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‘It’s game over, Gaddafi’: Tripoli’s citizens see violent birth of a new Libya

Most residents of the Libyan capital welcomed the rebels, but some had mixed feelings. And where was Gaddafi? For a brief few hours on Monday, Tripoli’s Green Square was a tranquil place. A rebel flag hung above the old Ottoman palace. A few curious locals emerged to take a look around. What they saw was a mess: the windows of the Saleem coffee shop had been blown in; a mangled truck lay next to a municipal pleasure park with palm trees and a pond. One Tripoli resident, Tariq Hussain, 32, said Gaddafi loyalists had fired at the square for four hours on Sunday. At midnight their bombardment stopped. After that people had flooded into the area – quickly renamed Martyrs’ Square – to celebrate the arrival of rebels from the Libyan capital’s western suburbs and the apparent end of Muammar Gaddafi’s regime. Hussain admitted to ambivalence about the rebels’ victory. “I’m afraid of them, to be honest,” he said. Others, however, were jubilant. “Forty-two years too much. It’s game over, Gaddafi,” Abdul Mohammad said, as a group of teenagers stomped on a green Gaddafi baseball hat. “There’s no person here supporting Gaddafi,” Nasar al-Fahdi, a translator, explained. “It was just about fear. When someone says you have to support him, and he has a whole army behind him, what can you say?” But a waiter also admitted he had mixed feelings. Surveying the destruction, he said: “There’s not going to be much money around here.” Certainly, most Tripoli residents welcomed the arrival of the rebels, who swept in riding a noisy cavalcade of pick-ups. But some did not. Gaddafi’s loyalists were putting up resistance. By late afternoon what had begun in the morning with isolated pockets of fire had morphed into a full-scale battle, as Tripoli echoed with the rattle of anti-artillery guns and the wumpf of mortars. From high buildings on the seafront – offering a spectacular view of Tripoli’s port and languid corniche – the rebels drilled fire on the old city. There didn’t seem to be any answer. The roads – a few hours earlier home to a tentative light traffic – rapidly cleared. Gaddafi may have disappeared, his long, strange leadership slipping into the realm of history. But his fanatical followers fought on. In areas liberated by the rebels, the mood was euphoric. Locals stood on street corners, flashing V-signs as opposition militia from towns across Libya swept past. Women cheered and whooped from upper storeys; by the afternoon mosques were broadcasting polite requests not to fire in the air but to conserve ammunition instead. Nobody listened. From checkpoints hastily set up, fighters continuously let off a festive pop-pop. In the district of Gurji, householders were sitting on the pavement, smiling and still evidently stunned by the events of the previous 12 hours. “We are with Cameron and Sarkozy 100%,” Walid Margani, a 45-year-old school inspector, offered spontaneously, in comments that will no doubt delight Downing Street. “They helped us in having a new life. For 42 years we’ve had no rights.” Margani was wearing an Umbro England football shirt. The shirt had a Nationwide logo. He was wearing it, he said, to express his thanks to the Nato coalition and its jets, without which Gaddafi would still be in power. But where was Gaddafi? The rumour in Tripoli was that he was hiding somewhere near the Algerian border – or had already crossed it. In a defiant audio broadcast Gaddafi had denounced his enemies – who began their uprising against him on 17 February – as “rats”. “He’s the rat,” Margani said. “We have not seen him on the TV for more than four months. He’s been hiding like a rat underground.” What should happen to him now? “We don’t want to hear his name any more. We want him to be judged and to disappear,” Ahmed Zidan, 45, said. It seems unlikely that Libya’s toppled leader will get this magnanimous treatment, should the rebels catch up with him. Over at the Mahgrab luxury village – an elite compound for expatriate workers – excited opposition fighters were interrogating two terrified prisoners from Chad. The rebels accused the pair of being snipers for Gaddafi. The men were made to kneel, glazed with fear. The first said he was called Mohamad Sala, the second Zane Al-Badine Ali. They were slapped, questioned, as a dozen rebel militia gathered round, one firing a silver handgun into the air. Gaddafi may indeed have hired the men as snipers – much of his army is comprised of mercenaries from African countries. Or they may simply have been employed to tend the compound’s lush gardens. The rebels told us to leave. The prisoners’ fate was unclear. Earlier in the morning, pro-Gaddafi gunmen had taken position at the eastern end of Gagaresh Street, opening fire at any vehicles that came too close. By the afternoon the street was calmer. Most private houses, though, were shut up, their inhabitants too frightened or too uncertain to venture out. There were no shops open. Nor was there any petrol. In the afternoon, electricity that had worked intermittently during this crisis went out. One local, Mohamad Ali Bara, said he was out collecting spent bullets as souvenirs for his nephew in the US. Bara admitted he was a former Libyan ambassador to Kuwait and Switzerland, notching up 37 years in Gaddafi’s diplomatic corps. “I knew him personally. He has a very cruel heart. Up until 1975 he was very good. After that he was like Hitler.” What changed? “Many things. His tribal mentality. He got his family around him. He started appointing ignorant people to be ambassadors.” Bara said there was no mystery why he had managed to stay in power for so long. “Gaddafi is very clever. He could keep Libya under his grip with a lot of security. Salaries are very low. But security people got a lot of benefits.” Bara said he retired from the foreign service in 2007, and had always expected the regime to be swept away by violent revolution. He finished: “I hope now that everybody likes to have real democracy.” This may take some time. Outside Tripoli, the rebels have control over most of Libya, following a spectacular push over the last 10 days from the west, south and east. Only three ago they were bogged down in the city of Zawiya, 30 miles west of the capital, and the scene of a week-long battle; now they are masters of Tripoli’s looping flyovers and its Mediterranean seaside restaurants. They were cruising around downtown commercial districts on Monday; they have the stock market. But before they can establish a new post-Gaddafi state they need to reach some kind of accord with the Gaddafi loyalists who were still fighting on Monday evening. At 5pm the rattle of heavy guns could be heard across the city, reverberating across the port in stately intervals. The regime may be finished but not everybody had absorbed this message. But it is only a matter of time. Teenage spraypainters were hard at work , covering the city’s walls with graffiti proclaiming the victory of the “February 17″ revolution. Clutching a black spray can in his hand, Rade, 22, put it like this: “It’s simple. We’ve won.” Libya Muammar Gaddafi Arab and Middle East unrest Middle East Africa Luke Harding guardian.co.uk

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‘It’s game over, Gaddafi’: Tripoli’s citizens see violent birth of a new Libya

Most residents of the Libyan capital welcomed the rebels, but some had mixed feelings. And where was Gaddafi? For a brief few hours on Monday, Tripoli’s Green Square was a tranquil place. A rebel flag hung above the old Ottoman palace. A few curious locals emerged to take a look around. What they saw was a mess: the windows of the Saleem coffee shop had been blown in; a mangled truck lay next to a municipal pleasure park with palm trees and a pond. One Tripoli resident, Tariq Hussain, 32, said Gaddafi loyalists had fired at the square for four hours on Sunday. At midnight their bombardment stopped. After that people had flooded into the area – quickly renamed Martyrs’ Square – to celebrate the arrival of rebels from the Libyan capital’s western suburbs and the apparent end of Muammar Gaddafi’s regime. Hussain admitted to ambivalence about the rebels’ victory. “I’m afraid of them, to be honest,” he said. Others, however, were jubilant. “Forty-two years too much. It’s game over, Gaddafi,” Abdul Mohammad said, as a group of teenagers stomped on a green Gaddafi baseball hat. “There’s no person here supporting Gaddafi,” Nasar al-Fahdi, a translator, explained. “It was just about fear. When someone says you have to support him, and he has a whole army behind him, what can you say?” But a waiter also admitted he had mixed feelings. Surveying the destruction, he said: “There’s not going to be much money around here.” Certainly, most Tripoli residents welcomed the arrival of the rebels, who swept in riding a noisy cavalcade of pick-ups. But some did not. Gaddafi’s loyalists were putting up resistance. By late afternoon what had begun in the morning with isolated pockets of fire had morphed into a full-scale battle, as Tripoli echoed with the rattle of anti-artillery guns and the wumpf of mortars. From high buildings on the seafront – offering a spectacular view of Tripoli’s port and languid corniche – the rebels drilled fire on the old city. There didn’t seem to be any answer. The roads – a few hours earlier home to a tentative light traffic – rapidly cleared. Gaddafi may have disappeared, his long, strange leadership slipping into the realm of history. But his fanatical followers fought on. In areas liberated by the rebels, the mood was euphoric. Locals stood on street corners, flashing V-signs as opposition militia from towns across Libya swept past. Women cheered and whooped from upper storeys; by the afternoon mosques were broadcasting polite requests not to fire in the air but to conserve ammunition instead. Nobody listened. From checkpoints hastily set up, fighters continuously let off a festive pop-pop. In the district of Gurji, householders were sitting on the pavement, smiling and still evidently stunned by the events of the previous 12 hours. “We are with Cameron and Sarkozy 100%,” Walid Margani, a 45-year-old school inspector, offered spontaneously, in comments that will no doubt delight Downing Street. “They helped us in having a new life. For 42 years we’ve had no rights.” Margani was wearing an Umbro England football shirt. The shirt had a Nationwide logo. He was wearing it, he said, to express his thanks to the Nato coalition and its jets, without which Gaddafi would still be in power. But where was Gaddafi? The rumour in Tripoli was that he was hiding somewhere near the Algerian border – or had already crossed it. In a defiant audio broadcast Gaddafi had denounced his enemies – who began their uprising against him on 17 February – as “rats”. “He’s the rat,” Margani said. “We have not seen him on the TV for more than four months. He’s been hiding like a rat underground.” What should happen to him now? “We don’t want to hear his name any more. We want him to be judged and to disappear,” Ahmed Zidan, 45, said. It seems unlikely that Libya’s toppled leader will get this magnanimous treatment, should the rebels catch up with him. Over at the Mahgrab luxury village – an elite compound for expatriate workers – excited opposition fighters were interrogating two terrified prisoners from Chad. The rebels accused the pair of being snipers for Gaddafi. The men were made to kneel, glazed with fear. The first said he was called Mohamad Sala, the second Zane Al-Badine Ali. They were slapped, questioned, as a dozen rebel militia gathered round, one firing a silver handgun into the air. Gaddafi may indeed have hired the men as snipers – much of his army is comprised of mercenaries from African countries. Or they may simply have been employed to tend the compound’s lush gardens. The rebels told us to leave. The prisoners’ fate was unclear. Earlier in the morning, pro-Gaddafi gunmen had taken position at the eastern end of Gagaresh Street, opening fire at any vehicles that came too close. By the afternoon the street was calmer. Most private houses, though, were shut up, their inhabitants too frightened or too uncertain to venture out. There were no shops open. Nor was there any petrol. In the afternoon, electricity that had worked intermittently during this crisis went out. One local, Mohamad Ali Bara, said he was out collecting spent bullets as souvenirs for his nephew in the US. Bara admitted he was a former Libyan ambassador to Kuwait and Switzerland, notching up 37 years in Gaddafi’s diplomatic corps. “I knew him personally. He has a very cruel heart. Up until 1975 he was very good. After that he was like Hitler.” What changed? “Many things. His tribal mentality. He got his family around him. He started appointing ignorant people to be ambassadors.” Bara said there was no mystery why he had managed to stay in power for so long. “Gaddafi is very clever. He could keep Libya under his grip with a lot of security. Salaries are very low. But security people got a lot of benefits.” Bara said he retired from the foreign service in 2007, and had always expected the regime to be swept away by violent revolution. He finished: “I hope now that everybody likes to have real democracy.” This may take some time. Outside Tripoli, the rebels have control over most of Libya, following a spectacular push over the last 10 days from the west, south and east. Only three ago they were bogged down in the city of Zawiya, 30 miles west of the capital, and the scene of a week-long battle; now they are masters of Tripoli’s looping flyovers and its Mediterranean seaside restaurants. They were cruising around downtown commercial districts on Monday; they have the stock market. But before they can establish a new post-Gaddafi state they need to reach some kind of accord with the Gaddafi loyalists who were still fighting on Monday evening. At 5pm the rattle of heavy guns could be heard across the city, reverberating across the port in stately intervals. The regime may be finished but not everybody had absorbed this message. But it is only a matter of time. Teenage spraypainters were hard at work , covering the city’s walls with graffiti proclaiming the victory of the “February 17″ revolution. Clutching a black spray can in his hand, Rade, 22, put it like this: “It’s simple. We’ve won.” Libya Muammar Gaddafi Arab and Middle East unrest Middle East Africa Luke Harding guardian.co.uk

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Shiro vs. the Chair

(YouTube link) Little Shiro is learning to climb, but he doesn’t quite get the hang of it -yet. He’s little, but he has his own blog. Link -via Say OMG Broadcasting platform : YouTube Source : Neatorama Discovery Date : 22/08/2011 15:19 Number of articles : 2

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Shiro vs. the Chair

(YouTube link) Little Shiro is learning to climb, but he doesn’t quite get the hang of it -yet. He’s little, but he has his own blog. Link -via Say OMG Broadcasting platform : YouTube Source : Neatorama Discovery Date : 22/08/2011 15:19 Number of articles : 2

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John Hiatt Isn’t Ready to Slow Down

Singer-songwriter John Hiatt plans to tour continuously behind his 20th solo album ‘Dirty Jeans and Mudslide Hymns’ (Aug. 22)

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John Hiatt Isn’t Ready to Slow Down

Singer-songwriter John Hiatt plans to tour continuously behind his 20th solo album ‘Dirty Jeans and Mudslide Hymns’ (Aug. 22)

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Webb Simpson

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Webb Simpson

Round 4 Recap: 2011 Wyndham Championship Webb Simpson tournament champion Wyndham Championship Wyndham Championship Wrapup thomas_hutton says: Webb Simpson wins the Wyndham Championship – Great victory for Webb Simpson at the Wyndham Championship. Way… http://t.co/u3XMia6

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Cavuto Uses Cherry-Picked IRS Stats Showing There are Fewer Rich People in the U.S. as Excuse Not to Raise Their Taxes

Click here to view this media If Jon Stewart and his staff need more material for segments like the one he did this week — slamming Fox for attacking Warren Buffett for saying the rich should pay more in taxes and attacking the poor as a bunch of freeloaders who just want to suck off the government teet and for daring to have things like refrigerators and air conditioning — you need not look any further than their “business block” that airs on Fox “News” every Saturday morning. Here’s how Cavuto opened up the segment in the clip above: CAVUTO: Sock it to the rich! But what if I told you there aren’t as many rich folks to sock? Oh my god! We can’t have that now can we? Naturally that means we can never raise taxes on anyone that’s still in those upper income brackets. Cavuto goes on to quote some statistics from the IRS showing that there were 13% fewer people earning $200,000 and above from 2007-2009 and 55% less making $10 million and above during that same period and tells Ben Stein that that’s not a good trend. Ben Stein was actually the voice of reason here with his response to Cavuto and pointing out that that doesn’t mean there still aren’t plenty of rich people around and it wouldn’t kill them to pay more in taxes. Cavuto responds by asking him if he thinks those making over $200.000 are rich and out there buying jet airplanes. Stein got a pretty good shot in on Cavuto by telling him, no, he was talking about people like him, who have incomes of $10 million a year or more. Cavuto and his panel end up spending the rest of the segment pretending that the poor don’t pay any taxes because many of them don’t pay federal income tax and having another pity party for the rich if anyone like Warren Buffett dares to say they should pay higher taxes. UPDATE: And surprise, surprise, it appears those stats are cherry-picked to suit their new meme over at the Wall Street Journal and now Fox “News.” Here’s more from Media Matters breaking that down — “Millionaires Go Missing?” WSJ And Fox Cherry-Pick Stats To Claim Number Of Millionaires Shrinking . (Post title updated as well.)

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Nintendo 3DS Ambassador Program: now you can find out if you made the cut

Remember the Nintendo “Ambassador Program” for 3DS owners with the price drop blues? Early adopters were offered 20 free games if they signed in to the Nintendo eShop before August 11th, but the software didn’t confirm if they’d successfully joined or not. Now they can check for themselves by heading to Nintendo’s support page via our easy-to-click source link, enter their 11 digit serial number and see if they’re due some freebies courtesy of delicious corporate guilt. Nintendo 3DS Ambassador Program: now you can find out if you made the cut originally appeared on Engadget on Mon, 22 Aug 2011 12:35:00 EDT. Please see our terms for use of feeds . Permalink

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Bear Motion (TM) 100% Genuine Leather Case for iPad 2 2nd Generation Folio with 3-in-1 built-in Stand for Apple iPad 2 (Latest Generation) Tablet [Leather case enclosed in blue sleeve]

Type: CE Title: Bear Motion (TM) 100% Genuine Leather Case for iPad 2 2nd Generation Folio with 3-in-1 built-in Stand for Apple iPad 2 (Latest Generation) Tablet [Leather case enclosed in blue sleeve] See all customer reviews Product Description: ** Version 2 – Even better than ever before – Support Sleep Mode ** In the last a few days, we have received a few inputs from the end users. This helps us make the case even more user friendly than ever before. You will be receiving a case that is specifically designed for iPad 2 with details tailored to meet end users’ every expectation. Now, we even made it to support Sleep Mode. It will put your iPad 2 to sleep when the cover is closed and it wakes it up when the cover is opened. (Sleep Mode needs to be turned on on your iPad 2). If you are not happy with the product by any means, although not expected, please email us back. we will make sure you are taken care of promptly and satisfactorily. — This 100% Top Grain Leather Case is designed specifically for iPad2 – The Latest Generation of iPad tablet. If you search Top Grain Leather on Wikipedia, you will learn that Top Grain leather is considered as the second highest grade of leather, and is as strong and durable as full grain leather. It is split from the top layer of hide and sanded and refinished. This case is made of the High Quality Top Grain Leather. Why it is not made of full grain leather? Maybe you will ask. Full Grain Leather is very thick and heavy. it is not suitable for computer cases. Top Grain Leather has the durability that Full grain leather has to offer as well as the appropriate weight, thickness and texture a good iPad case should have. Bear Motion is registered trademark of Pro Ebiz LLC and is exclusively distributed by Pyrus Electronics. Bear Motion trademark is protected by US Trademark Law. Features: Bear Motion is registered trademark of Pro Ebiz LLC. New version – Supports Sleep Mode – perfected every element based on end user input – we expect it to exceed your expectation Easy to slip onto your iPad 2 for long lasting protection. Access all of the iPad 2′s features without taking off the case Securely hold iPad in place with Unique Inner flap and Reinforcement Strip Completely interior and exterior with soft real leather and scratch protection – We guarantee that this case is made of 100% real Cowhide Leather. Top Grain Please know that this is full leather case with padding. For case with slim profile, search B004RBT9XW See the details

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