There is no room for compromise. Either the entire Mubarak edifice falls, or the uprising is betrayed One cannot but note the “miraculous” nature of the events in Egypt : something has happened that few predicted, violating the experts’ opinions, as if the uprising was not simply the result of social causes but the intervention of a mysterious agency that we can call, in a Platonic way, the eternal idea of freedom, justice and dignity. The uprising was universal: it was immediately possible for all of us around the world to identify with it, to recognise what it was about, without any need for cultural analysis of the features of Egyptian society. In contrast to Iran’s Khomeini revolution (where leftists had to smuggle their message into the predominantly Islamist frame), here the frame is clearly that of a universal secular call for freedom and justice, so that the Muslim Brotherhood had to adopt the language of secular demands . The most sublime moment occurred when Muslims and Coptic Christians engaged in common prayer on Cairo’s Tahrir Square, chanting “We are one!” – providing the best answer to the sectarian religious violence. Those neocons who criticise multiculturalism on behalf of the universal values of freedom and democracy are now confronting their moment of truth: you want universal freedom and democracy? This is what people demand in Egypt, so why are the neocons uneasy? Is it because the protesters in Egypt mention freedom and dignity in the same breath as social and economic justice? From the start, the violence of the protesters has been purely symbolic, an act of radical and collective civil disobedience. They suspended the authority of the state – it was not just an inner liberation, but a social act of breaking chains of servitude. The physical violence was done by the hired Mubarak thugs entering Tahrir Square on horses and camels and beating people; the most protesters did was defend themselves. Although combative, the message of the protesters has not been one of killing. The demand was for Mubarak to go, and thus open up the space for freedom in Egypt, a freedom from which no one is excluded – the protesters’ call to the army, and even the hated police, was not “Death to you!”, but “We are brothers! Join us!”. This feature clearly distinguishes an emancipatory demonstration from a rightwing populist one: although the right’s mobilisation proclaims the organic unity of the people, it is a unity sustained by a call to annihilate the designated enemy (Jews, traitors). So where are we now? When an authoritarian regime approaches the final crisis, its dissolution tends to follow two steps. Before its actual collapse, a rupture takes place: all of a sudden people know that the game is over, they are simply no longer afraid. It is not only that the regime loses its legitimacy; its exercise of power itself is perceived as an impotent panic reaction. We all know the classic scene from cartoons: the cat reaches a precipice but goes on walking, ignoring the fact that there is no ground under its feet; it starts to fall only when it looks down and notices the abyss. When it loses its authority, the regime is like a cat above the precipice: in order to fall, it only has to be reminded to look down … In Shah of Shahs, a classic account of the Khomeini revolution, Ryszard Kapuscinski located the precise moment of this rupture: at a Tehran crossroads, a single demonstrator refused to budge when a policeman shouted at him to move, and the embarrassed policeman withdrew; within hours, all Tehran knew about this incident, and although street fights went on for weeks, everyone somehow knew the game was over. Is something similar going on in Egypt? For a couple of days at the beginning, it looked like Mubarak was already in the situation of the proverbial cat. Then we saw a well-planned operation to kidnap the revolution. The obscenity of this was breathtaking: the new vice-president, Omar Suleiman, a former secret police chief responsible for mass tortures, presented himself as the “human face” of the regime, the person to oversee the transition to democracy. Egypt’s struggle of endurance is not a conflict of visions, it is the conflict between a vision of freedom and a blind clinging to power that uses all means possible – terror, lack of food, simple tiredness, bribery with raised salaries – to squash the will to freedom. When President Obama welcomed the uprising as a legitimate expression of opinion that needs to be acknowledged by the government, the confusion was total: the crowds in Cairo and Alexandria did not want their demands to be acknowledged by the government, they denied the very legitimacy of the government. They didn’t want the Mubarak regime as a partner in a dialogue, they wanted Mubarak to go. They didn’t simply want a new government that would listen to their opinion, they wanted to reshape the entire state. They don’t have an opinion, they are the truth of the situation in Egypt. Mubarak understands this much better than Obama: there is no room for compromise here, as there was none when the Communist regimes were challenged in the late 1980s. Either the entire Mubarak power edifice falls down, or the uprising is co-opted and betrayed. And what about the fear that, after the fall of Mubarak, the new government will be hostile towards Israel? If the new government is genuinely the expression of a people that proudly enjoys its freedom, then there is nothing to fear: antisemitism can only grow in conditions of despair and oppression. (A CNN report from an Egyptian province showed how the government is spreading rumours there that the organisers of the protests and foreign journalists were sent by the Jews to weaken Egypt – so much for Mubarak as a friend of the Jews.) One of the cruellest ironies of the current situation is the west’s concern that the transition should proceed in a “lawful” way – as if Egypt had the rule of law until now. Are we already forgetting that, for many long years, Egypt was in a permanent state of emergency ? Mubarak suspended the rule of law, keeping the entire country in a state of political immobility, stifling genuine political life. It makes sense that so many people on the streets of Cairo claim that they now feel alive for the first time in their lives. Whatever happens next, what is crucial is that this sense of “feeling alive” is not buried by cynical realpolitik. Egypt Protest Middle East Hosni Mubarak Slavoj Žižek guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …The number of 24/7 broadcasting 3D channels in the US will go from one to three next week, now that Sony, Imax and Discovery have announced the launch of their channel, 3net , on DirecTV alongside its existing n3D channel and ESPN 3D , which will start looping its sports videos 24/7 on Valentine’s Day . Scheduled to go live at 8 p.m. Sunday night on channel 107 it promises fresh debuts all month with a new show added to the rotation every night at 9 p.m. It’s big promise is to “offer viewers the largest library of native 3D entertainment content in the world by the end of 2011″ although any 3D TV owners who don’t have DirecTV would probably just be glad if it got added to their channel lineups anytime soon, check the press release after the break for all the details. Continue reading 3net 24/7 3D channel launches this weekend, but only on DirecTV 3net 24/7 3D channel launches this weekend, but only on DirecTV originally appeared on Engadget on Thu, 10 Feb 2011 14:14:00 EDT. Please see our terms for use of feeds . Permalink
Continue reading …Click here to view this media I am new to Crooks and Liars. Last Friday when Open Left, where I had blogged previously, sadly closed down, John emailed me that very afternoon to ask me to blog here. My answer was that “I would be thrilled,” and so I am. I have had decades of activism and involvement in women’s rights women’s abortion rights. Abortion rights are absolutely the integral to the ideas and attainment of freedom and equality for women. Without them, they can not be free or equal, or even safe. This is part 3 of my series on HR #3 which I began at Open Left. Given the rapid onslaught of anti-abortion legislation being produced by the radical Republican right (the only jobs they seem to be producing are for clerks who have to write up the legislation), I will be writing more. Here are the prior two posts in this series. An Anti Abortion Bill and lots, lots more HR #3: The Whole Bill is Rape – Not Just the Rape Provision David Waldman (aka KagroX) wrote an excellent post at Daily Kos last about just how potentially big a net the theory underlying this bill could cast. Very wide, wide enough to get a whale. It’s titled, “H.R. 3 hides even bigger dangers than redefinition of rape” . Again I quote him: ” Take the rape provisions out, and you’re left with a bill that paves the way for using the tax code to select every American’s health care options for them, direct from Washington.” The bill lays the groundwork for the radical right to target every social and economic advance that they don’t like. And they don’t like much. They are redefining the purpose of the tax code. Taxes are meant to raise money and to apportion fairly the burdens and benefits of government. Taxes have been used to promote innovation like the R&D credit. Or not, like the oil depletion allowance or agricultural subsidies. The tax code has been used to allow religious groups to sustain their mission – to worship and to make the world a better place. The tax code, as we can see from the church/synagogue/mosque-friendly provisions, have long served social goals as well. But that can now be used to go after social goods. More after the fold from me and I quote David In H.R. 3, Republicans revive the mid-90s “Istook amendment” theory of the fungibility of money to include under their definition of “taxpayer funding for abortion” all tax deductions, credits or other benefits for the cost of health insurance, when that insurance includes under its plan coverage for abortion. So if a company provides health care benefits for its employees, and the plan they pay for includes coverage for abortion, the company becomes ineligible for the normal federal tax deductions and credits that are the usual reward for providing benefits. That’s a gigantic tax increase. If you pay for your own coverage directly, no deductions, credits, etc. for you, either, if the plan you select offers abortion coverage. Whether you or someone on your plan ever gets one or not. All deductions associated with your health care costs are disallowed. That, apparently, will impact approximately 87 percent of private insurance plans on the market today. That would be a huge tax increase. So they would be using a tax increase to bring about one social change they have long pursued. But they can now pursue the same in many other areas. What are some of them? Next let’s count the ways that the right in general — first led by their anti-abortion zealots — could target the social, political and economic goods they don’t like. Again I quote David first who said this ( via email) If the anti-choice zealots can successfully enact a law that gives the federal government the inroads and leverage to impose tax penalties on the availability of abortion services coverage, what prevents their using the same power to penalize contraception coverage? And that’s just the smallest theoretical step you can make from the abortion issue. Nevermind that the theory is the same whether they want to reach into other areas of medical coverage, or anything else they’d like to get their hands on? Same sex partner benefits, for instance? You can all certainly imagine more. And you should try to imagine them. I would encourage you to try to think about how they could come up with a way to burn your own favorite issue group, no matter what it might be. Because this theory gives them the power to do it. Some more but not limited to : Unions – they can go after union health benefits Environmental – It can be used to target green energy initiatives of all kinds..from solar panels on your roof or your company’s roof to putting better insulation into your homes or an office building. These guys think global warming is just a hoax. Why should your taxes fund a hoax? Medical – they can go after all sorts of medical deductions – like people who use fertility drugs or get HIV medicine under the theory that they disapprove of homosexuality, even chiropractors or any other medical advances they think goes too far. It puts them between you and your choice of a doctor. The AMA, nurses and hospitals, even midwives should be alarmed. Hospitals : If money is fungible… Federal money like Medicare or the PPACA, the Affordable Care Act, funds goes to hospitals. They go to hospitals for providing care to Medicare and Medicaid patients or to patients under the exchanges (to come) or now with the High Risk pools . But what if hospitals perform abortions or do in vitro fertilization or have researchers who are on staff do stem cell research elsewhere? Well this theory permits, no mandates that those federal funds, Medicare and Medicaid funds, could be at the very least withheld or even clawed back? Public money has just permitted that hospital to spend other money, so of course this is a perfect place to go after next. ( Indeed when I report on the two hearings on HR #3 and HR #358 we will see the particular mechanisms they are using in this bill to target hospitals). Hospitals not only protect patients from the harassment they have been subjected to at private clinics, but most crucially, hospitals are the only way to train interns and residents in how to provide SAFE abortions. States : Or what about the 17 states thay fund abortions fo poor women with their own state funds? Actually in HR #3, Section311(c)(A) and (B) would allow actions to be brought in “The Courts”…to prevent and redress actual and threatened violations of this section Via (A) injunctive relief or (B) or to prevent disbursement of federal funds to state or local governments, to an agency or to any program of a State or local government. That seems to be pretty complete and those states that provide Medicaid funding could very well have those programs in jeopardy. ( This seems in HR #3 to be premised on the violation of what they call the non discrimination clause…) Religious – good way to go after building programs they don’t like or religions they don’t like. You would think this alone would give them pause. And it could boomerang against them. A And as Congressman Nadler said in the hearings on HR #3, if the tax benefits for abortion are considered federal funds, then any and all benefits a religious institution would receive would be the same. Which would of course be a violation of the First Amendment ( a lot better Amendment than Hyde) establishment of religion prohibition and therefore the tax status of the Catholic Church or a Synagogue or a Mosque would have to disappear. Actually since the tax code touches many parts of our lives, I am sure, just like creative accountants find ways around it, that creative right wing legislators could comb through it to prohibit any activity of which they disapprove. Then this country will begin to measure up or down to their cramped “values” As Jessica Arons pointed out in her piece I first posted What’s more, H.R. 3 would redefine the concept of government funding far beyond the current common understanding. It does not simply prohibit the use of federal funds to directly pay for abortion. Instead, it would insert itself into every crevice of government activity and prohibit even private and nonfederal government funds from being spent on any activity related to the provision of abortion any time federal money is involved in funding or subsidizing other, nonabortion-related activities. Taken to its logical conclusion, this line of thinking would prohibit roads built with federal funds from passing by abortion clinics, drugs developed by the National Institutes of Health or approved by the Food and Drug Administration from being used at abortion clinics, or medical students with government loans from receiving abortion training-all because such uses could be viewed as “subsidizing” abortion with federal dollars. Even those who agree with the notion that the government should not fund abortion should be wary of the Smith bill, as it would set a dangerous precedent for government spending in areas well beyond abortion. For instance, if its reasoning were extended, religious institutions and faith-based organizations could not obtain tax-exempt status, receive government vouchers to run schools, or accept government funding to carry out secular activities because such government involvement could be viewed as “subsidizing” religious activities and violating the constitutional doctrine of the separation of church and state. So this bill is so dangerous to private lives and private decisions that a very broad coalition shoud come together to fight it. It is even potentially inimical to the interests and values of libertarians and even Tea Partier, s that even they should together join this coalition to stop this bill from passing. Could this bill pass? Well was it hoped that under a new, pro choice Democratic president that advances on abortion rights were finally coming up to bat. So was it contemplated in October 2009 that, under a Democratic president, restrictions on abortion could pass in the health care bill? We have a template for our answer. Yes it could pass. There are many ways to get a bill to the floor of the Senate without Harry Reid doing it himself. Digby said: Democrats…..{are} failing to engage on the real issue the Republicans are targeting, which is a further restriction on abortion rights and the final codification of Hyde. And as usual, I have to wonder if they can possibly be this dumb or if they are preparing to cave as part of their ongoing quixotic strategy to find “common ground” going into 2012. Indeed, considering the president’s comments about “tradition” I have to think he would be more than willing to entertain a bipartisan agreement on this issue. There is no reason to believe that he won’t sign the bill. Remember when they said no way would the House Republican’s repeal of the health care bill ever reach the floor of the Senate? Well yesterday it reached the floor of the Senate via an amendment to the FAA authoirization bill. The same amendment route could bring HR #3 to the floor. Fortunately the president has made it very clear to his own party that there was no point in voting with the Republilcans because he would veto it. So it lost. Would this bill have the same promise of a presidential disapproval and veto? So far no luck in that regard. Chris Bowers in the press availablity with David Axelrad got this response when he asked: Q Next week the House is going to pass a bill called the No Taxpayer-funded Abortion Act. And there’s a not insignificant chance it will pass the Senate as well. What would President Obama do if that got to his desk? MR. AXELROD: Well, you know it is unfortunate that the health care debate has now shifted there. We’ve got a lot of challenges that we need to deal with, primary challenges that we’re facing — the economy — and the President outlined some of them last night. Obviously this is a very divisive issue. And one would hope that we don’t take that path and repeat old debates and divisions to the exclusion of dealing with things that are so fundamental right now for the country on which there’s some consensus. So I haven’t seen — I don’t know what exactly will pass Congress. Obviously, his position on this issue is well known. And we believe that it was addressed responsibly in the health care bill in the first place. But I mean, I just don’t know what’s coming, so it would probably be precipitous of me to say — to even accept your hypothesis that it’s going to arrive. Axelrad would have said the same of the helath care repeal bill. So if the president is standing on the sidelines or maybe even looking for bipartisan comity what are the prospects for passage? Many members of the House in the hearings of the last two days have expressed faith that the president would never sign such a bill. But silence from the WH can only allow the right wing to keep quoting him, as they did over and over again in the hearings, that he would agree with them as he has stated a significant number of times that prohibition of federal funds for abortion is a “tradition”. Me, I thought that was either a song from Fiddler on the Roof or turkey at Thanksgiving. What happened to the health care bill battle? Recall that during the health care debate, the champions of the choice community in Congress were convinced to jump out of the way of the eventual Stupak/Nelson driven “compromise” language on the theory that it went no further than Hyde, and that Congress had become used to passing Hyde amendments, anyway, so why endanger the health care bill by objecting now? The proponents of H.R. 3 make the false (but possibly attractive) argument that this “just codifies” Hyde, and since pro-choice champions once agreed to get out of the way of such measures, they might as well agree to do so again. I’m not so sure that the Senate wouldn’t jump out of the way again, on precisely that theory. There’s a far better chance of it being blocked as a stand-alone measure, of course. But that would almost certainly not be the end of it. It’d come up as an amendment time and time again. Just see how quickly Republicans in the Senate got a vote on total health care repeal even after Democrats comfortably insisted that that could never happen. The same play would work for H.R. 3. We need a broad, vigilant coalition that understands that, while for the moment this may seem to just target abortion by “just codifying the Hyde Amendment”, the pivot to target other values, goals, benefits etc would be easy and probably pretty quick. Since the basis for this bill is the Hyde Amendment, we should to defend our rights is to go on offense. The Hyde Amendment is wrong. The principle it espouses it wrong. It is based on the idea that only women can be excluded from all the positive rights that we as citizens have. It began as a measure aimed at the most vulnerable target – poor women . We have let Hyde alone for 30 years. It did not go fallow. It has sprouted terrible new seeds. Not going after the Hyde Amendment has opened a huge back door to going after the rights of eveyone else. It always seems most expedient to fight the immediate fight in front of you, to limit yourself to the resources at hand. But the right wing, especially the anti choice contingent doesn’t do that. They have planned ahead. They have thought big and long. They may start small and build inroads, but all the while never conceding that main point – that no one should ever be allowed to have an abortion, REPEAL THE HYDE AMENDMENT. One of the most famous strategists in the world, von Clausewitz, would tell us: “The best defense is a good offense ” When one doesn’t defend the rights of those most oppressed, it eventually imperils the rights of us all.
Continue reading …The media have focused on Facebook and Twitter, but the pro-democracy movements have flourished thanks to unions Perhaps the most overlooked factor in the demise of the authoritarian Ben Ali regime in Tunisia, and the weakening of Hosni Mubarak’s grip on state power in Egypt, has been the trade unions in both countries. While the media has reported on social networks such as Twitter and Facebook as revolutionary methods of mobilisation, it was the old-fashioned working class that enabled the pro-democracy movements to flourish. As working men and women in Egypt became increasingly vulnerable to exploitation and a deteriorating quality of life, the only legal trade unions – the ones affiliated to the Egyptian Trade Union Federation (ETUF) – proved worthless. The result of all of this was an unprecedented wave of strikes across the public and private sectors that began in 2004 and has continued to the present day. During the first four years of the current strike wave, more than 1,900 strikes took place and an estimated 1.7 million workers were involved. As one worker in a fertiliser company put it, the effect of going on strike was to convince the employer “that they had a company with human beings working in it. In the past, they dealt with us as if we were not human.” The strikes began in the clothing and textile sector, and moved on to building workers, transport workers, food processing workers, even the workers on the Cairo metro. The biggest and most important took place back in 2006 at Misr Spinning and Weaving, a company that employs some 25,000 workers. The state-controlled ETUF opposed these strikes and supported the government’s privatisation plans. A turning point was reached when municipal tax collectors not only went on strike, but staged a three-day, 10,000-strong sit-in in the streets of Cairo, opposite the prime minister’s office. This could not be ignored, and the government was forced to allow the formation last year of the first independent trade union in more than half a century. Pro-labour NGOs played a critical role in providing support and guidance to these strikes and protests. As a result, they were targeted by the regime, their offices closed and leaders arrested. The best known of these groups is the Centre for Trade Union and Worker Services (CTUWS), which has been around since 1990. Groups such as the CTUWS in turn enlisted the support of trade unions in other countries, and that support was invaluable – particularly in persuading the government to ease up on repression. Those links with the international trade union movement have proven critical in recent days as well. When the Mubarak regime tried to cut off Egypt from the internet, CTUWS activists were able to phone in their daily communiques to the AFL-CIO’s Solidarity Centre in Washington. The messages were transcribed, translated from the Arabic, and passed on to the wider trade union world using websites such as LabourStart. In sharp contrast to the last seven years of Egyptian labour unrest, the Tunisian trade unions played a kingmaker role during the end phase of the uprising. After decades of lethargy, docility and state domination of the General Tunisian Workers’ Union (UGTT), Tunisia’s largest employee organisation –with roughly half a million members – helped not only eradicate Ben Ali’s regime , but determined the shape of the post-Ben Ali government. Working-class Tunisians were animated by the same goals as their Egyptian counterparts; namely, the desire to secure dignity and respect, bring about real political democracy, and improve their standard of living. Mushrooming disapproval of Ben Ali’s regime among trade union members, coupled with a vibrant youth movement demanding dignity and greater employment opportunities, seems to explain the shift of top-level UGTT officials who had hitherto been loyal Ben Ali. Cultivating democracy in Tunisia, and Egypt requires two pre-conditions. First, workers’ organisations must remain independent of state control. Second, to blunt the Iranian model, Islamists must be barred from hijacking free trade unions. This helps to explain the worries of Habib Jerjir, a labour leader from the Regional Workers’ Union of Tunis: “That’s the danger,” he said . “I’m against political Islam. We must block their path.” The UGTT, founded more than 60 years ago, has a history of strike action. Take the examples of the 1977 strike against a state-owned textile plant in Ksar Hellal, and a work stoppage involving phosphate miners in the same year, which secured a victory. The UGTT also called for an unprecedented general strike in 1978. In a precursor to the December-January protests against Ben Ali’s corrupt system, phosphate mine workers in Gafsa waged a six-month battle against a manipulated recruitment process which sparked resistance among young unemployed workers. Rising discontent with the nepotism and cronyism of the state-controlled UGTT prompted workers to occupy the regional office . This means that participatory economic democracy played a decisive role in Tunisian society before the Jasmine revolution. Ben Ali swiftly suffocated free and democratic trade union activity during his 23-year domination over organised labour (1987-2011). But he could not extinguish democratic aspirations among workers. There are no exact parallels, but much of this reminds us of what happened in Poland in 1979-80. There, as in Egypt and Tunisia, we saw a mixture of a repressive, single-party state with trade unions that functioned as an arm of the ruling party. But there was also a network of NGOs that quietly worked behind the scenes, in workplaces and communities. The result was the 1980 strike at the Lenin shipyard in Gdansk, the formation of Solidarnosc, and the end not only of the Communist regime in Poland but of the entire Soviet empire. Today’s pro-democracy revolutions in Egypt and Tunisia are the culmination of that process, and where it will lead we cannot predict – though Poland does provide an appealing model. The pressing point is that experts misjudged the tumult in Egypt and Tunisia largely because they ignored and overlooked the democratic aspirations of working-class Tunisians and Egyptians. To understand why so many authoritarian Arab regimes remain fragile, one need to only to look through the window on to the court of labour relations. Egypt Tunisia Protest Middle East Social networking Eric Lee Benjamin Weinthal guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Images from the protests in Egypt have put the relationship between funding security and development in the spotlight Over the last two weeks, images emerged from Egypt revealing foreign aid as a crucial protagonist in the ongoing protests. Egyptian riot police had been photographed in the streets of Cairo hurling teargas canisters labelled “Made in the USA” , and fighter jets were filmed flying above the protests in a dramatic show of force. The images have propelled the relationship between security and development to the forefront of policy debates. What the development economist William Easterly had called “the dirty secret” of the international aid system – the nonchalance of donors in the face of government repression in recipient countries – is now (nearly) frontpage news. To be sure, US aid in Egypt has gone to fund programmes focused on health, education and trade, but the vast majority of the multibillion-dollar US aid package to Egypt has been spent on military and domestic security initiatives . Whether intentional or not, foreign aid to Mubarak’s regime is widely seen to have strengthened the government’s ability to confront popular movements. While the images from Egypt are extreme, the role of US foreign assistance there fits the trend of aid programmes becoming increasingly involved in “state-building” – training police, raising taxes and helping governments to win and maintain legitimacy. With budgets on the chopping-block in the US and a commitment to rapid deficit reduction in the UK, these images are a thorn in the side of those who argue that stability and security are essential preconditions of development (and thus argue for aid programmes to strengthen a state’s “capacity” to maintain such stability and security). Just last week, Britain’s shadow international development secretary, Harriet Harman, called on supporters of UK aid to remake the argument and relearn how to campaign for international development , arguing against those who say this is not the time to “grow the aid budget”. Development abroad “is in our national self-interest”, said Harman, as “poverty fosters conflict and drives global migration”. Andrew Mitchell, the UK international development secretary, last week unveiled plans to triple aid efforts in Somalia along precisely the same lines. Amid warnings of severe drought and an escalating malnutrition crisis , Mitchell said: “This is not just aid from Britain, it is aid for Britain too. Our aid to Somalia is helping to make Britain safer , because conflict doesn’t just claim innocent lives in Somalia, it also leads to international problems like piracy, migration and terrorism. None of these will be solved without tackling their root causes – ongoing instability and extreme poverty.” The increased focus on “fragile” and “conflict-affected” states – where the UK, for example, is set to increase spending from £1.8bn in 2010 to £3.8bn in 2014-15 – has renewed questions as to what exactly aid should be doing, and about what kind of relationship aid donors should have with recipients. Today, Oxfam releases a report on the “politicisation” of aid in conflict zones, outlining the human cost of blurring security and development policies and projects. On the ground, Oxfam points to the increased risk posed to those who give and receive aid. Meanwhile, the report argues that the subordination of needs-based aid decisions to national security objectives means that “strategic” countries – and “strategic” areas within countries – get disproportionate amounts of aid to the neglect of other equally poor, and equally “conflict-affected”, neighbours. Some would argue that there is nothing new about this, that aid has always been political, and that it would be unreasonable to expect states to ignore their own interests when signing off on budgets and overseas projects. Writing in Foreign Policy last month , Médecins Sans Frontières’ former country representative in Afghanistan, Michiel Hofman, said governments, along with private companies, “have made their choices and can claim neither neutrality nor independence” for themselves or for the aid projects they design and deliver. Hofman instead takes aim at NGOs that claim neutrality on the one hand and implement what he calls “nation-building projects” for government agencies on the other. By working with governments in a conflict zone, NGOs effectively choose sides in the war, says Hofman. But unlike government agencies, he argues that NGOs can and should make the choice to work independently and must reorient themselves so that they focus their assistance solely on needs. Others might reasonably point to forums like the UN, suggesting that the neutrality of aid could be better protected if funds flowed through multilateral organisations rather than through bilateral agreements between states. Though one could argue whether or not the UN could ever represent a truly even playing field, the hope of this argument is that the individual security interests of the wealthy and the powerful would at least be significantly diluted. Whether states would ever agree to send more of their aid through multilateral agencies is another question. Of course, a myriad of other questions remain. Even if NGOs distanced themselves from the security interests of governments, and even if more money flowed through multilateral organisations – diluting the influence of these security interests – what’s to say that aid projects would be any more effective? Could a “de-politicisation” of aid avoid producing casualties of its own? It’s clear that there are few other foreign policy debates as timely and as controversial as the relationship between security and development. Ongoing and intensifying scrutiny of government aid budgets offers an opportunity not (just) to “remake the argument for aid” or to “relearn how to campaign for aid”, but also to rethink what aid should do and reimagine relationships between aid donors and recipients. An opportunity not to be overlooked. Egypt Middle East Aid Claire Provost guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …On the one hand there is vice-president Omar Suleiman, and on the other young activist Wael Ghonim You only have to hear and see the two men for a few minutes to understand what is at stake in Egypt. On the one hand there is vice-president Omar Suleiman, with his clipped moustache and beautifully cut suits. Clearly intelligent, but also inherently slippery, his words are intended to be reassuring, but every now and then there is a hint of menace. He may well be less wily and less in control than he likes to appear, as our story today on the state of negotiations suggests, but this is still the face of a survivor, a fixer, and a believer in the authority over others of old foxes like himself which his own body language so obviously conveys. Look at the other face, that of Wael Ghonim, the young activist who has some claim to have triggered the Egyptian uprising with his Facebook postings. It is almost bashful, even shy. There is no guile there. His insistence on the diverse nature of the protest movement and his refusal to grab at a leadership role show a pleasing modesty. His honesty in admitting that his own hopes had not initially included the removal of President Mubarak, his care to underline the fact that he was not ill-treated while in detention, and the emotion he displayed when shown pictures of some of those who died in Tahrir Square – all these speak of an open heart and an open mind. His appearance on television on Monday night is certainly one reason why protesters went to Tahrir Square on Tuesday in such numbers. On the very day when the old regime was hoping the revolution would run out of steam, it instead gathered fresh strength. But Tahrir is now as much a cul-de-sac politically as it has become physically. It cannot be abandoned by the protesters because it is symbolically too important, yet just being in Tahrir is not enough. On the other hand, the regime cannot clear the square by the use of force because that would be the wrong kind of victory for them. Some protesters now want to march to parliament or to the headquarters of state TV . They may do so, but the real struggle is now as much about information as location. In a quasi-authoritarian society like Egypt most people did not believe in the government-controlled media in any simple way. And they knew that they could expect little in the way of authenticity or sincerity there. But they studied it nevertheless for coded versions of what was happening. Now a stronger parallel media may be emerging, at the same time as those sections of the old media which had a degree of independence are getting bolder, and cracks are appearing even in the monolithic face of regime stalwarts like Al-Ahram. The return of al-Jazeera to the Egyptian airwaves this week, a concession the regime almost had to make, will reinforce this process. Suleiman’s first reaction was to try to seize control of the political narrative. With his allegations of foreign interference, he attempted to portray the protesters as innocents being used by malign outside forces. With his accounts of harmonious encounters with opposition groups, implying a general agreement on how to proceed was just round the corner, he tried to suggest a process of reconciliation was well under way. With his constant references to the president’s wishes, and his juggling with paper committees, he tried to project a non-existent consensus on the need for Mr Mubarak to remain. Not everything Suleiman has to say is wrong, but the version of events which he, and the regime more generally, offer is tendentious. The fact that it is now so contested is a hopeful development. The allegations about army mistreatment of protesters which we report today, for instance, could shift popular understanding about the real position of the military and affect events in a way not possible before. The people of Egypt can now look from one face to another and decide on their own which they are most ready to trust. Hosni Mubarak Egypt Protest Middle East guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Chris Matthews, on Thursday's Hardball, really laid it on thick in his tease for his upcoming special on Bill Clinton's post presidency as he exalted :”Other American presidents have done things before, after leaving office, but nothing on this level or planetary scope” and glorified: “We've never had a world leader like this before!”
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