, most often the mother. Tony Soprano actually hated his mother – to be fair she did put a hit on him – and even in death she cast a shadow over his life. Similarly in The Wire, mothers are tyrannical and overbearing. Avon’s sister Brianna Barksdale is the matriarch of the family, and sacrifices her son D’Angelo for the good of the family, while Namond’s mother, De’londa Brice is unlikely to win mother of the year any time soon . The rules are the rules, until they aren’t. As Bunk noted in The Wire, “a man must have a code”, and the code, although nebulous, must not be violated. Unless the boss is really, really cross. Tony Soprano is well-known for enforcing strict discipline among his crew, until his rules inconvenience him. At which point he will casually off a made man and stuff his head in a bowling bag. Viewers were also shocked when Tony Soprano suffocated his nephew, Christopher Moltisanti, and ordered the murders of his nephew Jackie Aprile and Christopher’s fiancee Adriana. In fact fratricidal killings are an occupational hazard for our TV gangsters, in honour of Michael Corleone taking out Fredo in Godfather 2. Jimmy and Freddie had a homicidally inclined relationship in The Take (their kids, “little Jimmy” did in fact murder “little Freddie”), while Stringer Bell and Avon Barksdale, who grew up together, race to have each other removed from the picture, before Avon gives him up to Omar and Brother Mouzone. It’s fair to say that gangs don’t always take care of their own. The violence, when it comes is operatic and rarely telegraphed. In The Take, one minute Tom Hardy would be smiling benignly, and the next, someone would be coughing up blood. “Fucking shut it! This muppet’s had his day, right? So let him bleed.” Usually, brutal beatings are accompanied by incongruously jaunty music over the blood-spattered mayhem, a device we’ve seen countless times in films and now a staple of TV gangster drama. This bloodshed is often shot in slow motion, a favourite of Australian crime drama Underbelly. Shows such as EastEnders however, are somewhat hamstrung by being broadcast early evening – there was little Jack Dalton could do to when he wanted to menace someone except sneer and make not especially scary threats. So, are there any I’ve missed? We’re talking TV gangsters here, but obviously there’s a debt to the many beloved gangster movies. Which gun-fixated gangster dramas are awash with cliches? Drama Television US television Kathy Sweeney guardian.co.uk

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Mau Mau victims seek compensation

Four Kenyans say they suffered abuse under British colonial rule during the 1950s Mau Mau rebellion Four elderly Kenyans who claim they were variously whipped, beaten, sexually abused and castrated while detained under British colonial rule in the 1950s have brought their claims for compensation to the high court. The survivors of the emergency regime imposed during the Mau Mau rebellion were tortured, forced to confess and, in once case, witnessed the clubbing to death of 11 prison inmates, the court was told. The landmark hearing, expected to last several weeks, will highlight a catalogue of atrocities that will rewrite the history of British colonial rule in Africa. Boxes of documents, stored by the Foreign Office, have been unearthed during research into the claims. They will shed fresh light on the repressive means employed by the authorities to defeat the fight for independence. While not denying that abuses took place, the Foreign Office insists that the UK government retains no residual liability for the claims, deploying a range of constitutional precedents – including reference to the declaration of martial law in Jamaica in 1860 – to block the survivors’ quest for compensation. Robert Jay QC, for the Foreign Office, opened the case with an application that the claims should formally be struck out by the court. Jay told a packed courtroom in London that it did not seek to diminish the appalling acts committed in detention camps between 1952 and 1961 but said the case was “built on inference” and ended in a “cul-de-sac”. The test case claimants, Ndiku Mutua, Paulo Nzili, Wambugu Wa Nyingi and Jane Muthoni Mara, who are in their 70s and 80s, have flown 4,000 miles from their rural homes for the trial, which will also consider whether the claim was brought outside the legal time limit. The judge heard Mutua and Nzili had been castrated, Nyingi was beaten unconscious in an incident in which 11 men were clubbed to death and Mara had been subjected to appalling sexual abuse. Acknowledging their attendance, the judge asked counsel to convey the court’s appreciation of their presence “whatever the results of this case”. The FCO argues that legal responsibility was transferred to the Kenyan republic upon independence in 1963 or else simply ceased to exist. Earlier, the claimants’ solicitor Martyn Day said the case was “not about reopening old wounds”. “It is about individuals who are alive and who have endured terrible suffering because of the policies of a previous British government. “They are now seeking recognition and redress in the form of a carefully conceived welfare fund. It is incumbent on the government to treat such people with the respect and dignity they deserve.” A witness statement by Professor David Anderson, of the African Studies Centre at Oxford University, who has examined some of the withheld documents, refers to forced labour used in many of the camps. It notes a comment by the then attorney general in 1956 that “if we are going to sin, we must sin quietly”. The hearing continues. Kenya Human rights Owen Bowcott guardian.co.uk

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Out Of Service: Milwaukee Budget Cuts Hit Bus Lines — And Keep Residents From Jobs

MILWAUKEE, Wis. — Peggy Schulz was fed up. In March, after being unemployed for nearly two years, she performed an experiment: She went to a job-search website, limited the search to the Milwaukee area and typed in a simple term: “bus line.” The results displayed what had long been plaguing her. Job posting after job posting featured similar caveats: “this is not on a bus line,” “need reliable transportation not on bus line,” “positions are NOT on a bus line,” “our client that is not located on a bus line is interested in having you work …” “Here it was in black and white,” she later recalled with a bitter laugh. “It’s been very frustrating to look through the want ads, look online, think about places I could work and realize, ‘Nope, can’t get there on the bus.’” Schulz is 53. She has years of experience as a legal secretary. But she does not own a car. Over the last decade, as Milwaukee County has inflicted relentless cuts to public transit, she has watched her primary means of transportation decay. After she was laid off in June 2009, a pattern emerged: She’d find what seemed like the perfect job opportunity, only to discover that bus service cuts had rendered it inaccessible. Working people like Schulz bear the strain of a crisis that has struck municipalities nationwide. As revenues fall and expenses balloon in the wake of the economic downturn, local officials have cut essential services in a frenzied attempt to balance budgets. Communities have closed libraries and schools. Governments have laid off workers and imposed deep pay cuts to those who remain. Some of the nation’s statistically most dangerous cities have axed significant portions of their police forces. Many local officials are pushing an inevitable reckoning further into the future as they delay certain payments. Here in Milwaukee, though, policymakers have been unusually diligent. They have funded pension benefits — which eventually have to be funded — almost fully. But with limited dollars, putting money behind those promises has forced the local government not to fund other things, prompting the type of cuts that may loom on other municipalities’ horizons. Milwaukee County’s day of reckoning, to a large extent, has already arrived. The pain has spread over a range of departments. Since 2001, the public workforce has shrunk by nearly a third, as security officers have been laid off and nurses, frustrated by anemic compensation, have quit. After years of limited funding, the parks system now needs repairs that would exceed $200 million. Bus service has been reduced by a fifth in the last decade, preventing Milwaukeeans from accessing tens of thousands of potential jobs. The financial crisis and economic downturn put millions of Americans out of work. Now, those same forces are making the job search even more difficult by weakening a vital link between workers and workplaces — public transportation. Milwaukee has reached a point at which cuts, necessitated by a weak economy, make the local economy even weaker. “We’re going to start bleeding red ink,” county executive Marvin Pratt said while sitting at a heavy wooden table in his stately office on the third floor of the county courthouse. “If you’re talking about getting people to jobs and creating jobs, we have to maintain that transit system. We have to make it better.” ‘UNRAVELED’ Not long ago, the future seemed brighter. Buoyed by the surging stock market and the tight labor dynamics of the late 1990s, Milwaukee County entered the millennium flush. It seemed prosperous days would last — or, at least, that’s what local policymakers were banking on. Milwaukee County, a metropolitan community of 950,000 on the coast of Lake Michigan, was busy adorning itself with symbols of its success. Miller Park, home of the Brewers baseball team, opened in the spring of 2001. A new addition to the Milwaukee Art Museum, featuring a pair of sail-like wings on top, opened that same year, immediately becoming an international icon of contemporary architecture. And transit worked. The American Public Transportation Association, a national advocacy group, bestowed its Outstanding Achievement Award on Milwaukee County transit in 1999. Buses carried residents not only throughout the downtown area but also between the city and the suburbs, traversing the entire county and beyond. “Milwaukee was really coming alive,” said Mike Kostiuk, 58. After living in a suburb for two decades, he moved back to the city in 2000, looking forward to taking advantage of the bus system. And the county government decided to share the wealth. During two sessions, in late 2000 and early 2001, the county Board of Supervisors approved a hike to pension benefits for public workers. The package included an increase in the pension multiplier, which is used to determine the percentage of final average salary that an employee, upon retirement, gets as an annual pension payment. The deal applied to all categories of county employees, including the elected officials who had approved it. “They rolled out the retirement package to us, which far exceeded anything we had proposed,” said Richard Abelson, executive director of District Council 48 of the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, a public sector union that represents more than two-thirds of county workers here. “It was a bad deal. It was a bad deal for taxpayers. It was a bad deal for union members. The impact it would have on the budget in the future was dramatic.” But excluding special lump-sum payments, retirees’ pensions are not particularly rich. In 2009, the average annual pension payout was less than $19,000, according to county records. Rather, the pension fund has been victim to the same economic forces that are eroding municipal finances nationwide. When the financial crisis struck, these relatively modest benefits suddenly required an outsized contribution from taxpayers — money that the government otherwise would spend on things like public transportation. Like countless other communities, Milwaukee was unprepared for a reversal of fortune. Back in the ’90s, when the stock market was multiplying the fund’s investments, pension benefits virtually paid for themselves. Boosting pension promises was like giving away IOUs that wouldn’t have to be redeemed for decades, if ever. From 1995 to 2000, the county reduced its annual pension contribution by 97 percent, whittling it from over $20 million to just over $600,000, according to county records. “You increase benefits, and you often will skip your contributions, and say, ‘Well, we don’t have to make contributions this year, because things are so good,’” Andrew Biggs, a scholar at the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, said in March to a packed auditorium at the Bloomberg State and Municipal Finance Conference in New York. But when the stock market crashed in 2001 and continued falling through 2002, a once-overfunded plan was now in the red. “It’s real hard overnight on a local government level to come up with $20 or $30 million to make a pension payment,” said John Weishan, a county supervisor who voted for the pension package a decade ago and who says he would have voted against it had he known what he knows now. “Things kind of got unraveled,” he said. Legacy benefits, once a distant concern, now demanded a significant contribution from the government. Between 2000 and 2002, the value of Milwaukee County pension assets dropped by a fifth. During that time, the county’s contribution to the fund more than quadrupled. By 2003, the government was shelling out more than 56 times what it had paid in 2000, a jump from $600,000 to $34 million. The fund’s assets grew over the next few years, but that improvement was short-lived. In 2008, when economies around the globe tanked, the pension fund again got slammed. From 2007 to 2008, the value of pension assets plunged by nearly 30 percent, erasing the previous gains. In 2009, the county issued $400 million in bonds and then plowed the proceeds into its pension fund. That resolved the immediate shortfall, but it saddled the government with a massive interest payment. This year, the budgeted contribution to the pension fund is $64.7 million. More than half of that is interest on the pension bonds. Pension promises, once they’re made, can’t legally be undone. Benefits accrued by current employees are protected by state constitutions as property rights. Often, unions give up a wage increase in exchange for a benefit hike. Revoking those benefits, or requiring employees to cough up a contribution, is tantamount to slashing wages. But governments’ ability to pay for those benefits has shriveled. Nationwide, state and local pension funds lost nearly 30 percent of their value during the financial crisis, from the end of 2007 through the beginning of 2009, according to a study last year by the Milken Institute. Compared to other public pension funds, Milwaukee County’s is doing well. The funded ratio of a pension fund — the value of assets as a percentage of what’s owed — is difficult to measure precisely, since it depends on future investment returns and the behavior of workers. But according to the estimate of John Maier, chair of the Milwaukee County Pension Board, his fund is sitting at nearly 90 percent. The pension funds in nearby Chicago, by contrast, were collectively funded at 47 percent as of June 2009. That’s using the stated value of liabilities. Using a more conservative measure, the funds were 33 percent funded, according to a study released last year by finance professors Robert Novy-Marx and Joshua Rauh. Due in part to strict pension contribution rules, Milwaukee hasn’t procrastinated as much as its peers. Which means the costs that may seem far-off to other governments are, in Milwaukee, here. “The legacy costs that are out there for the retirees are definitely the weight that’s hanging over the county’s head right now,” said Anneliese Dickman, research director at the Public Policy Forum, a local nonpartisan think tank. “We can’t change those costs. They’re fixed costs. There’s no way to make them go down.” “You think, if we could spend that money on parks, what would we be doing differently?” ‘DARK TIME’ What makes Milwaukee County unusual is that it has actually put money behind what it has promised. To compensate, the government has cut from other services, which is how Develon Diggins found it impossible to get to work. Diggins had been driving to her electrical assembly job at the Magnetek factory in Menomonee Falls, just outside Milwaukee County. But when her car broke down in late 2007, her paycheck suddenly depended on the public transit system. At first, she was able to take the bus to work. But after a few months, the route was cut. Starting in January 2008, Diggins, 51, faced a daily struggle. She would take cabs to work, which was usually about $25 each way. Or she would pay a friend or neighbor to give her a ride, which usually cost $20. Her hourly wage was just shy of $13. This unpredictable schedule meant she was often late. Eventually, the demerits accumulated, and in October, she was fired. She is still out of work. The local unemployment office wouldn’t grant her benefits because, officially, her tardiness was seen as her own fault. When her $650 a month rent became too much to bear, she moved in with her daughter. For a few months last year, Diggins worked part-time at Burlington Coat Factory, she said, but part-time wages weren’t enough to live on. Last fall, she got a temp job working at GE Medical, but that position ended in January. Now, she’s in the same situation as Schulz, the legal secretary. “A lot of the jobs would call me, but they would be so far out, where the transportation don’t go,” Diggins said quietly, sitting at a table in a local monastery. “Not having a vehicle, I can’t get there.” County bus service, measured in hours, has dropped by 20 percent since 2001, according to the Milwaukee County Transit System. During that same time, the daily cash fare has increased by 50 percent, to $2.25 a trip. Among peer bus systems, Milwaukee County’s fare stands out as the most expensive, according to county records. The weak economy has put millions of Americans out of work, and two and a half years after the financial crisis, job growth remains slow. But not only are the jobs gone — with cuts to public transportation, workers’ ability to get to those jobs has diminished. Even as the economy added 216,000 jobs last month, many workers remain unable to commute to where the jobs are being created. In Milwaukee, bus service cuts have rendered more than 40,500 jobs inaccessible to people dependent on the bus, according to a study from the University of Wisconsin Milwaukee, released in 2009. With less service and higher fares, the bus system carried 10.3 million fewer riders in 2007 than it had seven years earlier, ranking it first for lost riders among a group of peer systems, according to a 2008 study. And these riders are mostly lower-income residents. More than half live in households that make less than $28,000 a year, according to MCTS. “It certainly does create a vicious cycle. There’s no doubt about it,” said former MCTS president and managing director Anita Gulotta-Connelly, who retired at the end of March. “Once you get into the cycle of raising fares and cutting services, then you’re reducing your revenues, as the service becomes less attractive.” The transit system relies on a variety of funding sources, from county, state and federal governments. But the county source is particularly crucial, serving each year as a stopgap. As state and federal governments keep their contributions level, it’s up to the county to pay for the inevitable increases in the cost of operating a fleet of buses. But as that cost has risen, the county’s contribution, over the past decade, has remained virtually flat. From the government’s point of view, transit, parks and cultural programs aren’t considered “mandated” services. When the county is hurting for cash, it funds the programs it legally has to fund — pensions, health care, sheriffs and courts — and wrings savings from the programs deemed discretionary. “We can’t close down the courthouse. We can’t not patrol the highways,” said Joe Sanfelippo, a county supervisor. “This is where all the pressure boils down to.” In 2008, the Public Policy Forum released a study that warned of disaster for Milwaukee transit, a scenario in which service could be restricted to just the city’s core. Contending with rising operating costs and little ability to pay for them, the bus system had done two things: it slashed service and stopped replacing old buses. It took its capital funds, typically used to buy new buses, and moved that money into its operating budget, using it to pay for the day-to-day costs of running the system. And it drew down its reserves. Between 2001 and 2008, the rainy-day fund shrunk from over $43 million to just shy of $9 million, a decline of nearly 80 percent. Stimulus dollars offered temporary relief. With nearly $25 million in federal assistance, and other one-time aid, MCTS was able to purchase new buses, and is currently working on replacing its 23-year-old fare boxes. But that money will run out next year. When all the new buses arrive, they will comprise less than a third of the fleet. The old buses will continue to get older, and Gulotta-Connelly estimated the county will need to order another round of replacements as early as 2013. A crisis could come even sooner. Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker’s current budget proposal calls for a 10 percent reduction in the state’s annual contribution to Milwaukee County transit. “What he’s proposing is monumental,” said Tamara Grigsby, a Democratic state representative whose district is in Milwaukee. “I can’t think of enough dramatic words to say that the cuts he’s proposing are going to devastate communities, and people are going to feel it in a very real way. Because they’re unprecedented.” Walker, who in recent months has championed a high-profile effort to strip unions of collective bargaining rights, was Milwaukee county executive before becoming governor. Elected in 2002 and serving until the end of last year, he presided over the bulk of the transit cuts. “Any time transit services are discontinued it impacts passengers such as you who depend on the Milwaukee County Transit System to meet their transportation needs. Oftentimes, these passengers include the elderly, disabled and students,” reads an email signed by Walker, sent in 2004 from the county executive’s office. He notes that transit aid from the state remained flat that year: “The county was unable to increase its financial support for transit service in 2004.” That email was in response to a message from Kostiuk, the Milwaukee resident who moved back to the city from the suburbs in 2000. One of the city’s main draws, Kostiuk said, was a convenient transportation system. Back then, there was a bus stop half a block from his house. The bus took him to work at Johnson Controls every day, dropping him off right outside that building. In Kostiuk’s Valley Park neighborhood today, there’s just a red stop sign where the route 13 bus once stopped. The route was cut in 2004. Still affixed to the stop sign pole are two metal strips designed to hold a bus sign. “It’s a very dark time for Milwaukee,” Kostiuk said, sitting at a table in his living room, surrounded by local sports memorabilia. “For the first time in my life, I’m thinking about moving.” ‘OPEN ARMS’ On a Thursday in March, Schulz rode the route 15 bus to a job interview. She doesn’t own a business suit, but she had dressed in her best professional attire. For luck, she wore an angel charm pinned to her green plaid overcoat, and the pearl necklace her father had bought in Japan after World War II. In the nearly two years since she had been laid off, this interview was her first real shot at landing a job. She would be working at a law firm, doing transcription, just as she had done previously. Although the wage was less than the wage at her former job, the hours would be ideal. Best of all, it was located right on the bus line. Her unemployment benefits had run out in February. She had used the final check to pay back a friend who had fronted her for February’s rent, and to pay rent for March. She would be able to make it through April, she reckoned. After that? “By then I’ll have a job.” Schulz, who calls herself a “permanent pedestrian,” had grown accustomed to disappointment. In February, she saw a posting for a hotel night auditor job. Everything about it seemed fine, until she realized that, due to a reduction in bus service hours, she’d have to take an early bus to work every night, and wait for hours for the job to begin. Something similar had happened in the fall. That time, she’d actually gone to an interview, for a job making invoices for a trucking company. But she then learned that the hours were variable, sometimes extending beyond midnight — at which point she would have missed the last bus. The biggest disappointment came last summer. A job had opened up at the Milwaukee County Transit System, working in public relations. Schulz loves Milwaukee buses the way a car collector loves cars. She’s been riding them ever since she was a child, when her father taught her all the rules of bus etiquette. She has written columns in the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, lamenting the bus system’s decay. Often, she’ll actually ride the bus for fun, just to ride. But when she spoke to an MCTS employee about the job, she learned there was a hitch. “She said you have to be able to drive,” Schulz recalled. “I was just so dumbfounded. This was, like, the job I was meant to have.” Stories like Schulz’s are common. Brenda Neumann, an occupational therapist, lives in a far-flung suburb. For years, a bus would take her to work at a hospital in downtown Milwaukee. But then her workplace moved farther from the city center. Suddenly, she faced a two-hour commute. And so, eventually, she left her job. “I cried for weeks when I had to leave,” Neumann, 43, recalled. “But my quality of life was suffering so much from the commute, and the lack of public transportation.” Hector Perez, 52, is a dishwasher who earns $10 an hour at a restaurant just outside the city. Service on his bus route was reduced at the beginning of this year. Most days, he’s fine. But when he needs to work at night, which happens about three times a month, he has to pay for a cab. That can cost up to $35. “That’s a lot of money for me,” he said. Across Milwaukee County, workers want jobs, and businesses want workers. Eric Isbister is the chief executive of GenMet, a metal fabricator located one block north of Milwaukee county. He needs new employees — the expansion of his business depends on it — but he can’t get them. The nearest bus stop is more than two miles from his factory. He advertises in newspapers, and regularly interviews prospective employees, but he continually runs up against the same problem. Often, he said, he’ll see an interviewee’s friends or family waiting in a car outside, ready to give the person a ride home. When he sees that, he knows he won’t be able to hire the worker. Isbister said he’d hire a dozen new employees on the spot, if only he could. “I would welcome them with open arms,” he said. “And we can train. We’re well known for being the place that trains. You don’t have to be a metal fabricator, you don’t have to be a welder. We can teach you. “But you have to be able to drive.” Schulz, for her part, got the job. But it didn’t turn out to be all she had hoped. Now, she wants to look around for other work, but she dreads diving back into that process. That’s assuming she stays in Milwaukee. “I might have to go to, I don’t know, Chicago, maybe? Canada?” she said in an email. “Any suggestions?”

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Fear And Clothing: Cintra Wilson’s Fierce Fashion Prowess

Hiring Cintra Wilson was perhaps the best thing to happen to the NY Times since they added color photography. Wilson’s sociological insight and wicked humor transformed the Critical Shopper column into a perverse pleasure even for those with no intention of visiting uptown boutiques or downtown thrift stores. Well goodbye to all that. Wilson’s three-year run of acerbic domination ended last week and in certain precincts of the city sadness struck headlong. Wilson was a known quantity–she’s penned novels (Colors Insulting To Nature) and non-fiction (Caligula For President). But she still brought a little danger to The Gray Lady, causing a minor furor with a scathing review of JC Penney’s New York outpost. That just made her more endearing to those who devotedly followed her acerbic path. She’s currently working on a book on fashion to be published next year. We spoke recently in Manhattan. Vice as Virtue: Cintra Wilson in Manhattan. Photo: Sarah Forbes Keough. Did the end of your run at the Times come as a surprise? It was a surprise. There’s a lot of movement at the Times. It’s nothing personal, I’ll still be writing features–I’m working on one right now. But they don’t want freelancers doing things regularly. What’s it like looking back over three years? I learned a lot. When I started I didn’t know anything about fashion–I actually tried to turn the job down. I said ‘I’m not qualified to do this job’ and tried to give it to my friend Nancy. They said ‘Why don’t you try.’ It was a genuine discovery. When I wrote the Miu Miu article, the second or third article, you could see me latching onto the idea of fashion. You can see me catching on to what an important language fashion is. It’s a language, it’s a text through which you can read all kinds of stuff. How had you looked at fashion before that? Well, I’d always had my ideas about it. There’s a real insider fashion club–what Cathy Horyn does is not something I had any familiarity with. To Anita LeClerc’s great credit she wanted an outsider to write something new. I discovered that it was way more than the sum of its parts. Fashion reporting has been extremely intellectually limited. It’s an under-explored cultural indicator. You’re working on a book right now. I’m working on a book about fashion determinism called Fear and Clothing: Unbuckling the Belt Regions to Expose America’s Fashion Destiny. I always have really long subtitles. And remind us what fashion determinism is. It’s my theory that fashion is a magic bullet that enables you to cross cultural boundaries and class lines. You can dress yourself out of who you are and into somebody else, as Madonna has shown us countless times and as Lady Gaga is reiterating as we speak. I do it and I think you do too. I like that idea. That’s because it’s true. I also talk about how regional political economies affect your choices about these things. What’s an example of a regional political economy affecting choices? Well in the 1940s and ’50s, about 15,000 homosexuals were out-processed from the military–they all got kicked out in San Francisco and just stuck around. So there’s a reason why all the people ended up there and that’s why I was basically raised by drag queens. Is that why you’ve got a lot of gay fans? In my San Francisco playwriting days I was hyper gay-friendly. Most of the men who read my stuff are probably gay. I’m as queer as you can get without sleeping with people of the same sex. But I get things from fifty-year-old straight guys, and seventeen-year-old girls and I don’t know who they are. Photo courtesy of Jerry Bauer. Is the book a logical extension of what you wrote for the Times? I was trying to figure out a way to expand what I was doing at the Times. The Critical Shopper has a specific structure to it: it tells you about the shop, what’s in it, what the things are, how much they cost, who shops there. There’s a structure that’s pre-imposed on the article and the structure had this odd effect of making me explode on the inside. A very defined thousand word essay had this counterintuitive effect of blowing my mind. So it wasn’t like a corset. It was totally liberating. Well, corsets can be liberating as well. But culturally speaking, I was able to take a fashion store and read into it and recall the era and look they were trying to convey. Fashion became interesting as a language about culture. I wasn’t the only one doing this, Roland Barthes had done it of course, and others have too. Do you feel you could convey what you want at the Times? I had an absolutely exquisite editor, Anita LeClerc, who is a divinity. Once in a while you have a love affair with an editor and they can talk to you perfectly and tell you exactly what they want from you. And you mentioned that she hired you. She did–she had read my novel. Anita believed that I could do it, which was quite radical of her. And she really let me play–I’ve been really lucky in my life to have editors like that. At Salon I had Gary Kamiya and David Talbot. Photo courtesy of Ken Paprocki. And what about the JC Penney incident? That was a big deal. People should have a sense of humor and they should know where I’m coming from–I’m not trying to be harmful. To be fair, the comment I made was about mannequins–not people, mannequins–but it was edgy. I was on the fence about it, and thought ‘well, if it’s too edgy, my editor will kill it.’ I take full responsibility, but I’d already written so much edgy stuff that I thought ‘OK the freight train’s coming’ so many times that, when that one hit it was a surprise. That was the one that finally freaked everybody out? I thought it would have been something else. Most of the those pieces are about New York City and the boroughs but this was more at the expense of Middle America. I stumbled blindly into the middle of a class war that was already in progress. I didn’t realize was the Times was being perceived by Middle America as out of touch and elitist. Then here’s b—-y little size-two me, wandering into JC Penney with exactly the same ruthlessness I would bring to Gucci, or any place else. I reviewed them with the same metric that I would review anybody else. What I didn’t understand was how this could be taken out of context, how people would not see that article as part of the continuum of the other Critical Shopper articles in which I had already established a snarky voice. They saw it as some New York b—h, s–tting on our thing. It looked b—-y, and if you look at it that way I can see how they’d be upset. And what was the blowback? The public editor trounced on me, Bill Keller trounced on me. People get upset about JC Penney. What’s your relationship with the pharmaceutical industry? I’m on a lot of drugs. I have ADD and generalized anxiety disorder, and PTSD and all kinds of things. Is all this self-diagnosed? No, I’ve been in therapy since the dawn of time. But I’m at a good, coasting place. I’m on a sane cocktail of things, and I can keep it together. Mostly. When you finish a big project do you say ‘I don’t have to do that for five years’ or do you want to do something that reacts against that? That’s an interesting question. I think every long piece you write requires a minimum of three nervous breakdowns. I’m dead serious. Any writer who’s actually worth his salt will have multiple nervous breakdowns. It could be because of the isolation, it could be because you’re dredging s–t up, something you don’t want to know about. You have to get to the point where you can have a walking nervous breakdown. So when you get the third breakdown you’re relieved that it’s almost over. You’re telling your brain chemistry ‘just hold on, just another month.’ Then you can collapse. So you’re not immune to dramatic, intense behavior? If I denied that I think that every ex-boyfriend I’ve ever had would set fire to the Huffington Post. You’ve worked on screenplays before. I have. I’ve been paid a lot of money to do it, but nothing’s ever made it to the big screen. I’ve done a bunch of work for TV. I left LA because it was so hard to get anything that I liked made. I could have gotten things that I didn’t like made. But I didn’t have any control, and there was just too much money, and too many chefs. Did you feel like you were just writing kind of generic humor and that you couldn’t write in your own voice? No. I never actually got to that point. I’m not as defensive about it now as I used to be, but for a long time I was really very vigilant about protecting my voice. That was good because I actually ended up with a voice. As opposed to people who sell out and write about lipstick and then they don’t know who they are anymore. Photo courtesy of Sarah Forbes Keough. You’ve written that the best clothes inspire fear. I did say that. It really depends on how you’re using clothing. For a long time I used clothing as body armor, I used it as a psychological operation to intimidate my prey. What does that mean: high heels and black leather? Not necessarily. If you look really hard and sharp, people are going to straighten up when you walk by. There was something a bit fascistic about my fashion for a while. I was hanging out a lot at my friend’s from the Pentagon, and that became interesting to me, for a minute. There was something fascistic about your impulses? Somewhat. One thing I talk about in Fear and Clothing is that very iconic image of Condoleezza Rice in a long militaristic coat with a narrow collar, and these really, really high Jimmy Choo boots. It was very Gestapo looking, it was her sartorial interpretation of power. That scene at the end of the movie Elizabeth, when she goes ‘alright, f–k it, I’m going to succumb to my destiny and be queen’ and she becomes unbeautiful. They stretch her hair back and put on this terrible wig and strap her in to the battle garments of queenliness and she comes out and she’s the embodiment of power. She does it through the costume, she does it through the makeup. And it’s a signal that she’s sending that she’s no longer a girl. And that’s a signal that you like to send these days. No, I’m not doing it right now, but costumes are very fun to experiment with. You get very different results from what that you put on. What do you think about the state of retail right now? Everybody feels poor right now. Expensive food writing and expensive clothing writing are fantasy pieces that aren’t realistic. We’re keeping alive the myth that capitalism is still working, when in fact we’ve been gutted. Things are closing everywhere and nobody can afford this s–t, unless they’re like me at my worst, where say ‘f–k it, it’s just another credit card.’ There’s a very small percentage of people who live on the Upper East Side, who can buy these meals and clothes and shoes. I’m not one of them. Most of the people I know aren’t these people. They’re educated people, they’ve got PhDs, but they don’t have any money. And your feelings about the state of fashion? I love fashion–it’s a really fluid language. It’s an amazing photograph of where we are emotionally, socio-politically, economically. The entire zeitgeist is articulated on the runway in interesting ways. It all means something, and it all adds up to a wonderful piece of art, an abstract articulation of where we are right now. Do you ever go to fashion shows? Oh, I’ve been to a few. Is it something that amuses you? It’s funny because after the JC Penney article I thought I was persona non grata so I went to Istanbul. I didn’t realize it but I was a front row invitee for everything because I had caused a scandal. And I didn’t know it so I was in Istanbul and I couldn’t go and it was horrible. I’d never been invited to any of that before so I wasn’t expecting it. I didn’t know it until it was too late. So there are all these invitations and I’m sitting at the Blue Mosque.

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Whoah. California Gov. Jerry Brown might have a reputation as a slightly whacked-out lefty, but he apparently packs heat occasionally—just like his more conservative countrymen. Brown revealed before a slightly stunned press corps that he owns not one, but three , guns. He divulged no other details, and his spokeswoman…

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Cash Isa holders urged to switch

Consumer Focus warns that thousands of cash Isa holders are losing money by sticking with poor savings products after introductory interest rates have expired As the new tax year gets underway savers with existing cash Isas are being warned to check their investments closely – while providers offer “early bird” deals to attract new customers, they are slashing the rates paid on older accounts. HMRC figures show there is £172bn held in cash Isas, but data from Consumer Focus indicates more than a third of cash Isa holders have had them for more than five years, suggesting they are losing out on interest that could be gained by switching. Two-thirds of people who opened a cash Isa with an introductory interest rate are likely to be losing out by failing to switch once it runs out, while a quarter of cash Isa savers did not know whether their account even had a bonus rate. A further third of account holders with an introductory rate weren’t sure if their rate had expired or not. Oliver Morgans, financial services expert at Consumer Focus, said: “Unfortunately it seems that banks use higher interest rates to lure customers in and then aim to cash in on their inertia. Sadly, Isa customers have to watch banks like a hawk if they are to get the best deals, and our advice is to check your rate. If you are not happy vote with your feet and switch to an Isa that pays more.” Current best-buys Savers investing the maximum £5,340 in Santander’s best-buy Flexible Isa , paying 3.3%, would earn £176.22 in interest this year – but it is only open to new investors. The headline easy access rate for those wishing to switch funds is Halifax’s Cash Isa , paying 3.2%, followed by Nationwide building society’s e-Isa , paying 3.1%, although this is only available if customers also have a card-based savings account with Nationwide. Fixed-rate cash Isas pay higher rates than variable or easy access cash accounts, with the average for all fixed-rate cash Isas currently at 3.44%, dropping to 1.88% on variable rate Isas and 1.75% on easy access products. Over one year, the Bank of Cyprus fixed-rate Isa pays 3.3% and accepts transfers, while Santander’s two-year fixed-rate postal account pays 3.7% and is also open to transfers. Leeds building society is paying 4.2% on its three-year fixed-rate Isa, which accepts transfers and allows investors to access 25% of their cash without penalty, while the best four-year fix is at Saffron building society paying 4.5%. BM Savings is the best-buy cash Isa over five years, paying 5%. Kevin Mountford, head of banking at moneysupermarket.com , said: “With little movement expected in the market, by shopping around and comparing the range of products that best suits their circumstances savers could be better off taking advantage of the good rates now, as they will benefit from accruing interest immediately rather than waiting for a better deal at a higher rate.” He added: “This year we have seen several providers keeping their good deals available beyond the Isa deadline, and have even seen some new market leading deals being introduced. But savers might need to act quickly as the headline rates could disappear.” Last year, Consumer Focus filed a super complaint with the Office of Fair Trading (OFT) over the cash Isa market , detailing a number of concerns including: low switching levels; confusing pricing structures; and unnecessarily complicated and slow switching processes. It also accused banks of giving poor information to their customers regarding the comparison of accounts. The OFT has since held banks to an agreement that interest rates be printed on customer statements by May 2012 and transfers be completed within 15 working days. Consumer Focus estimates this could save consumers more than £14m. Isas Savings rates Savings Banks and building societies Mark King guardian.co.uk

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