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Women aged between 18 and 28 held in investigation of two privately-run nurseries Six women have been arrested as part of an investigation into two privately-run nurseries in York. North Yorkshire police said the arrested women, aged between 18 and 28, have been questioned and released on conditional bail. The police, council and Ofsted began a joint inquiry last month into the nurseries, Little Joes in Fishergate and Heworth House in Melrosegate. At the time they said there was no suggestion of sexual abuse. Both nurseries have remained open as the inquiry continues. A joint statement from the City of York council’s Safeguarding Children Board, North Yorkshire police and Ofsted said: “The arrest of individuals by the police is standard practice where they have reasonable suspicion that someone may have committed an offence and this action should not be taken as an indication that offences of a more serious nature have emerged.” The statement also said parents were being kept fully informed of the progress of the investigation. It continued: “We appreciate that this will continue to raise anxieties for parents of children in the nurseries, but we would like to stress that the welfare and safety of children is the primary concern.” Parents with any concerns can contact an advice line set up by City of York council’s Family Information Service. In August, York council said “the quality of care and welfare” of children at Little Joes in Fishergate and Heworth House in Melrosegate was being investigated. The nurseries’ owner, Lynn Drydal, said she was “completely shocked”. At the time, she said she had not been told what the allegations were and that it had had a “horrendous” effect on her business. She added: “I would like this investigation to be moved on so I can try and build back up the business which I have had ruined.” Little Joes takes children from birth to eight years old and has separate pre-school, toddler and baby units. It was last inspected by Ofsted in September 2008, when it was rated “good” overall. The nursery has a capacity for 51 children and employed nine staff at the time of the last inspection. Heworth House was inspected by Ofsted in May this year, when it was rated “satisfactory”. It is registered to take children from birth to five years and has capacity for 30 children. It employs nine members of staff. Crime Helen Carter guardian.co.uk

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Women aged between 18 and 28 held in investigation of two privately-run nurseries Six women have been arrested as part of an investigation into two privately-run nurseries in York. North Yorkshire police said the arrested women, aged between 18 and 28, have been questioned and released on conditional bail. The police, council and Ofsted began a joint inquiry last month into the nurseries, Little Joes in Fishergate and Heworth House in Melrosegate. At the time they said there was no suggestion of sexual abuse. Both nurseries have remained open as the inquiry continues. A joint statement from the City of York council’s Safeguarding Children Board, North Yorkshire police and Ofsted said: “The arrest of individuals by the police is standard practice where they have reasonable suspicion that someone may have committed an offence and this action should not be taken as an indication that offences of a more serious nature have emerged.” The statement also said parents were being kept fully informed of the progress of the investigation. It continued: “We appreciate that this will continue to raise anxieties for parents of children in the nurseries, but we would like to stress that the welfare and safety of children is the primary concern.” Parents with any concerns can contact an advice line set up by City of York council’s Family Information Service. In August, York council said “the quality of care and welfare” of children at Little Joes in Fishergate and Heworth House in Melrosegate was being investigated. The nurseries’ owner, Lynn Drydal, said she was “completely shocked”. At the time, she said she had not been told what the allegations were and that it had had a “horrendous” effect on her business. She added: “I would like this investigation to be moved on so I can try and build back up the business which I have had ruined.” Little Joes takes children from birth to eight years old and has separate pre-school, toddler and baby units. It was last inspected by Ofsted in September 2008, when it was rated “good” overall. The nursery has a capacity for 51 children and employed nine staff at the time of the last inspection. Heworth House was inspected by Ofsted in May this year, when it was rated “satisfactory”. It is registered to take children from birth to five years and has capacity for 30 children. It employs nine members of staff. Crime Helen Carter guardian.co.uk

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Ursula von der Leyen: Germany’s next chancellor?

She has an answer for the euro crisis, a name as a steely radical and seven children. The chancellorship could be in her sights It’s a popular parlour game among Berlin’s politicos. With Angela Merkel’s unsteady leadership battered by the euro crisis, the question many Germans are asking is: “Who next?” Two names come up most often: Norbert Röttgen, the thrusting environment minister, with George Clooney hair, graphic designer’s glasses and unflappable demeanour; and Ursula von der Leyen, the ash blonde physician with an answer for everything who combines running Germany’s labour ministry with bringing up seven school-age children. Von der Leyen consistently denies having her eye on the chancellorship, but few believe her. “Merkel’s rival?” is the coverline trailing a story about her in this week’s Focus magazine. And in an interview in last week’s Spiegel, the first question posed to the 52-year-old was: “Frau minister, do you want to bring down the chancellor?” Von der Leyen – whose father, Ernst Albrecht, was prime minister of Lower Saxony – has been touted as a candidate for the chancellery before, most notably when Merkel made her families minister in 2005, just days after she entered the federal parliament for the first time. The speculation became more serious recently when she started talking to the media, not about her ministerial brief of work and pensions, but about how to solve the euro crisis. Worse, in the eyes of her enemies, she didn’t even toe the party line. First she said countries asking for assistance from the euro rescue fund should be made to put up gold or industrial assets as collateral. Then, in Der Spiegel, she announced she wanted to see “a united states of Europe – run along the lines of the federal states of Switzerland, Germany or the USA” which would capitalise on Europe’s size by agreeing on core issues relating to finance, tax and economic politics. Wolfgang Schäuble, Germany’s finance minister, was furious. According to Focus magazine, he said keeping control of the crisis when surrounded by such treacherous colleagues was “like walking with a burning candle through a room of nitroglycerine”. In the debating chamber of the Bundestag, Germany’s lower house of parliament, on Thursday, an opposition MP expressed sarcastic surprise that Von der Leyen had made time to attend a debate on the budget of her ministry. “How nice you could join us,” said Anette Kramme from the SPD. “We weren’t sure whether you’d come now that you’re so busy with economics rather than pensions and unemployment.” As ever, Von der Leyen was unruffled. She has a reputation for resolve in the face of even the most aggressive opposition, according to Joachim Koschnicke, a researcher at the Berlin-based market researchers Forsa. “There’s no doubt that Von der Leyen is among the most popular politicians in Germany. She is seen as tough, strong, a visionary. People think of her as a reformer who can push through in the face of a lot of resistance, for example how she introduced ‘parents’ money’,” said Koschnicke, referring to Von der Leyen’s long battle to introduce improved maternity and paternity benefits in her quest to encourage more Germans to have babies. Germany’s birth rate, fewer than 8 births per 1,000 people, is the lowest in Germany’s history and reversing it is one of Von der Leyen’s most heartfelt quests. At the heart of the problem, she firmly believes, is that too many German women believe having children and a good career are mutually exclusive. Many voters admired Von der Leyen for combining a high-profile job with a large family, but for others it had the opposite effect, said Koschnicke. “Her having seven children is certainly a source of wonder for some of the electorate – they admire her for making it to the top as a mother. But others see it as a bad thing. They ask themselves what kind of woman could take on such a full-time job away from all her children, and how she can possibly afford it. They know that she can afford it because she is rich and has a nanny. She comes from an elite family – her father was a state prime minister. That does not make them warm to her at all.” Von der Leyen’s husband, Heiko, also a trained doctor, does the lion’s share of the childcare and she believes more men should follow his example. “We need to make it clear that someone isn’t just good at their job because they are available at all hours, but because the quality of their work is high,” she said in a 2005 interview. “In Sweden it’s the case that male board members leave at 4pm to pick up their children from kindergarten. Men are not ashamed to say: ‘I want to be a good father and therefore I am investing this time in my child.’ That’s still a taboo in Germany. Any man who looks after his children is seen as a wuss – and not career compatible. In this respect we are way, way, behind the rest of the world.” Koschnicke believes this sort of revolutionary thinking could cost her the top job. “Having a good public image is not necessarily enough to make her popular within her party. She cannot be a candidate for chancellor unless she can convince her peers, and a lot of them are sceptical about her. For a lot of the old guard in particular, she is perhaps too associated with radical reforms. “When Merkel’s position becomes vacant – and there may not be federal elections until 2013, and she is quite likely to stand again – they are more likely to look for a safe pair of hands. “Remember that she is not the only name you hear in association with the chancellery. For me, the clear frontrunner would be [the defence minister] Thomas de Maizière. He is thought of as completely trustworthy, he is well-known and, importantly, he is seen as devoid of ego. “People believe when he proposes something he is doing it for the country, whereas when Von der Leyen says something, people tend to say: ‘She’s only saying it because she wants to be chancellor.’” Germany Angela Merkel Europe Helen Pidd guardian.co.uk

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Ursula von der Leyen: Germany’s next chancellor?

She has an answer for the euro crisis, a name as a steely radical and seven children. The chancellorship could be in her sights It’s a popular parlour game among Berlin’s politicos. With Angela Merkel’s unsteady leadership battered by the euro crisis, the question many Germans are asking is: “Who next?” Two names come up most often: Norbert Röttgen, the thrusting environment minister, with George Clooney hair, graphic designer’s glasses and unflappable demeanour; and Ursula von der Leyen, the ash blonde physician with an answer for everything who combines running Germany’s labour ministry with bringing up seven school-age children. Von der Leyen consistently denies having her eye on the chancellorship, but few believe her. “Merkel’s rival?” is the coverline trailing a story about her in this week’s Focus magazine. And in an interview in last week’s Spiegel, the first question posed to the 52-year-old was: “Frau minister, do you want to bring down the chancellor?” Von der Leyen – whose father, Ernst Albrecht, was prime minister of Lower Saxony – has been touted as a candidate for the chancellery before, most notably when Merkel made her families minister in 2005, just days after she entered the federal parliament for the first time. The speculation became more serious recently when she started talking to the media, not about her ministerial brief of work and pensions, but about how to solve the euro crisis. Worse, in the eyes of her enemies, she didn’t even toe the party line. First she said countries asking for assistance from the euro rescue fund should be made to put up gold or industrial assets as collateral. Then, in Der Spiegel, she announced she wanted to see “a united states of Europe – run along the lines of the federal states of Switzerland, Germany or the USA” which would capitalise on Europe’s size by agreeing on core issues relating to finance, tax and economic politics. Wolfgang Schäuble, Germany’s finance minister, was furious. According to Focus magazine, he said keeping control of the crisis when surrounded by such treacherous colleagues was “like walking with a burning candle through a room of nitroglycerine”. In the debating chamber of the Bundestag, Germany’s lower house of parliament, on Thursday, an opposition MP expressed sarcastic surprise that Von der Leyen had made time to attend a debate on the budget of her ministry. “How nice you could join us,” said Anette Kramme from the SPD. “We weren’t sure whether you’d come now that you’re so busy with economics rather than pensions and unemployment.” As ever, Von der Leyen was unruffled. She has a reputation for resolve in the face of even the most aggressive opposition, according to Joachim Koschnicke, a researcher at the Berlin-based market researchers Forsa. “There’s no doubt that Von der Leyen is among the most popular politicians in Germany. She is seen as tough, strong, a visionary. People think of her as a reformer who can push through in the face of a lot of resistance, for example how she introduced ‘parents’ money’,” said Koschnicke, referring to Von der Leyen’s long battle to introduce improved maternity and paternity benefits in her quest to encourage more Germans to have babies. Germany’s birth rate, fewer than 8 births per 1,000 people, is the lowest in Germany’s history and reversing it is one of Von der Leyen’s most heartfelt quests. At the heart of the problem, she firmly believes, is that too many German women believe having children and a good career are mutually exclusive. Many voters admired Von der Leyen for combining a high-profile job with a large family, but for others it had the opposite effect, said Koschnicke. “Her having seven children is certainly a source of wonder for some of the electorate – they admire her for making it to the top as a mother. But others see it as a bad thing. They ask themselves what kind of woman could take on such a full-time job away from all her children, and how she can possibly afford it. They know that she can afford it because she is rich and has a nanny. She comes from an elite family – her father was a state prime minister. That does not make them warm to her at all.” Von der Leyen’s husband, Heiko, also a trained doctor, does the lion’s share of the childcare and she believes more men should follow his example. “We need to make it clear that someone isn’t just good at their job because they are available at all hours, but because the quality of their work is high,” she said in a 2005 interview. “In Sweden it’s the case that male board members leave at 4pm to pick up their children from kindergarten. Men are not ashamed to say: ‘I want to be a good father and therefore I am investing this time in my child.’ That’s still a taboo in Germany. Any man who looks after his children is seen as a wuss – and not career compatible. In this respect we are way, way, behind the rest of the world.” Koschnicke believes this sort of revolutionary thinking could cost her the top job. “Having a good public image is not necessarily enough to make her popular within her party. She cannot be a candidate for chancellor unless she can convince her peers, and a lot of them are sceptical about her. For a lot of the old guard in particular, she is perhaps too associated with radical reforms. “When Merkel’s position becomes vacant – and there may not be federal elections until 2013, and she is quite likely to stand again – they are more likely to look for a safe pair of hands. “Remember that she is not the only name you hear in association with the chancellery. For me, the clear frontrunner would be [the defence minister] Thomas de Maizière. He is thought of as completely trustworthy, he is well-known and, importantly, he is seen as devoid of ego. “People believe when he proposes something he is doing it for the country, whereas when Von der Leyen says something, people tend to say: ‘She’s only saying it because she wants to be chancellor.’” Germany Angela Merkel Europe Helen Pidd guardian.co.uk

Continue reading …
Ursula von der Leyen: Germany’s next chancellor?

She has an answer for the euro crisis, a name as a steely radical and seven children. The chancellorship could be in her sights It’s a popular parlour game among Berlin’s politicos. With Angela Merkel’s unsteady leadership battered by the euro crisis, the question many Germans are asking is: “Who next?” Two names come up most often: Norbert Röttgen, the thrusting environment minister, with George Clooney hair, graphic designer’s glasses and unflappable demeanour; and Ursula von der Leyen, the ash blonde physician with an answer for everything who combines running Germany’s labour ministry with bringing up seven school-age children. Von der Leyen consistently denies having her eye on the chancellorship, but few believe her. “Merkel’s rival?” is the coverline trailing a story about her in this week’s Focus magazine. And in an interview in last week’s Spiegel, the first question posed to the 52-year-old was: “Frau minister, do you want to bring down the chancellor?” Von der Leyen – whose father, Ernst Albrecht, was prime minister of Lower Saxony – has been touted as a candidate for the chancellery before, most notably when Merkel made her families minister in 2005, just days after she entered the federal parliament for the first time. The speculation became more serious recently when she started talking to the media, not about her ministerial brief of work and pensions, but about how to solve the euro crisis. Worse, in the eyes of her enemies, she didn’t even toe the party line. First she said countries asking for assistance from the euro rescue fund should be made to put up gold or industrial assets as collateral. Then, in Der Spiegel, she announced she wanted to see “a united states of Europe – run along the lines of the federal states of Switzerland, Germany or the USA” which would capitalise on Europe’s size by agreeing on core issues relating to finance, tax and economic politics. Wolfgang Schäuble, Germany’s finance minister, was furious. According to Focus magazine, he said keeping control of the crisis when surrounded by such treacherous colleagues was “like walking with a burning candle through a room of nitroglycerine”. In the debating chamber of the Bundestag, Germany’s lower house of parliament, on Thursday, an opposition MP expressed sarcastic surprise that Von der Leyen had made time to attend a debate on the budget of her ministry. “How nice you could join us,” said Anette Kramme from the SPD. “We weren’t sure whether you’d come now that you’re so busy with economics rather than pensions and unemployment.” As ever, Von der Leyen was unruffled. She has a reputation for resolve in the face of even the most aggressive opposition, according to Joachim Koschnicke, a researcher at the Berlin-based market researchers Forsa. “There’s no doubt that Von der Leyen is among the most popular politicians in Germany. She is seen as tough, strong, a visionary. People think of her as a reformer who can push through in the face of a lot of resistance, for example how she introduced ‘parents’ money’,” said Koschnicke, referring to Von der Leyen’s long battle to introduce improved maternity and paternity benefits in her quest to encourage more Germans to have babies. Germany’s birth rate, fewer than 8 births per 1,000 people, is the lowest in Germany’s history and reversing it is one of Von der Leyen’s most heartfelt quests. At the heart of the problem, she firmly believes, is that too many German women believe having children and a good career are mutually exclusive. Many voters admired Von der Leyen for combining a high-profile job with a large family, but for others it had the opposite effect, said Koschnicke. “Her having seven children is certainly a source of wonder for some of the electorate – they admire her for making it to the top as a mother. But others see it as a bad thing. They ask themselves what kind of woman could take on such a full-time job away from all her children, and how she can possibly afford it. They know that she can afford it because she is rich and has a nanny. She comes from an elite family – her father was a state prime minister. That does not make them warm to her at all.” Von der Leyen’s husband, Heiko, also a trained doctor, does the lion’s share of the childcare and she believes more men should follow his example. “We need to make it clear that someone isn’t just good at their job because they are available at all hours, but because the quality of their work is high,” she said in a 2005 interview. “In Sweden it’s the case that male board members leave at 4pm to pick up their children from kindergarten. Men are not ashamed to say: ‘I want to be a good father and therefore I am investing this time in my child.’ That’s still a taboo in Germany. Any man who looks after his children is seen as a wuss – and not career compatible. In this respect we are way, way, behind the rest of the world.” Koschnicke believes this sort of revolutionary thinking could cost her the top job. “Having a good public image is not necessarily enough to make her popular within her party. She cannot be a candidate for chancellor unless she can convince her peers, and a lot of them are sceptical about her. For a lot of the old guard in particular, she is perhaps too associated with radical reforms. “When Merkel’s position becomes vacant – and there may not be federal elections until 2013, and she is quite likely to stand again – they are more likely to look for a safe pair of hands. “Remember that she is not the only name you hear in association with the chancellery. For me, the clear frontrunner would be [the defence minister] Thomas de Maizière. He is thought of as completely trustworthy, he is well-known and, importantly, he is seen as devoid of ego. “People believe when he proposes something he is doing it for the country, whereas when Von der Leyen says something, people tend to say: ‘She’s only saying it because she wants to be chancellor.’” Germany Angela Merkel Europe Helen Pidd guardian.co.uk

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Raw Video: Kim Jong Il at Military Parade

North Korean leader Kim Jong Il and his son watched a massive military parade in Pyongyang on Friday, to mark the 63rd anniversary of the country’s founding. (Sept. 9)

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Raw Video: Kim Jong Il at Military Parade

North Korean leader Kim Jong Il and his son watched a massive military parade in Pyongyang on Friday, to mark the 63rd anniversary of the country’s founding. (Sept. 9)

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Raw Video: Kim Jong Il at Military Parade

North Korean leader Kim Jong Il and his son watched a massive military parade in Pyongyang on Friday, to mark the 63rd anniversary of the country’s founding. (Sept. 9)

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Bit.ly quantifies internet impatience, old links get no love

Oh internet, we love your animated GIFs and sad Keanu websites , but how much attention are we really giving each link? According to a recent study by URL shortener Bit.ly, a standard link is clicked for an average of three hours until traffic subsides by 50 percent, eventually fading away into oblivion. If we’re talking about a super timely news story like an earthquake hitting the east coast, well, its half-life was a paltry five minutes. When URLs are shared on social networks, they last around 3.2 hours on Facebook and 2.8 hours on Twitter, but those on YouTube persist more than twice that long. There, link half-life is 7.4 hours — probably because it’s home to phenom bomb memes like the one found after the break. Continue reading Bit.ly quantifies internet impatience, old links get no love Bit.ly quantifies internet impatience, old links get no love originally appeared on Engadget on Fri, 09 Sep 2011 07:55:00 EDT. Please see our terms for use of feeds . Permalink

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While columnist Dana Milbank complained about “The irrelevancy of the Obama presidency” — noting Republican laughter during the Obama speech (especially the line “This isn't political grandstanding”) and Rep. James Moran (D-Va.) reading the newspaper — TV critic Hank Stuever sat at the Tom Shales Desk of Obama Speech Puffery. “Obama reiterates his mastery of medium” was the headline on the front of the Style section. Stuever's expert of choice on Obama was Lou Dobbs of Fox News, whom he plucked out for declaring it was “The best speech he's ever given.” That's not exactly what Dobbs said on The O'Reilly Factor after the speech. Dobbs said it was the best speech of his presidency. But then Dobbs agreed with Bill O'Reilly that it was extremely political and not a transparent proposal: O'REILLY: Yes, but you see, this was a speech to rally the folks. This was a Knute Rockne Gipper speech. I'm still and charged, even though, you don't like me anymore, I'm still here. I still care. DOBBS: It was a great speech. Put me in, coach. I mean, he was terrific. It was his best speech, I think, of his presidency. O'REILLY: Well, you see, I'm a little bit more cynical than you are. I didn't like the speech, because I recognize it's a speech is putting politics ahead of the working person. DOBBS: Oh, absolutely. O'REILLY: Because he's putting the Republicans in a corner, as I said. If they don't vote for what he wants, which is increasing taxation, Lou, that's what it's all about. DOBBS: Yes. O'REILLY: He's going in another door to do the same thing the Republicans in the House have rejected time and time again. The same thing. That's why I didn't like it. Look, I like the veteran hiring. I like the targeted stuff, but we don't have any money to pay for it, but in two weeks, Lou, he's going to tell us how he's going to do it. Why didn't he just wait for two weeks and put it all together? DOBBS: It's interesting, and I have never ever heard of a president putting forward an address to the nation into installments. This is peculiar at best. Perhaps, it is being original and innovative, but peculiar is a word that comes to mind. O'REILLY: Particularly because he's been in office now more than 2 1/2 years, and he's got this jobs act, and I like, as I said, portions of it. I'm glad that Speaker Boehner is considering it. I hope that they all sit down, but if he doesn't know how to pay for it, it's certainly not going to get pass. He goes, pass it now, pass it now, and I'll tell you in two weeks, how am I going to pay for it? What? (LAUGHTER) DOBBS: Well, you know, it'd be the first time we've been told anything, really, when it comes to the direction of this economy that would — from this government. Openness and transparency has not extended to economic policy, that has not extended to the Super Committee charged with reducing the deficits and debt by $1.5 trillion. None of that stopped Stuever using Dobbs to puff up Obama: Against all odds, this rapidly graying, tired-eyed, coming-up-short chief executive once more harnessed the power of this graying, demographically fogy-fied medium to prove that he knows how to use it. (Even if the scheduling landed him squarely in the “Jeopardy!” hour.) Obama’s American Jobs Act proposal may be a $447 billion what-if, filled with tax relief for all and ways to stimulate job growth, but Thursday’s speech should stand as one of his finest. This according to no less an authority than Fox News’s own Lou Dobbs, who concluded after the speech: “I have to say, it was the stemwinder of this president’s term in office. . . . The best speech he’s ever given.” The most ridiculous part was Stuever claiming this speech was not political, meant to stoop out Obama's desperate standing in the polls. It was a “values speech.” At 32 minutes long, Obama’s address was more a values speech than a political one. It was more about a man at the end of his rope who nevertheless still has to believe in something, talking as plainly as he could — more plainly than usual, plainer than plain; an urgent plea that was filled with specific proposals and an imploring to Americans to think about one another. “This isn’t class warfare. This is simple math. This is simple math.” Near the end, i t became the presidential equivalent of turning up the radio in your American car when “We Built This City” by Starship comes on. “We shouldn’t be in a race to the bottom, where we try to offer the cheapest labor and the worst pollution standards,” he said. “This larger notion that the only thing we can do to restore prosperity is just dismantle government, refund everyone’s money, let everyone write their own rules, and tell everyone they’re on their own — that’s not who we are. That’s not the story of America.” Obama hasn’t lost his ability to give some of the finest live presidential oratory that many of us channel-surfers have heard in our adult lifetimes. Stuever was born in 1968, so he's skipping right over Ronald Reagan. At least after that gush, Stuever ended by acknowledging he may be more of an Obama fan than the rest of the country: “Not that anyone has to like him any more than they did before.”

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