Yet another Super Bowl has come and gone, and the one thing most of us will remember about the whole bloated, noisy event will be … a cute kid with a Darth Vader mask using the force on a Passat. Super Bowl ads, for all their obnoxiousness and over-emphasis in the media, do provide us one of the best reflections on the current state of American consumer culture . This year was no different — here’s a look at what this year’s commercials say about the nation’s shopping habits … … Read the full story on TreeHugger
Continue reading …Hosni Mubarak may not quit until the autumn but amending a constitution that afforded him such power can begin sooner It is not easy to predict what will happen next in Egypt’s uprising, but if there is to be significant reform in the post-Mubarak era the route will have to go through several far-reaching constitutional and political changes needed to open up a sclerotic system. Talks on Sunday between the vice-president, Omar Suleiman, and opposition figures produced little of substance – though the meeting with Muslim Brotherhood was a symbolic first. Mistrust, however, remains strong: Essam al-Erian, a leading Brotherhood member, has complained that a statement issued after the meeting had not been signed by the attendees. Crucially there is still no sign Mubarak is going to step down before the autumn – a position now tacitly supported by the US, UK and other western governments. The key question is whether change can take place without his departure – the core demand of the protesters in Cairo’s Tahrir Square. Mohamed ElBaradei, the nearest the divided opposition has to a recognised leader, is insisting the president must go, and has called for a ruling council to serve for a year of transition as a caretaker government to prepare new elections. He also wants the constitution abolished and parliament dissolved. Key changes include amending articles 76 and 77, which describe the powers of the presidency and the system for presidential elections that perpetuated Mubarak’s rule for a fifth consecutive term. Article 88 also needs to be amended to restore full judicial supervision of elections. Another must is article 179, controversially amended in 2007 to include an “anti-terrorism” measure that allows arbitrary arrest, searches and wiretapping without warrant and the transfer of civilian court cases to military tribunals. Unlike the emergency law this is not a temporary measure requiring parliamentary approval but a permanent extension of executive power under the constitution. Suleiman’s statement said only that the emergency would be lifted “in accordance with the security situation”. Debate in Egypt, as the Arabist blog put it , centres on how to proceed with either a new constitution or adapting the current one to the new circumstances. One initiative calls on Mubarak to devolve to Suleiman the responsibilities of managing the transitional period, dissolving the Shura (consultative upper) council and People’s Assembly (lower house) and form a committee of legal experts and independent judges to prepare constitutional amendments. But some experts warn that Mubarak’s immediate departure could make it harder to carry out changes. “If he resigns, the situation will be dangerous because we will have a constitutional vacuum, which means that we will have no chance to amend the constitution,” Ibrahim Darwish, a constitutional lawyer at Cairo University, told al-Masry al-Yom newspaper. Opposition supporters are also demanding the release of detainees belonging to the Muslim Brotherhood, the 6 April and 25 January movements and other groups. Other demands are greater freedom for private media, allowing opposition figures to appear in state-run media and abolishing restrictions on domestic and international media. There are calls too for civilian oversight of the police and security forces and a commitment by the army to supervise the transition. But Sherif Younis, another law professor, urged that change in Egypt be looked at in the broadest possible context. “Treating the constitution as sacred at this time is misguided,” he argued. “Surely the constitution is not meaningless; many institutions function, even if superficially, according to this document. What’s missing from the current debate is an honest discussion about the fact that the constitution exists in a wider context where a state of exception prevails and the exercise of political power often trumps the rule of law.” Hosni Mubarak Egypt Middle East Protest Ian Black guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …AOL’s purchase of the Huffington Post is drawing plenty of muted cheers—and a few harsh critiques. Most seem to agree that both sides come out ahead. “The content rollup has begun,” writes Michael Wolff at MediaWeek , and new media is becoming old media—”if it’s lucky.” Calling the buy…
Continue reading …The final thousand revolutionaries – diverse in wealth, age and religion – show no signs of deserting the square The hardcore of revolutionaries who refuse to step outside of Tahrir Square is down to 1,000 or so. Each night they are squeezed into the cluster of tents planted on the large roundabout at the heart of the square. The protesters are an unusually mixed community: young and middle-aged, mostly men but a few women and families too. Muslims, Christians and those who choose not to pray have been thrown together in a single cause. At times the easygoing atmosphere has the air of a festival, as do the long lines for the toilets. But a glance over at the ever-present soldiers on the edge of the square and the strategically piled rocks – sometimes used to spell out demands such as “leave now” and “get out” – are reminders, if any were needed, of the bloody price paid a few days ago to keep the square in the protesters’ hands. Once the sun is up, Tahrir Square starts to fill. On some days, hundreds of thousands have squeezed in after showing identity cards to the soldiers ringing the square in a disconcerting demonstration of orderliness and respect. The overnight residents take to clearing up, brushing dirt from the roads, putting rubbish in bags for the dust carts that arrive each day and stacking the stones. The tea sellers emerge and the young boys who sell Egyptian flags for E£10 (£1.40) each. The morning arrivals come with bread and vegetables for those who have stayed through the night. Amr Mahmoud, who has been in the square since the beginning of the protest a fortnight ago, waves his hand at the small bowl of food before him. He is outraged. “The government says we are eating Kentucky Fried Chicken. Where is the Kentucky?” he asks. “They say we are paid to be here but we have no money.” The KFC just across the street is firmly shut. It is plastered in anti-government posters and graffiti, as is just about every other business in the square except for a small gift shop whose owner remains a fan of Hosni Mubarak, the Egyptian president. Along the street, groups of men sit around clapping and chanting. Some in circles, some in lines. One group has laid
Continue reading …Click here to view this media As you might imagine, Fox News was practically a nonstop Ronald Reagan 100th birthday commemorative channel over the weekend, with practically wall-to-wall coverage of events and speeches at the Reagan Library. And at times it was so maudlin that it was embarrassing. Pretty typical of this was a segment yesterday featuring Greg Jarrett and Casey Stegall discussing the day’s events, as Stegall gushed over what a moving tribute it all was, and Jarrett eagerly agreed. And of course, this also meant that Fox couldn’t miss the chance to bash President Obama by comparison. So immediately afterward, Heather Childers — a new weekend co-anchor at Fox — came on with a George W. Bush lackey named Christian Whiton, speculating about how Reagan might have handled the crisis in Egypt. Interestingly, Whiton insisted that Reagan would have been on the side of the pro-democracy marchers because “he just believed in freedom that much.” Then he and Childers proceeded to slag Obama: CHILDERS: You just mentioned ‘tear down this wall’ — four words, changed the worlds, helping end Communism, and of course, the fall of the Berlin Wall — those words, pretty straightforward, unlike President Obama’s initial words to Hosni Mubarak calling for an ‘orderly transition.’ Did Obama do the right thing initially? WHITON: No. And you know, Ronald Reagan also believed in being somewhat concise in foreign policy, especially the big goals. And he knew what was really behind the threats we faced — he had spent the better part of three decades before he took office in 1981 thinking about the threat from Russia — not just its more apparent manifestations like the Red Army in Eastern Europe, the Red Army in Afghanistan, ICBMs, but understood what drove it, the Communist ideology. And he understood that ultimate victory meant undermining Communism. But in the same way, not only President Obama but his predecessor in the White House have not really made the same analogy of our current conflict. We haven’t identified Islamism as the chief thing that unites groups from Al Qaeda to the Islamic Brotherhood, the Hezbollah. Nor have we figured out how to fight it, and President Obama, the Obama administration saying that it would be fine for the Muslim Brotherhood to be part of a future Egyptian government shows that our Washington foreign-policy establishment really doesn’t understand today’s threats the way Ronald Reagan used to. CHILDERS: And while President Reagan had some dramatic successes, there still remain some questions regarding his policies with South Africa and apartheid. He maintained a constructive-engagement policy. Are there lessons to be learned from that in dealing with Egypt. WHITON: There are. You know, President Reagan was a very principled person, but he was not a Boy Scout, nor should we want our presidents to be Boy Scouts. You know, one analogy, the Philippines was run by an autocrat, and we partnered with that autocrat, Ferdinand Marcos, out of necessity, because the bigger objective we were working toward was the defeat of Communism. But we still always behind the scenes and sometimes in front of the scenes put pressure on Marcos to reform politically, to liberalize. And then when the Filipinos took to the streets to demand his ouster, we helped facilitate that ouster. So you can work with unsavory characters, and unfortunately often you have to do that in diplomacy, but keeping your eyes on the bigger picture, which at that point was the defeat of Communism, and at this point ought to be the defeat of Islamism — you know, keep your eye on that ball and you’ll do OK. And I think Ronald Reagan knew that. CHILDERS: It’s so obvious from the ceremony today — Ronald Reagan followed words with action — he believed in being clear — famously called for the Soviet Union, called it an ‘evil empire’ — pretty clear words. Do you think Obama’s problem is that he appears to waver, or was that necessary in the initial stages of the revolution going on in Egypt? WHITON: Well, there was tremendous wavering at first, then the president came out and said a few positive things about democracy and freedom, but he has no credibility on that issue, and actions have not been followed with words. You can’t say that and then turn around later and say that, you know, the Islamic Muslim Brotherhood ought to be welcomed into an Egyptian government. You can’t welcome people into your political system who want to destroy that political system unless you’re willing to have it be destroyed. You know, Reagan backed up his rhetoric against the Soviet Union — we supported freedom movements in the Eastern Bloc, we supported Solidarity in Poland, we fielded a 600-ship Navy, a Strategic Defense Initiative missile defense, all sorts of other things. So when President Obama, and frankly before him, with President George W. Bush, when they say nice things about democracy, people around the world judge us on our actions, not on our words, and frankly, actions haven’t followed words as they did under the Reagan administration. This is all just so incoherent that it’s laughable. If Ronald Reagan was so clear and straightforward about dealing with threats to the United States, then how does Whiton explain the fact that Reagan secretly traded arms for hostages in his dealings with Iran? Indeed, Reagan’s “clarity” and obsessive focus on Communism at the expense of all other potential threats led to the Reagan administration financing and creating monsters who later became real threats to American security themselves. We can’t forget, after all, that is was the Reagan administration that propped up the Iraqi regime of Saddam Hussein, against whom we later engaged not just in one but in two wars. Nor can we forget that it was the Reagan administration that underwrote the Afghanistan resistance that then gave birth to Al Qaeda and the Taliban. But comparing Mubarak to Marcos is indeed worthwhile — though not in the way Whiton seems to think. Because in fact the Reagan administration — which had been Marcos’ staunchest ally — notoriously dithered while the “People Power Revolution” gathered. It was only when Marcos’ removal became a fair accompli that the Reagan White House acted to help him remove to Hawaii — absconding with millions of dollars in gold bullion certificates. In contrast, the Obama administration has been a model of quiet consistency on the situation in Egypt, where it has been pushing Mubarak to liberalize consistently, and has been consistent in supporting the pro-democracy forces marching in the streets, as Whiton clearly believes we should. Meanwhile, right on Fox News, we have right-wingers like Dick Morris arguing loudly that, in order to defeat Islamism — which Whiton thinks is our top priority now — we need to strongly support Mubarak and his thugs. Really, right-wingers can’t seem to be able to decide whether to crap or go blind when it comes to Obama and Egypt. The only thing they know: Obama Bad, Reagan Good.
Continue reading …In an interview with 60 Minutes correspondent Lesley Stahl for CBS's Sunday Morning, screenwriter Aaron Sorkin made his latest attack against Sarah Palin, ranting: “I have a big problem with people who glamorize dumbness. And demonize education and intellect. And I'm giving a pretty good description of Sarah Palin right now.” [ Audio available here ] Stahl made no effort to challenge Sorkin's vicious personal attacks, simply remarking: “He seems to be having a second career these days, going after Sarah Palin. In an essay for The Huffington Post, he called her a 'witless bully.'” Given the media's concern with civility and harsh political rhetoric in the wake of the Tucson shooting, one wonders why Stahl did not condemn such language. Video added below Sorkin went further, even questioning Palin's mental stability: “Sarah Palin, she needs a therapist, okay. We need the smartest guys, the best Ph.D.'s around, to be solving these problems. I don't have any patience with the glamorization of dumbness.” Only seconds earlier in the interview, Sathl was asking Sorkin about his past addiction to crack cocaine, for which he attended rehab twice. Stahl concluded: “Sorkin only dabbles in political commentary. What he works really hard at is writing his plays and movies.” In the same December 8, 2010 Huffington Post article cited by Stahl, Sorkin compared Palin hunting on her TLC show to the animal abuse football player Michael Vick was found guilty of in promoting dog fighting. On CNN's Parker-Spitzer on October 4, 2010 , Sorkin declared: “Sarah Palin's an idiot. Come on. This is a remarkably, stunningly, jaw-droppingly incompetent and mean woman.” — Kyle Drennen is a news analyst at the Media Research Center. You can follow him on Twitter here.
Continue reading …We haven’t heard a lot about Inlet Technologies over the years, a company that works mostly behind the scenes on advanced encoding technology, but it was right there on the cutting-edge of the Blu-ray bandwagon back in 2008 . Now it’s looking set to become the latest addition to Cisco , with that company announcing intent to drop $95 million and see the acquisition through. It’s not entirely clear what Cisco will do if it picks up this toy, but it certainly sounds like mobility is on the mind of Enrique Rodriguez, Cisco’s Service Provider Video Technology Group General Manager: Cisco’s Videoscape platform will play a key role in reinventing the TV experience, and the acquisition of Inlet will enable our customers to leverage the network as a platform to deliver innovative video experiences to consumers on any device. If that name sounds familiar, until recently Enrique worked at Microsoft on, among other things, the Zune and Media Center. That might also give another clue to where Cisco is going. Continue reading Cisco looking to acquire Inlet Technologies, get even hipper with streaming Cisco looking to acquire Inlet Technologies, get even hipper with streaming originally appeared on Engadget on Mon, 07 Feb 2011 09:24:00 EDT. Please see our terms for use of feeds . Permalink
Continue reading …The groundwork for Egypt and Tunisia’s days of rage took years. In isolated Syria, there is much grassroots work to be done A “day of rage” called for by Syrian opposition members living abroad and scheduled for last Friday and Saturday came and went: the only mass presence detected on the streets of major cities in Syria was that of security forces. The sheer size of security presence tells us that the ruling regime was indeed concerned, but obviously so were the Syrian people and the grassroots activists who were supposed to lead the way. The balance of terror that has characterised life in the police state that is Syria over the past five decades continued to dictate the pace of life. Syria is definitely not Tunisia or Egypt. True, the country suffers from the same problems of unemployment, inflation, corruption, nepotism and authoritarian rule, but structurally Syria is defined by additional facts that need to be taken into account. Fact 1: Syria has a rather heterogeneous population divided along national, religious, sectarian, regional and socioeconomic lines. The ruling regime survives by manipulating mutual suspicions between these groups and their complex history. Syria’s ruling family, the Assads, come from the minority Alawite sect, which makes up less than 10% of the population. The elite striking units within the country’s armed forces, especially the Republican Guard , have a membership drawn almost exclusively from the Alawite community. These units are tasked primarily with ensuring the survival of the ruling regime and have no other national agenda to speak of. As such, in a showdown between regime and people, neutrality will not be much of an option – not unless the protesters are completely nonviolent and include critical representation from all communities, especially the Alawites. Barring such a development, the country could easily be sunk into the kind of showdowns that took place in the late 1970s and early 1980s, which culminated in the famous Hama massacre that left more than 20,000 Syrians dead. Another 25,000 people have since “disappeared”. Fact 2: Syria finds itself at the intersection of a regional power grab involving Iran, Israel, Saudi Arabia and, more recently, Turkey. None of these regional players seems necessarily keen on a change of leadership in Syria, especially if this change should come as a result of a popular grassroots uprising. While Israel’s only viable means of preventing such an uprising from taking place is lobbying its allies in the west to ease off their pressures on the Assads, Iran does not operate under such restrictions. There is nothing to prevent its leaders from supporting their allies the Assads with militias and weapons should the need arise. Turkey will view with suspicion any regional change that further underscores the need for addressing the Kurdish question in a more drastic manner than has already been done. As for Saudi Arabia, the kingdom’s aversion to revolutions and the unpredictability of grassroots-inspired change is well documented and seems to trump any other consideration. Fact 3: Syria is still suffering from the isolation it has experienced since the 1980s. As a result, the exposure of its people to the world outside their borders is relatively weak, at least in comparison with the situation in Tunisia and Egypt. Consequently, there are really no independent civil society institutions to speak of: no free unions, no independent student bodies, no active political opposition parties – in short, no structures that could enable people to organise themselves and rally others. More importantly, the international community has little leverage with Syria’s rulers, who have routinely shrugged off mediation efforts by a variety of diplomatic envoys. Fact 4: Syria has already witnessed a power transition, back in 2000. The current president, Bashar al-Assad, has had more than a decade now to consolidate his grip on power and put people loyal to him in all the right places. As such, this is no longer an ailing regime or one in mid-transition, but one in the full swing of things – one that has already survived a trial by fire in the period between 2003 and 2008, which came as result of American pressure. This regime will not easily fracture now. These facts, among others, make Syria a tough nut to crack if its glaring particularities are not taken seriously and factored into the thinking of those bent on cracking it. Personally, and as a Syrian democracy activist who believes that the natural place for our current leaders is a dark and damp prison cell where they can rot for the rest of their lives, there is nothing I would like to see more. But it is for this reason that I should caution my colleagues against getting too caught up in the emotional upheavals generated by the current goings-on in Tunisia and Egypt. For while the events might seem surprising, in reality they come as a culmination of years of on-the-ground preparations and exposure to external realities that played a key role in making young people aware of the possibilities, opportunities and alternatives that exist for them. If we are to draw inspiration from these events, as we should, let it be the right one: we need to work on charting a clearer vision for the future of our country and adopt effective communications strategies with our people that can enable us to bust the various myths that the regime has spread over the years. So long as minority communities in the country still believe that the Assads are their protectors, rather than the pariahs who amplify and prey on their fears, and so long as many of our young still believe that the Assads are true believers in resistance ideology rather than manipulators of it, we will have minimal chance to incite our people to rise up. More importantly, we should also accept that the real leadership role here is to be played by the grassroots activists scattered throughout the country. They are the ones who will have to decide when the right moment has come for us to have our day of anger. Syria Middle East Tunisia Egypt Protest Ammar Abdulhamid guardian.co.uk
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