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Can Libya’s lethal stalemate be broken?

(CNN) — A desperate call for more help sounds from Libya almost every day. Libyans are disappointed, feeling let down by NATO, said one resident of Misrata, the western city under a vicious siege from Moammar Gadhafi’s forces. As blood flows on the battlefields that are Libya’s towns and cities, the optimism that surfaced at the start of the conflict is but a memory. The military campaign in Libya was expected to be quick and precise, using sophisticated aerial military technology optimized to reduce casualties. But it became apparent that Gadhafi was not going to fall quickly in the footsteps of his neighbors Zine El Abidine Ben Ali of Tunisia or Hosni Mubarak of Egypt. He was not going to…

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Arbonata Light Table classes up LEDs and dining rooms

Here’s a solution for adding a little techno-flare to your furniture that’s a bit more subtle than cramming computer parts into a coffee table . The Arbonata Light Table, available from nKcharms at the source link, impregnates stylish slabs of wood with over 1,700 LEDs arranged in the shape of a tree. According to designer Dennis Vetu, it’s some sort of metaphor for the circle of life — as he explains on the Arbonata site, “tree becomes wood, becomes light.” Artsy prattle aside, we couldn’t imagine sitting down to a ramen dinner on a classier surface. If you’re not partial to branches and leaves though, nKcharms will work with customers to create unique designs. We might just order one emblazoned with a glowing Engadget logo. Sadly, there’s no price listed, but then again, if you have to ask…. Don’t miss the gallery below. Gallery: Arbonata Light Table Arbonata Light Table classes up LEDs and dining rooms originally appeared on Engadget on Thu, 21 Apr 2011 14:24:00 EDT. Please see our terms for use of feeds . Permalink

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It was a tiny item in the New York Times — a brief at the bottom of page B14 of Tuesday's sports section, under Lacrosse: “Crystal Mangum, who falsely accused three Duke players of raping her in 2006, was charged with murder in the death of her boyfriend.” The man died two weeks after Mangum stabbed him, and Mangum has now been charged with murder. The Times may prefer to forget that name, but it was far more interested in Crystal Mangum back in 2006. More than any other media outlet, the Times trumpeted her rape accusations against three Duke lacrosse players, accusations that quickly fell apart in a mass of contradictions and shifting stories. Yet even as the case fell apart and other liberal media outlets were backing away, the Times issued a now-notorious, error-riddled 5,000-word lead story by Duff Wilson on August 25, 2006 , concluding that there was enough evidence against the players for Michael Nifong, the soon-to-be-disgraced-and-jailed local prosecutor, to bring the case to trial: By disclosing pieces of evidence favorable to the defendants, the defense has created an image of a case heading for the rocks. But an examination of the entire 1,850 pages of evidence gathered by the prosecution in the four months after the accusation yields a more ambiguous picture. It shows that while there are big weaknesses in Mr. Nifong's case, there is also a body of evidence to support his decision to take the matter to a jury. Perhaps most atrocious was former columnist Selena Roberts , who made a habit of slurring the innocent Duke lacrosse players. Even after the players had been all but formally cleared of the sexual assault, she continued to blame white privilege: “Don't mess with Duke, though. To shine a light on its integrity has been treated by the irrational mighty as a threat to white privilege. Feel free to excoriate the African-American basketball stars and football behemoths for the misdeeds of all athletes, but lay off the lacrosse pipeline to Wall Street, excuse the khaki-pants crowd of SAT wonder kids.” Even one of the paper’s overly respectful public editors, Barney Calame, tore a few polite holes into his paper’s coverage in an April 2007 column after the players were officially declared innocent. But blogger KC Johnson, a history professor and expert on the case, lambasted Wilson's error-riddled article and Calame's half-defense of it: Calame, in short, appears unable or unwilling to consider how the Times' failure in the lacrosse case — and having the thesis of a paper's major article publicly dismissed as untrue surely constitutes a failure — was attributable to reporters and editors allowing their worldviews to distort the facts….Calame avoids mentioning that Wilson's article contained four factual errors — each of which made Nifong's case appear stronger than it actually was. To date, the Times has left three of these errors entirely uncorrected, and the fourth corrected in a misleading fashion. The Times's sorry coverage was a focus of much media debate. Another former Times public editor, Daniel Okrent , called the paper’s coverage “heartbreaking”: “I think The Times's coverage was heartbreaking. 'I understand why they jumped on the story when they did, but it showed everything that's wrong with American journalism.'”

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Barack Obama made a point of releasing his tax returns to the public while running for president in 2007 and 2008—and when running for the Senate before that. But not one of the candidates vying to face him in 2012 will promise to do the same, Politico has found—…

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Coalition forces have stepped up their cooperation with Libyan rebels, with France and Italy announcing yesterday that they would send military liaisons and advisers, and the US saying it would send them $25 million worth of non-lethal equipment like body armor, tents, and vehicles, the Washington Post reports. The moves…

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Fighting continues in Ivory Coast

Alassane Ouattara’s army takes on two separate militias resisting his control in Ivory Coast’s commercial capital of San Pedro Fresh fighting and splits in the coalition that brought Alassane Ouattara to power could derail Ivory Coast’s recovery. Gunfire and explosions returned to Abidjan this week as Ouattara’s army takes on two separate militias resisting his control in the country’s commercial capital. Reports of infighting in the port city of San Pedro, a polio outbreak and humanitarian emergency in the west indicate that the west African country’s return to normality will be far from smooth. The violence in Abidjan, the worst since defeated president Laurent Gbagbo was toppled last week, is concentrated in two pockets: the northern suburb of Abobo and the western district of Yopougon. Abobo is dominated by the “Invisible Commando”, a 5,000-strong force that took up arms against Gbagbo during the political stalemate. But now the militia’s renegade leader, Ibrahim “IB” Coulibaly, is demanding recognition of his role in overthrowing Gbagbo. His forces, seen during the conflict as men in balaclavas policing makeshift checkpoints, are accused of widespread looting of vehicles and from businesses during the past week – and of ignoring a deadline to join the Republican Forces, Ouattara’s national army. In response the national army has turned its guns on the former ally. Residents said Abobo shook with the sound of heavy machine-gun fire on Wednesday near Coulibaly’s headquarters. People scattered and ran to lock themselves into their homes. “The fighting continues and we can hear vehicles moving through the streets, but we can’t go outside to find out what’s going on,” Amara Touré told Reuters. Military sources said the Republican Forces’ attack on Coulibaly’s headquarters was met with resistance that lasted more than an hour. A fighter in Coulibaly’s militia, known as Capt Meyo Aka, told Associated Press that they drove government troops back and they left. Coulibaly had pledged allegiance on Sunday to Ouattara, saying he regards the former prime minister as a father. Coulibaly protected Ouattara’s wife from 1990 to 1993 when he was head of her bodyguard corps. The Invisible Commando and the northern New Forces, which were incorporated into the Republican Forces, have little in common beside their hatred of Gbagbo; disagreements between them have at times been violent. Coulibaly, who led a failed coup against Gbagbo in 2002, is a longtime rival of Ouattara’s prime minister and military commander, Guillaume Soro. Without an enemy to unite against, factionalism in the Ouattara camp is being exposed. Apollinaire Yapi, a spokesman for Soro, said last night: “Right from the beginning the Invisible Commando distinguished itself from the Republican Forces. Ouattara created the Republican Forces by decree to gather all groups of soldiers who were fighting in the field. “From that moment every soldier had to join the new army, but we noticed General ‘IB’ continued to claim the Invisible Commando are distinct from the Republican Forces. He was expected to join the Republican Forces but he did not do that. “The other day he said he was at the disposal of Mr Ouattara, but no one trusts him and that’s the problem. There’s a lack of confidence and I don’t know what is going to be done. It may need a military action again if they fail to solve it by negotiation.” Meanwhile, across the city in Yopougon, where the UN mission maintains 24-hour patrols, fighting also continues in an offensive to “mop up” pro-Gbagbo loyalists. Yapi added: “In Yopougon the militiamen and mercenaries loyal to Gbagbo are still operating. Three high-ranking pro-Gbagbo soldiers are still at large. We don’t know if they are planning anything.” He warned: “Militiamen loyal to Gbagbo had confided they could create a rebel group if Gbagbo was to be captured, but there are some measures being taken to prevent such a group being organised.” Infighting among Ouattara’s forces erupted in the southwestern cocoa port of San Pedro on Wednesday. One source said the shooting started when one group of soldiers tried to stop another from looting. UN peacekeepers intervened after Ivorian fighters started launching mortars and rockets downtown. The continued fighting has set back hopes of quickly restoring security and reviving the economy; the post-election struggle dragged on for more than four months. Richard Moncrieff, at the South African Institute for International Affairs, said Ouattara does not have command and control over troops who entered Abidjan to oust Gbagbo. “This could have serious repercussions for what is to come,” he told AP. A million people have fled Abidjan and another million are displaced in the country or have fled to neighbours. Thousands have been killed and wounded. The World Health Organisation said on Thursday that polio has broken out, with three cases confirmed in children. The UN agency warned that it may spread within Ivory Coast, where disease surveillance is poor, and to other parts of west Africa. “The outbreak response may be constrained by the current security situation in Côte d’Ivoire,” the WHO said. Médecins Sans Frontières has reported a “dire” situation in the west of the country, where divisions between communities are the deepest and some of the worst atrocities have taken place. Alassane Ouattara Ivory Coast David Smith guardian.co.uk

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Graveyards filling up in Misrata’s unexpected war

With 1000 dead and a further 3000 injured, the two-month-old war has taken its toll on the people of the city The graves outside the shrine are packed tightly together, thick stripes of cement with small concrete blocks poking out of the earth at either end. Some of the graves are about six feet apart, like those marking the remains of Khalid Abushahma, the first protester to be shot dead by Muammar Gaddafi’s forces in this Libyan port city on 20 February, and of Ali al-Hadi, who died just two days ago. Other graves barely span two feet. Ibrahim Omran, a baby buried on 7 April. Amina Abdullah, a small girl, two weeks before. Sanad Aduraat, a toddler killed by a bullet on 6 March. Carved into the cement next to Aduraat’s name, next to all the names, is the word al-shaheed , meaning martyr. “Gaddafi is the reason for all this,” said Abdullah Almohandis, an old man in a brown hooded cloak who oversees the cemetery. Heavy explosions boomed in the distance, as they do here for many hours of each day and night. Almohandis held his open hands to the sky, shaking with rage. The war in Misrata is now two months old. The graveyards are filling up and the hospitals are overflowing. In their attempt to end the uprising, Gaddafi’s forces have killed at least 1,000 people. Around 90% are civilians who have died because of indiscriminate shelling or shooting, doctors here say. Fighting has been so heavy that parts of the city centre are now almost completely destroyed. Buildings, homes and mosques are pockmarked with bullet holes. Walls have been completely blown away, or are blackened by fire. Entire suburbs near the front lines are empty of families, who have crammed into other parts of the city, closer to the sea. Communications have been completely cut. Burnt-out cars and tanks litter the streets, alongside effigies of the dictator who has ruled Libya for 42 years. The resistance from the rebels – from all the people in Misrata – seems remarkable given their limited armoury and experience. That they have managed to keep Gaddafi’s forces to one side of the city seems a miracle, or at least a masterclass in guerrilla warfare. But this is a siege, and while the rebels can defend their lines, they do not have the means to fight their way out, or to send their families to safety. And despite significant losses, Gaddafi remains determined to fight his way in. The cost is huge. Besides the dead, more than 3,000 people in this city have been injured since the conflict began. Many have been hit by shrapnel from indiscriminate shelling by Gaddafi’s forces. Others have been picked off by snipers, including Mohamed Hassan, 10, who was hit in the head when he opened his front door last Saturday. He now lies in Misrata’s hospital, screaming for his father and uncle or jabbering incomprehensibly. His mother, Zeinab, touches his forehead. Her tears have run dry. She tries to speak but then shakes her head and looks down. Nobody here in Libya’s third largest city expected a war. A few dozen people went out to protest on 17 February, in sympathy with people in Benghazi, where the main uprising began. Police arrested the protesters, sparking bigger demonstrations. Then security forces opened fire. About 70 people were killed in a matter of days. The city rose up in anger. “We kicked out all of Gaddafi’s people, who fled to Tripoli,” said Mohamed Karwad, a 23-year-old graphic designer, who was one of the first protesters to be arrested. “At that time we had nothing but rocks and Molotov cocktails.” When Gaddafi’s forces returned two weeks later it was with tanks and armoured vehicles. The rebels still had few proper weapons, but they had taken measures to prevent the city from falling. They blocked the main streets with shipping containers full of sand and metal, preventing the tanks from passing though. They laid down blankets soaked in diesel that became caught in the tanks’ tracks. A Molotov cocktail heaved from a sidestreet would then set the tank alight. Mosques played recordings of “God is Great” over and over to inspire the rebel fighters, infuriating Gaddafi’s forces. Many mosques have since been hit by shells. Fighting was fierce and bloody. Many rebels died, but so did many of Gaddafi’s men, and each time the rebels took their weapons. Some were welded on the backs of pickups, which were then reinforced with giant steel plates on the front and back. Despite repeated attempts, the tanks have been unable to penetrate the city centre. But by sending snipers into abandoned buildings Gaddafi’s forces have managed to stop the rebels taking ground quickly. It’s a slow and deadly fight, street by street. The rebels appear to have no central leadership, but are divided into cells around the neatly laid-out city, commanded by men with noms de guerre such as Lion of the Desert, or Big Deer. Roadblocks appear every few hundred metres, some made of giant mounds of sea-sand, others of concrete pipes or ladders or chairs. Many of the fighters manning them – the Shabab, as they are known – are young. Mohamed Mustafa, 19, was studying first-year medicine when the revolution began and missing his parents, who are living in Nottingham, where his father is pursuing a PhD. He was clutching an AK-47, with a checked scarf wrapped around his head. Every day he spends six hours at the checkpoint near Benghazi Street, a scene of fierce fighting in recent weeks, searching cars and passengers for unauthorised weapons or satellite phones. “At the start I saw how people were dying for the cause of freedom,” he said. “So I decided to join the troops and defend my people and my home from the devil that is Gaddafi.” Across Benghazi Street, close to the vegetable market now used as a base by Gaddafi’s forces, the rebels have punched holes in the walls of some houses to create new roads that offer more protection from sniper fire. There were few signs of life, apart from a few unfortunate chickens, until we reached a house whose garage was filled with fighters. “Revolutionaries having breakfast,” shouted one of them, holding up a bread roll filled with tuna. Aiman al-Hadad, a 25-year-old engineer, clutched a sniper’s rifle that had been captured from Gaddafi’s forces. Growing up, he had shot birds, he said, so it was natural to become a sharpshooter when the war began. He had killed seven of Gaddafi’s men, he said proudly. Mohamed Elfituri, a young pharmacist, was more modest, saying that they were making gains, but that Gaddafi’s snipers remained a threat. His fiancee was in Tripoli, he said, and he had not been able to reach her for two months. Might it be possible to send an email on his behalf? Their commander had been killed the previous day, so Mohamed Shinisheh was now in charge. Solidly built, and the only one of his men wearing a beret and uniform, he had been working in Malta as a builder before the uprising. He rushed to Benghazi, the rebel headquarters in the east, received three weeks’ training and took a boat to Misrata. “In the day, in the night, we fight,” he said. “We are defending our positions. Gadaffi’s troops are just 50 metres away.” He moved up the road with a few of his men, running quickly across open patches of road, and pointing out where the snipers had hit water tanks and electricity lines to make life more difficult for the rebels. At a corner a tattered green flag erected by Gaddafi’s troops during a brief occupation hung above a house that had since been taken by the rebels. A shop was on fire, hit by an incoming shell an hour before. A short drive away, close to Tripoli Street, which Gaddafi’s forces have been trying to capture since the battle began, Mohamed Swesi, 42, who fought in Chad for the Libyan army in the 1980s, was showing off an IED he had made using two landmines, a dozen bullets and an ammunition case. Three members of his family had been killed by Gaddafi’s army. He was not afraid to die. “My heart is big,” he said. “Give me good weapons and I’ll be in Tripoli in three days.” Dozens of young fighters sat quietly on the side street, each clutching a weapon. They were waiting for Gaddafi’s snipers, who they say are now cut off from the rest of their forces, to show themselves in the pockmarked buildings that line Tripoli Street. Many of the marksmen had been killed but a significant number remained. In front of one house was pool of fresh blood. A 12-year-old boy from a family that had refused to leave their home had been hit as he stepped outside to play. He died immediately. An ambulance passed. The doctor, Mohamed Bashir, said they had already picked up three dead people that morning. More than 20 had been injured. “We will stay here and fight Gaddafi until the last blood spills.” Blood is spilling too from those who do not want to fight – women, children and elderly people – thanks to the indiscriminate shelling by Gaddafi’s forces. In the private clinic that now serves as Misrata’s main hospital, Mokhtar Naria, 37, and his 10-year-old nephew, Mortaz, both had bandages around their heads. The Narias had left their home to cram in with four other families in an area that was meant to be safer. But earlier this week, as they were preparing to pray, a shell burst through the roof. Six people were injured, including Naria’s grandfather, who lost a finger. Naria had a damaged skull. He could walk, but seemed dazed. “The boy does not even know about Gaddafi,” said his father. “He just knows he is afraid.” Upstairs, Dr Fathi Mohamed was doing his rounds in the surgery ward. Before the revolution began, he had seen two gunshot wounds in six years. Now he has seen hundreds, and many more shrapnel injuries. He sent 36 wounded people by boat to Benghazi on Wednesday night, but still has 19 people in his ward alone. “The oldest we have treated was 92 years old. He had chest injuries but did not die. The youngest was one year old.” An ambulance arrived. It was carrying a rebel fighter – a man who until eight weeks ago had been a civilian deeply fearful of Gaddafi and who had now been killed by government forces. Tomorrow the name Osama Manita will be written in concrete somewhere in Misrata, perhaps near the shrine. One more martyr. Libya Muammar Gaddafi Arab and Middle East unrest Middle East Xan Rice guardian.co.uk

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Let the Recount Begin!

Click here to view this media Wisconsin Supreme Court Candidate JoAnne Kloppenburg announced yesterday that her campaign has requested a statewide recount of the ballots cast in the April 6, 2011 election. Roll Call : “With a margin this small,” Kloppenburg said, “the importance of every vote is magnified and doubts about each vote are magnified as well.” Kloppenburg also called for the Government Accountability Board to appoint a special investigator to examine the actions of Waukesha County Clerk Kathy Nickolaus. Kloppenburg’s initial slim lead was erased after Nickolaus discovered a counting error in the Waukesha tally, resulting in a gain of more than 7,000 votes for Prosser two days after the election. Kloppenburg said that a recount is necessary in light of the irregularities in Waukesha and other counties. Because the margin is so close between the candidates, a recount will be done at the state’s expense. But the more important request may be that special investigator to look into Kathy Nickolaus, who is either the most incompetent county clerk on the planet, or else something else more nefarious. Blue Cheddar has video of the press conference and a chronology of events leading to this. The Prosser campaign has already vowed to fight any recount effort . Good luck with that.

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The sweet little old folks of the Tea Parties seem to have a lot of extremism and bigotry bubbling up around them. Hmmmmmm.

Click here to view this media I got quite a kick out of how the Breitbart crowd and the Fox talkers devoted so much energy this week to portraying the anti-Tea Party protesters at Tea Party gatherings like those in Wisconsin as incredibly vicious. Of course, these folks have made a cottage industry out of denying the realities of Tea Partiers’ nasty and frequently bigoted rhetoric , so it’s only natural that they’d play the grotesque hypocrite in one swell foop. Meanwhile, here’s some footage you won’t see on The O’Reilly Factor or over at Big Ego. This comes from Channel 12′s reportage on this weekend’s ugly Tea Party event in Phoenix : TEA PARTIER: That’s why you don’t have a higher standard of living than Mexico! The United States has a higher standard of living than Mexico because it’s populated by white people. Mexico is a [BLEEP]! And then, of course, there was the nice little old lady Tea Partier in California who just thought that Obama-as-a-chimp Photoshop was just too cute not to forward to all her fellow Republican committeemen. She did manage to make an actual apology — after a coupla tries : Shortly after sending the email, Davenport said in a follow up that she was sorry if she had offended anyone with the image. She denied the implication that the depiction was racist. “I simply found it amusing regarding the character of Obama and all the questions surrounding his origin of birth,” she wrote in an email. “In no way did I even consider the fact he’s half black when I sent out the email.” “In fact, the thought never entered my mind until one or two other people tried to make this about race,” she added. “I received plenty of emails about [former president] George Bush that I didn’t particularly like yet there was no ‘cry’ in the media about them.” But in a subsequent email, sent to the Orange County Republican Central Committee late Monday night, Davenport apologized more strongly. She asked for forgiveness for her “unwise behavior” and noted that she “didn’t stop to think about the historic implications and other examples of how this could be offensive.” “To my fellow Americans and to everyone else who has seen this email I forwarded and was offended by my action, I humbly apologize and ask for your forgiveness of my unwise behavior. I say unwise because at the time I received and forwarded the email, I didn’t stop to think about the historic implications and other examples of how this could be offensive,” Davenport’s apology read. The reality, as we’ve said many times, is that no matter how hard the Tea Partiers and their right-wing-media apologists try, they’ll never be able to paper over their very real and deep extremist base . They’ll never be able to keep all the nutcases they’ve gathered in one place under a lid forever. This was driven home by a superb piece of reporting from Devin Burghart at the Institute for Research and Education on Human Rights: “Tea Time With the Posse: Inside an Idaho Tea Party Patriots Conference” . Burghart revisited Idaho Tea Party leader Pam Stout, who we discussed back when she was profiled in the New York Times . While she appeared shortly after that on the David Letterman Show and convincingly sold the image of the Tea Parties as rational folks concerned about TARP and health-care reform, Burghart found that was no longer the case: Little talk of repealing “Obamacare” or of modifying objectionable provisions of healthcare legislation took place at Stout’s “Patriots Unite” event, held March 26. The impending possibility of a government shutdown due to an impasse over the budget was hardly mentioned. Nary a word was spoken about bailouts or taxes. Instead, speakers at this Tea Party event gave the crowd a heavy dose of racist “birther” attacks on President Obama, discussions of the conspiracy behind the problem facing America (complete with anti-Semitic illustration), Christian nationalism, anti-environmentalism, and serious calls for legislation promoting states’ rights and “nullification.” Stout, the Idaho state coordinator for Tea Party Patriots attracted around seventy Tea Party activists from Idaho, Montana, and Washington to the Coeur D’Alene Inn for the conference. The goal: to bring isolated Tea Party groups together. Originally scheduled as a two-day conference, Stout noted that the event was shortened because, “our workshop presenters are still in Wisconsin” presumably engaged in Tea Party anti-union organizing efforts. Much of what he found was similar to what I experienced in Montana attending a very similar kind of gathering. Burghart observed a Spokane Valley legislator named Matt Shea ( whose activities we’ve previously discussed ) explaining state nullification schemes of the kind promoted by Glenn Beck and now working their way through various state legislatures where the Tea Partiers have complete control, such as Montana’s . He also describes how regional leaders from the John Birch Society hold forth at length about their many commonalities with the Tea Partiers, and they manage along the way to win quite a few new friends. But the really disturbing talk comes from a Birther radio talk-show host from Elk, Washington, named Laurie Roth. If you need any convincing of the toxicity of the Birther beliefs — and where they’re headed — then this excerpt will do the job: She also expressed the urgency of the birther fight, stopping in the middle of her talk to engage an audience member in a discussion about whether impeachment, arresting president Obama, or a military coup would be the best solution. Roth: “We have to, we can’t try, we have to get him out in 2012″ Audience member: “why wait? …He’s an illegal president now.” Roth: “he should be impeached.” The audience member replied, he can’t be impeached, he’s not a citizen.” Roth: “how would you get him out?” Audience member: “By having the authority of five governors, five senators, march on the Supreme Court, who have abdicated their power and authority to simply render that he is not a legal president. And send the US Marshals to arrest him.” Roth: I couldn’t agree more. What we need is a move like Zelaya in Honduras. We need the military, we need somebody to do that, or impeachment, or something like you said. We need something more than we’ve had. Ah, but all the conversation the past week has been about nasty left-wingers. Funny how that works, isn’t it?

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Little Penguin Tickled (VIDEO)

Life doesn’t get much cuter than watching a Little Penguin — unless you’re watching a Little Penguin being tickled… and wait until you see the reaction! In this adorable video, “Cookie” the penguin gets tickled at the Cincinnati Zoo. Cookie is a Little Penguin (the smallest species of penguin), and is reportedly the mascot of the Zoo Bird House. He has a bandage on his foot because he has a disease known as “bumblefoot” and needs his sock changed daily. According to The L.A. Times, Little Penguins (also known as Blue penguins or Fairy penguins) are native to Australia and New Zealand. The tickler is Patricia Sund, who filmed the video while working at the zoo as a guest keeper to perform research for her book and blog, “Parrot Nation.” While the original video was posted to YouTube over a year ago, this new, shorter clip has recently been making the rounds, surging in popularity across the Internet. WATCH:

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