Click here to view this media On CNN’s The Situation Room today, The New York Time’s Nick Kristof does something we don’t see on these cable news shows very often if ever; admits that the United States has a problem that includes the word “oil” when it comes to what countries we decide are worth involving ourselves in that have a horrible humanitarian crisis going on. BLITZER: When should the United States intervene, militarily, in a country where awful things are happening, for example, like Libya as opposed to the Ivory Coast or Sudan, Darfur? What’s the benchmark there? KRISTOF: Well, I think that a lot of critics, especially liberal critics, are pointing to the U.S. involvement in Libya and saying this is inconsistent. This is hypocritical because you are intervening with a country with oil, and you don’t intervene in a country that undergoes terrible humanitarian disasters for an even longer period, that doesn’t have oil. You know, I think we have to plead guilty. There is a real inconsistency there. But I guess I would also say, you have to start somewhere. One of the oldest problems in the world of humanitarianism and the world of international relations is what you do when a leader begins to devour his people. We are not going to intervene in every case, but in some cases we will be able to build an international coalition, and there will be the popular support that will make it clear that we can actually accomplish something. So I think that in this case we should do it. I would point out that in other areas of humanitarian intervention, for example, feeding the starving. We don’t have to say that unless we reach every starving child, it’s not worth it. Just because we didn’t intervene in some cases we still should have intervened in Bosnia. I think we should have intervened in Rwanda. I would love to see more international attention to the tragedy unfolding in Ivory Coast, but if we can’t muster the gumption to do that, let’s at least support the people of Libya and prevent massacres there. I think that would be easier for a lot of people to do if we weren’t already so cynical about the reasons for our military interventions in the Middle East and other areas and propping up so many bad actors whenever it’s convenient for us if it suits the financial interests of big multi-national corporations.
Continue reading …Gaddafi’s forces ousted with help from international airstrikes as regime accuses coalition of trying to push Libya into civil war Libyan rebels have entered the key oil town of Ras Lanuf after routing Muammar Gaddafi’s forces in Brega with help from UN-backed airstrikes that tipped the balance away from the military. Brega, the main oil export terminal in eastern Libya, fell after a skirmish late on Saturday, with rebels continuing their push westwards to Ras Lanuf and its large oil refinery. “There is no Gaddafi army in Ras Lanuf,” said rebel fighter Walid al-Arabi, quoting rebels who had returned from the town, and that the frontline was now west of Ras Lanuf. Earlier, rebel commander Ahmed Jibril, manning a checkpoint on the western edge of Brega, said: “There are no Gaddafi forces here now, the rebels have Brega under their full control, it is free.” The two oil towns are responsible for a large chunk of Libya’s oil production, which has all but stopped since the uprising that began on 15 February and was inspired by the toppling of governments in Tunisia and Egypt. The Gaddafi regime on Saturday acknowledged the airstrikes had forced its troops to retreat and accused international forces of choosing sides. “This is the objective of the coalition now, it is not to protect civilians because now they are directly fighting against the armed forces,” Khaled Kaim, the deputy foreign minister, said in the capital, Tripoli. “They are trying to push the country to the brink of a civil war.” The fall of Ajdabiya after days of artillery duels and air bombardment delivered the Libyan revolutionaries their first significant victory over Gaddafi’s forces since the coalition air strikes began a week ago. The Libyan army sat outside town, astride the main coastal highway, blocking the rebels’ attempts to advance west toward the capital and recapture territory lost as Gaddafi found his footing after the initial shock of the uprising. On Friday, the insurgents moved rocket launchers and other weapons down the road from Benghazi, then said they fought through the night with the dug-in enemy. “We hit them with our rockets and RPGs,” said Mohammed Rahim, a former regular soldier wearing a makeshift uniform of blue camouflage jacket and green trousers. He went over to the rebels at the beginning of the uprising. “The fighting went on all night. It was a big battle. All the fighters came from Benghazi for it.” However, the destruction of tanks on the edge of the town suggested it was air strikes by coalition forces, ostensibly to protect civilians, that had finally broken the back of strong resistance by army forces before the rebels moved in. The length of time it took the insurgents to overcome the army, and the rebels’ reliance on air strikes to destroy the bulk of its armour before finally taking Ajdabiya, confirmed how dependent the poorly armed and inexperienced revolutionaries are on foreign air forces to fight their war for them. Six wrecked tanks marked the road into the town alongside artillery guns and rocket launchers mangled by the missiles from beyond the clouds. Ammunition littered the ground. Other guns were left intact and were hauled away by the rebels for the next battle. On the other side of Ajdabiya, where the road heads west out of town, were more destroyed tanks and armoured vehicles. Others sat by the roadside unscathed. Abandoned piles of weapons and ammunition, including Russian-made tank shells and rocket-propelled grenades, suggested Gaddafi’s forces had left in a hurry. The rebels swiftly arrived with transporters to remove the armour to add to an expanding revolutionary tank force that has yet to see action. Corpses of Gaddafi’s fighters lay among some of the clusters of armour, but around others there was no sign of bodies, perhaps further evidence that they had fled from their tanks in fear of the air strikes. At least 20 tanks were destroyed or abandoned along with artillery guns and rocket launchers. The strikes also appeared to have destroyed a military barracks. One of the rebel fighters, Mansour Mahdy, acknowledged that the battle would not have been won without foreign planes. “We are very grateful to the west. Everyone wants to thank France. Was it France this time? Or America? We thank them all,” he said. Days of air strikes were carried out by both countries, alongside British aircraft. The rebels took control of a mostly empty town, raising the revolutionary flag – the pre-Gaddafi-era ensign – and firing off more bullets in celebration. As word spread that the fighting was over, residents began to return in hundreds of cars . The few among the town’s 130,000 people who endured the siege were relieved but stunned. Some gave accounts of Gaddafi’s security men hunting down rebel sympathisers when they occupied the town. One man said he was looking for his brother and feared he had been executed or taken to prison in Tripoli. Other residents said they had not been badly treated and that, after the initial street battles and occasional shelling, the hardest part had been to endure a town with no electricity or water and dwindling food supplies. The local hospital closed after most of the staff fled because they feared they would be targeted by Gaddafi’s forces after some doctors publicly sided with the rebels. One elderly man did not seem to view it as liberation. He said he feared the fighting would return. He did not seem entirely trustful of the rebels either. “We never had this before, all these men with guns. This was a peaceful town. Now everyone has run away. We did not ask for this,” he said. The victory will provide a boost to morale in rebel-held territory after a string of defeats that saw the army even invading the de facto rebel capital of Benghazi until Gaddafi’s forces were destroyed by the first air strikes. But for all the celebrations, the rebels’ struggle to overcome the relatively limited defences of Ajdabiya does not bode well for their bellicose threats to march all the way to Tripoli. If Ajdabiya is the example, it offers the prospect of a protracted conflict or military stalemate, largely decided by how far the western allies are prepared to go in support of the rebels’ advance. Unless the regime cracks under other pressures, such as a sudden collapse of support for Gaddafi from within his own system, there appears little prospect of the rebels marching on Tripoli unless Britain, France and the US are prepared to offer rolling air cover for the revolutionaries that obliterates the regime’s ability to fight. The revolutionaries were able to move swiftly along the coastal road and retake Brega and Ras Lanuf, which they held at the beginning of the uprising. But moving on to the larger and more politically important town of Sirte may prove to be a challenge too far. Sirte is Gaddafi’s birthplace and he once proposed making it Libya’s capital. He is likely to reinforce the town because its fall would be a devastating blow. A rebel assault on Sirte would also raise a dilemma for Nato and the coalition leading the air strikes. The UN resolution permits military action in defence of civilians. Until now, it has been Gaddafi’s forces threatening rebel-held cities such as Benghazi, Misrata and Ajdabiya. But a rebel assault on Sirte would present the question of whether the coalition is prepared to launch air strikes to help take a town that has not risen up against Gaddafi. If not, it appears unlikely the rebels will be able to overcome the regime’s defences in Sirte on their own. Alternatively, if Gaddafi’s forces make a stand in the desert, where no civilians are threatened, that would also present the coalition forces with difficulty in justifying air strikes in support of the rebels. The revolutionary leadership had not expected Gaddafi’s forces to hold out for as long as they did at Ajdabiya, a sign that they are not entirely deterred from fighting by the air strikes. The rebels’ military spokesman, Colonel Ahmed Omar Bani, has said that promises of weapons had been made by several foreign government that he declined to name, although none had so far delivered any. But given the rebels’ poor combat record on the battlefield, where the civilian volunteers who have joined their ranks have proved to be ill-disciplined and prone to flee in chaos, there may be a reluctance to supply weapons that might fall into the hands of Gaddafi’s military. For all its insistence that it will not accept a divided Libya, the revolutionary council is increasingly adjusting to the reality that it may be facing stalemate and governing the rump of a country until Gaddafi’s regime implodes. Libya Middle East Arab and Middle East unrest Chris McGreal guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Gaddafi’s forces ousted with help from international airstrikes as regime accuses coalition of trying to push Libya into civil war Libyan rebels have entered the key oil town of Ras Lanuf after routing Muammar Gaddafi’s forces in Brega with help from UN-backed airstrikes that tipped the balance away from the military. Brega, the main oil export terminal in eastern Libya, fell after a skirmish late on Saturday, with rebels continuing their push westwards to Ras Lanuf and its large oil refinery. “There is no Gaddafi army in Ras Lanuf,” said rebel fighter Walid al-Arabi, quoting rebels who had returned from the town, and that the frontline was now west of Ras Lanuf. Earlier, rebel commander Ahmed Jibril, manning a checkpoint on the western edge of Brega, said: “There are no Gaddafi forces here now, the rebels have Brega under their full control, it is free.” The two oil towns are responsible for a large chunk of Libya’s oil production, which has all but stopped since the uprising that began on 15 February and was inspired by the toppling of governments in Tunisia and Egypt. The Gaddafi regime on Saturday acknowledged the airstrikes had forced its troops to retreat and accused international forces of choosing sides. “This is the objective of the coalition now, it is not to protect civilians because now they are directly fighting against the armed forces,” Khaled Kaim, the deputy foreign minister, said in the capital, Tripoli. “They are trying to push the country to the brink of a civil war.” The fall of Ajdabiya after days of artillery duels and air bombardment delivered the Libyan revolutionaries their first significant victory over Gaddafi’s forces since the coalition air strikes began a week ago. The Libyan army sat outside town, astride the main coastal highway, blocking the rebels’ attempts to advance west toward the capital and recapture territory lost as Gaddafi found his footing after the initial shock of the uprising. On Friday, the insurgents moved rocket launchers and other weapons down the road from Benghazi, then said they fought through the night with the dug-in enemy. “We hit them with our rockets and RPGs,” said Mohammed Rahim, a former regular soldier wearing a makeshift uniform of blue camouflage jacket and green trousers. He went over to the rebels at the beginning of the uprising. “The fighting went on all night. It was a big battle. All the fighters came from Benghazi for it.” However, the destruction of tanks on the edge of the town suggested it was air strikes by coalition forces, ostensibly to protect civilians, that had finally broken the back of strong resistance by army forces before the rebels moved in. The length of time it took the insurgents to overcome the army, and the rebels’ reliance on air strikes to destroy the bulk of its armour before finally taking Ajdabiya, confirmed how dependent the poorly armed and inexperienced revolutionaries are on foreign air forces to fight their war for them. Six wrecked tanks marked the road into the town alongside artillery guns and rocket launchers mangled by the missiles from beyond the clouds. Ammunition littered the ground. Other guns were left intact and were hauled away by the rebels for the next battle. On the other side of Ajdabiya, where the road heads west out of town, were more destroyed tanks and armoured vehicles. Others sat by the roadside unscathed. Abandoned piles of weapons and ammunition, including Russian-made tank shells and rocket-propelled grenades, suggested Gaddafi’s forces had left in a hurry. The rebels swiftly arrived with transporters to remove the armour to add to an expanding revolutionary tank force that has yet to see action. Corpses of Gaddafi’s fighters lay among some of the clusters of armour, but around others there was no sign of bodies, perhaps further evidence that they had fled from their tanks in fear of the air strikes. At least 20 tanks were destroyed or abandoned along with artillery guns and rocket launchers. The strikes also appeared to have destroyed a military barracks. One of the rebel fighters, Mansour Mahdy, acknowledged that the battle would not have been won without foreign planes. “We are very grateful to the west. Everyone wants to thank France. Was it France this time? Or America? We thank them all,” he said. Days of air strikes were carried out by both countries, alongside British aircraft. The rebels took control of a mostly empty town, raising the revolutionary flag – the pre-Gaddafi-era ensign – and firing off more bullets in celebration. As word spread that the fighting was over, residents began to return in hundreds of cars . The few among the town’s 130,000 people who endured the siege were relieved but stunned. Some gave accounts of Gaddafi’s security men hunting down rebel sympathisers when they occupied the town. One man said he was looking for his brother and feared he had been executed or taken to prison in Tripoli. Other residents said they had not been badly treated and that, after the initial street battles and occasional shelling, the hardest part had been to endure a town with no electricity or water and dwindling food supplies. The local hospital closed after most of the staff fled because they feared they would be targeted by Gaddafi’s forces after some doctors publicly sided with the rebels. One elderly man did not seem to view it as liberation. He said he feared the fighting would return. He did not seem entirely trustful of the rebels either. “We never had this before, all these men with guns. This was a peaceful town. Now everyone has run away. We did not ask for this,” he said. The victory will provide a boost to morale in rebel-held territory after a string of defeats that saw the army even invading the de facto rebel capital of Benghazi until Gaddafi’s forces were destroyed by the first air strikes. But for all the celebrations, the rebels’ struggle to overcome the relatively limited defences of Ajdabiya does not bode well for their bellicose threats to march all the way to Tripoli. If Ajdabiya is the example, it offers the prospect of a protracted conflict or military stalemate, largely decided by how far the western allies are prepared to go in support of the rebels’ advance. Unless the regime cracks under other pressures, such as a sudden collapse of support for Gaddafi from within his own system, there appears little prospect of the rebels marching on Tripoli unless Britain, France and the US are prepared to offer rolling air cover for the revolutionaries that obliterates the regime’s ability to fight. The revolutionaries were able to move swiftly along the coastal road and retake Brega and Ras Lanuf, which they held at the beginning of the uprising. But moving on to the larger and more politically important town of Sirte may prove to be a challenge too far. Sirte is Gaddafi’s birthplace and he once proposed making it Libya’s capital. He is likely to reinforce the town because its fall would be a devastating blow. A rebel assault on Sirte would also raise a dilemma for Nato and the coalition leading the air strikes. The UN resolution permits military action in defence of civilians. Until now, it has been Gaddafi’s forces threatening rebel-held cities such as Benghazi, Misrata and Ajdabiya. But a rebel assault on Sirte would present the question of whether the coalition is prepared to launch air strikes to help take a town that has not risen up against Gaddafi. If not, it appears unlikely the rebels will be able to overcome the regime’s defences in Sirte on their own. Alternatively, if Gaddafi’s forces make a stand in the desert, where no civilians are threatened, that would also present the coalition forces with difficulty in justifying air strikes in support of the rebels. The revolutionary leadership had not expected Gaddafi’s forces to hold out for as long as they did at Ajdabiya, a sign that they are not entirely deterred from fighting by the air strikes. The rebels’ military spokesman, Colonel Ahmed Omar Bani, has said that promises of weapons had been made by several foreign government that he declined to name, although none had so far delivered any. But given the rebels’ poor combat record on the battlefield, where the civilian volunteers who have joined their ranks have proved to be ill-disciplined and prone to flee in chaos, there may be a reluctance to supply weapons that might fall into the hands of Gaddafi’s military. For all its insistence that it will not accept a divided Libya, the revolutionary council is increasingly adjusting to the reality that it may be facing stalemate and governing the rump of a country until Gaddafi’s regime implodes. Libya Middle East Arab and Middle East unrest Chris McGreal guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Gaddafi’s forces ousted with help from international airstrikes as regime accuses coalition of trying to push Libya into civil war Libyan rebels have entered the key oil town of Ras Lanuf after routing Muammar Gaddafi’s forces in Brega with help from UN-backed airstrikes that tipped the balance away from the military. Brega, the main oil export terminal in eastern Libya, fell after a skirmish late on Saturday, with rebels continuing their push westwards to Ras Lanuf and its large oil refinery. “There is no Gaddafi army in Ras Lanuf,” said rebel fighter Walid al-Arabi, quoting rebels who had returned from the town, and that the frontline was now west of Ras Lanuf. Earlier, rebel commander Ahmed Jibril, manning a checkpoint on the western edge of Brega, said: “There are no Gaddafi forces here now, the rebels have Brega under their full control, it is free.” The two oil towns are responsible for a large chunk of Libya’s oil production, which has all but stopped since the uprising that began on 15 February and was inspired by the toppling of governments in Tunisia and Egypt. The Gaddafi regime on Saturday acknowledged the airstrikes had forced its troops to retreat and accused international forces of choosing sides. “This is the objective of the coalition now, it is not to protect civilians because now they are directly fighting against the armed forces,” Khaled Kaim, the deputy foreign minister, said in the capital, Tripoli. “They are trying to push the country to the brink of a civil war.” The fall of Ajdabiya after days of artillery duels and air bombardment delivered the Libyan revolutionaries their first significant victory over Gaddafi’s forces since the coalition air strikes began a week ago. The Libyan army sat outside town, astride the main coastal highway, blocking the rebels’ attempts to advance west toward the capital and recapture territory lost as Gaddafi found his footing after the initial shock of the uprising. On Friday, the insurgents moved rocket launchers and other weapons down the road from Benghazi, then said they fought through the night with the dug-in enemy. “We hit them with our rockets and RPGs,” said Mohammed Rahim, a former regular soldier wearing a makeshift uniform of blue camouflage jacket and green trousers. He went over to the rebels at the beginning of the uprising. “The fighting went on all night. It was a big battle. All the fighters came from Benghazi for it.” However, the destruction of tanks on the edge of the town suggested it was air strikes by coalition forces, ostensibly to protect civilians, that had finally broken the back of strong resistance by army forces before the rebels moved in. The length of time it took the insurgents to overcome the army, and the rebels’ reliance on air strikes to destroy the bulk of its armour before finally taking Ajdabiya, confirmed how dependent the poorly armed and inexperienced revolutionaries are on foreign air forces to fight their war for them. Six wrecked tanks marked the road into the town alongside artillery guns and rocket launchers mangled by the missiles from beyond the clouds. Ammunition littered the ground. Other guns were left intact and were hauled away by the rebels for the next battle. On the other side of Ajdabiya, where the road heads west out of town, were more destroyed tanks and armoured vehicles. Others sat by the roadside unscathed. Abandoned piles of weapons and ammunition, including Russian-made tank shells and rocket-propelled grenades, suggested Gaddafi’s forces had left in a hurry. The rebels swiftly arrived with transporters to remove the armour to add to an expanding revolutionary tank force that has yet to see action. Corpses of Gaddafi’s fighters lay among some of the clusters of armour, but around others there was no sign of bodies, perhaps further evidence that they had fled from their tanks in fear of the air strikes. At least 20 tanks were destroyed or abandoned along with artillery guns and rocket launchers. The strikes also appeared to have destroyed a military barracks. One of the rebel fighters, Mansour Mahdy, acknowledged that the battle would not have been won without foreign planes. “We are very grateful to the west. Everyone wants to thank France. Was it France this time? Or America? We thank them all,” he said. Days of air strikes were carried out by both countries, alongside British aircraft. The rebels took control of a mostly empty town, raising the revolutionary flag – the pre-Gaddafi-era ensign – and firing off more bullets in celebration. As word spread that the fighting was over, residents began to return in hundreds of cars . The few among the town’s 130,000 people who endured the siege were relieved but stunned. Some gave accounts of Gaddafi’s security men hunting down rebel sympathisers when they occupied the town. One man said he was looking for his brother and feared he had been executed or taken to prison in Tripoli. Other residents said they had not been badly treated and that, after the initial street battles and occasional shelling, the hardest part had been to endure a town with no electricity or water and dwindling food supplies. The local hospital closed after most of the staff fled because they feared they would be targeted by Gaddafi’s forces after some doctors publicly sided with the rebels. One elderly man did not seem to view it as liberation. He said he feared the fighting would return. He did not seem entirely trustful of the rebels either. “We never had this before, all these men with guns. This was a peaceful town. Now everyone has run away. We did not ask for this,” he said. The victory will provide a boost to morale in rebel-held territory after a string of defeats that saw the army even invading the de facto rebel capital of Benghazi until Gaddafi’s forces were destroyed by the first air strikes. But for all the celebrations, the rebels’ struggle to overcome the relatively limited defences of Ajdabiya does not bode well for their bellicose threats to march all the way to Tripoli. If Ajdabiya is the example, it offers the prospect of a protracted conflict or military stalemate, largely decided by how far the western allies are prepared to go in support of the rebels’ advance. Unless the regime cracks under other pressures, such as a sudden collapse of support for Gaddafi from within his own system, there appears little prospect of the rebels marching on Tripoli unless Britain, France and the US are prepared to offer rolling air cover for the revolutionaries that obliterates the regime’s ability to fight. The revolutionaries were able to move swiftly along the coastal road and retake Brega and Ras Lanuf, which they held at the beginning of the uprising. But moving on to the larger and more politically important town of Sirte may prove to be a challenge too far. Sirte is Gaddafi’s birthplace and he once proposed making it Libya’s capital. He is likely to reinforce the town because its fall would be a devastating blow. A rebel assault on Sirte would also raise a dilemma for Nato and the coalition leading the air strikes. The UN resolution permits military action in defence of civilians. Until now, it has been Gaddafi’s forces threatening rebel-held cities such as Benghazi, Misrata and Ajdabiya. But a rebel assault on Sirte would present the question of whether the coalition is prepared to launch air strikes to help take a town that has not risen up against Gaddafi. If not, it appears unlikely the rebels will be able to overcome the regime’s defences in Sirte on their own. Alternatively, if Gaddafi’s forces make a stand in the desert, where no civilians are threatened, that would also present the coalition forces with difficulty in justifying air strikes in support of the rebels. The revolutionary leadership had not expected Gaddafi’s forces to hold out for as long as they did at Ajdabiya, a sign that they are not entirely deterred from fighting by the air strikes. The rebels’ military spokesman, Colonel Ahmed Omar Bani, has said that promises of weapons had been made by several foreign government that he declined to name, although none had so far delivered any. But given the rebels’ poor combat record on the battlefield, where the civilian volunteers who have joined their ranks have proved to be ill-disciplined and prone to flee in chaos, there may be a reluctance to supply weapons that might fall into the hands of Gaddafi’s military. For all its insistence that it will not accept a divided Libya, the revolutionary council is increasingly adjusting to the reality that it may be facing stalemate and governing the rump of a country until Gaddafi’s regime implodes. Libya Middle East Arab and Middle East unrest Chris McGreal guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Chris Halliwell, 47, accused of murdering 22-year-old who went missing after leaving Swindon nightclub last weekend Police have charged a 47-year-old taxi driver with the murder of Sian O’Callaghan, who went missing after leaving a nightclub in Swindon last weekend. Wiltshire police said Chris Halliwell, 47, of Ashbury Avenue, Swindon, was charged on Saturday night and would appear before magistrates in Swindon on Monday. The Wiltshire district prosecutor, Simon Brenchley, said: “I have been working closely with Wiltshire police and now have authorised them to charge Christopher Halliwell with Sian O’Callaghan’s murder. Having reviewed the evidence, I am satisfied that there is sufficient to charge him, and that it is in the public interest to do so. “I must remind the media to take care in reporting events surrounding this case. Mr Halliwell has been charged with a serious offence and is entitled to a fair trial. It is extremely important that nothing should be reported which could prejudice any trial. I will keep liaising closely with the police as their investigation continues.” Halliwell remains in police custody at Gablecross police station in Swindon. O’Callaghan’s body was found near Uffington in Oxfordshire on Thursday. The 22-year-old office administrator vanished after leaving a club in Swindon in the early hours last Saturday. Police are continuing to try to identify a second body found as part of the inquiry at another location, a farmer’s field in Gloucestershire. Crime Stephen Morris guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Londres; Oxford Street Topshop – Oxford street #26march I Predict a Rioy The Boat Race & Oxford , 1958 | A Continuous Lean. This weekend the 157th Oxford and Cambridge Boat Race will take place on the Thames, continuing the universities’ storied sporting tradition. Although. Cranmer: Sharia Law for Libya protest closes Oxford Street As all the world knows, Broadcasting House is but a short walk from Oxford Street. Its motto “Nation shall speak peace unto Nation”, is said to be adapted from OT Micah 4: 3 “nation shall not lift up a sword against nation”. … WTF! Social Media Propels Oxford Dictionary To Accept OMG, LOL and … Instant Messaging clients like Messenger and ICQ once made terms like WTF and LOL mainstream, as they were used in person-to-person chats, but it can be said that the rise of social media has meant that these terms now live in the … Council's 'lights out' weekend branded tokenism (From The Oxford … THIS weekend Oxford City Council will turn off all “non-essential” lights in a bid to tackle global warming. Oxford Win The Boat Race « The Tab – www.cambridgetab.co.uk After winning the toss, and electing to row on the Surrey station, Oxford produced a text book performance, moving away just before Hammersmith bridge, to win the 2011 boat race by four lengths. In a shock to pre-race predictions, … Oxford_Kate says: Dear Oxford tube driver. I would like to be home now please. Thanks muchly Kate x
Continue reading …Nobody can accuse the liberal Media Matters group of having a hidden agenda. The mission is out in the open and called “war on Fox.” That’s how founder David Brock describes the group’s new vision to Ben Smith of Politico . As part of this war, it plans a campaign of…
Continue reading …It’s fast and it lasts. Endurance races such as the Le Mans 24-hour event deserves higher status – and that might just be about to happen As Formula One hit the road today in Australia, it did so with a raft of rule changes and technical enhancements designed to improve the racing. That changes are mooted almost every season, largely focusing on encouraging more overtaking, will not have gone unnoticed, even to casual observers. Yet, in America last weekend, a worldwide series held its opening meeting, featuring cars comparable in performance to those of F1 going wheel to wheel. Fifty-six of them. For 12 hours solid. There was no shortage of racing, no shortage of overtaking and at the chequered flag the first three cars were separated by only 45 seconds. It is motor sport’s best kept secret. Britain’s Allan McNish drove in F1 for Toyota in 2002, but since 2006 he has been an Audi Sport factory team driver as part of its sports car programme in endurance racing – a form of the sport that most will be familiar with from the Le Mans 24 Hour race (which he has won twice) that this year forms the centrepiece of the first full season of the Intercontinental Le Mans Cup (ILMC), an endurance racing series set up by the Le Mans organisers, the Automobile Club de l’Ouest. McNish, who was driving in the series opener, the 12 Hours of Sebring, in Florida last weekend, admits that endurance racing was, at first, a surprise even to him: “Until I came to see it myself by racing in it, I didn’t appreciate it in totality, then I thought, why did I not look at this before?” The cars are sub-divided into classes by performance, a factor in the appeal. With the fastest cars 30 seconds a lap quicker than the slowest, it is dealing with this “traffic” that demands attention. Done with skill, it can be a race-deciding factor: “You’ve got a lot of constant excitement, it doesn’t dull down, it actually is a race from the start to the end, flat out with that constant focus. That’s why the drivers like it. Because they have to combine this intensity with a really fast car,” says McNish. It is also, he argues, easily comparable with F1. “If you’re talking about the cars and the technology, it’s equal to F1. In terms of performance, downforce levels, power, and torque, things like that, it’s Formula One standard. And that’s why I think now, there are a lot of drivers who have had good strong careers in F1 adapting very well to this style of racing.” Only the added 300 kilos of weight make a difference. And that means “you’ve got to throw the car around,” says McNish. Anthony Davidson, driving for Peugeot, another of these ex-F1 drivers who is enthusiastically embracing endurance racing, agrees: “It’s the closest thing to an F1 car I’ve ever driven. As soon as you wind them up, they’re great at high speed.” “After leaving the world of F1 and joining the sportscar scene, I suddenly realised it was like this secret of motorsport that no one has discovered. The cars are fantastic and the scene is brilliant,” he said. McNish also vouches for Davidson’s enthusiasm: “Anthony and [Giancarlo] Fisichella have come from the same sort of arenas – single seaters and you see a smile on their faces because we love to race, we’re racing drivers, we’re passionate about our racing.” That the greatest sports car race in the world, the Le Mans 24, has not formed part of a series since the World Sports Car Championship folded in 1992 and is now at the heart of the ILMC is no coincidence. It is central to the direction the manufacturers, teams and drivers want it to go. Becoming a fully-fledged World Championship is surely the purpose of this nascent series. Indeed, the FIA president, Jean Todt, who was boss at Peugeot in the championship’s last incarnation, has said “endurance racing could be an area we are interested in” regarding World Championship status. It is a realistic possibility, especially given the paucity of quality of opposition on offer in motor sport Championships at the moment, and, if it were granted, would make it the second most prestigious in the sport, below only F1. A goal not to be sniffed at. In the 1970s, the World Championship was as popular, in terms of crowds and coverage as Formula One. It was only the slow departure of manufacturers that caused the decline, a trend that is reversing rapidly. Where teams like BMW and Toyota had their fingers burned and withdrew from F1, huge investments offering little in terms of results, they are now returning to endurance racing. BMW in the form of a works team that has already won the American Le Mans series and Toyota providing the engine for the Anglo-Swiss Rebellion team – the source of a much-rumoured full-time return. They are not alone. Britain’s Aston Martin will be bringing a brand new prototype to compete with Audi and Peugeot at the next race at Spa, Nissan is providing engines for the Signature team and they are in the classes below joined by cars representing Ferrari, Lotus, Chevrolet and Porsche. The reasoning behind this renewed interest goes beyond just offering exciting racing for the fans and suggests that more manufacturers will follow. Audi Sport’s team boss Dr Wolfgang Ullrich sees it as two-fold at least. “We always try to have technology in our race cars first, before they then go into our road cars and are made available to out customers,” he explained, pointing out that the direct fuel injection and diesel technology that has seen his team win Le Mans nine times in the past 11 years both transferred directly into road cars. “That’s missing in Formula One, There is no connection at all. What you learn in F1 you can’t use for your customer. As long as the tehnology in Formula One is not relevant for our customers it makes no sense to go there,” he emphasised. There are also potential longer term gains in terms of marque prestige. A lesson Dr Ullrich also recognises and that for many has been long since forgotten: “Many big names in racing, like Ferrari – the brand – have this great name not because they’ve been successful in F1; they have it because they have been very successful many, many years ago in endurance racing – that’s where it comes from.” Success eluded McNish at Sebring. After having his car damaged by an ill-calculated overtaking manoeuvre by Marc Gené in the Peugeot he managed a creditable fourth having been laps down in his R15 – the car’s final race ( view the gallery from the race here ). He and co-drivers Tom Kristensen (an eight-times Le Mans winner) and Dindo Capello (three times) will be using their brand new R18 coupe at the remaining ILMC races, a prospect McNish relishes, especially for the British round, the Silverstone 1000km in September. “All of these cars, iconic cars that you would love to drive on the road, the fastest of today’s road generation in race trim, all the sights and sounds, whether it be a Corvette thundering out, a Ferrari screaming or one of our diesels, to watch that through Copse and then blast off down through the Becketts section will be a pretty spectacular sight, then to look back and see all the other cars chasing will make it an intense affair,” he said. But intense and memorable for the fans too: “If they come to Silverstone their eyes will be opened wide. They’ll be shocked by every level of it. How advanced from a technical point of view it is, at the hard cut and thrust of the racing, and how accessible it is … Anybody that goes to Le Mans or to Silverstone would come back for more.” It’s an opinion to take seriously. McNish is not going anywhere, the racing’s format and intensity is just too good: “We’ve won and lost races by seconds after driving multiple grand prix distances at just one event. There’s no waiting for somebody to drop out or a problem to happen, because of the reliability they don’t. You’ve got to grab a hold of these races and these cars, and drive the wheels off them. It’s the only way. The only way for success. “Its part of the reason I love it – there’s no hiding place,” he said. Something the sport’s best kept secret may find out itself before too long. Le Mans Series Motor sport Giles Richards guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …The Oscar-nominated actress despairs at the dearth of good female parts offered by the big studios. The solution for her was simple – to direct and star in her own feature film In the garden of Vera Farmiga’s home in upstate New York, the grass is stained by a patch of darkened ash. Every time she is sent a script she doesn’t like – a script that is badly written or underdeveloped or contains unchallenging female characters in a state of semi-permanent undress – Farmiga (pronounced “Far- mee -ga”) puts it to one side. Then, when the pile of unwanted scripts is big enough, she builds a bonfire and burns them. “They do get thrown in and used for fertiliser,” she explains with a quiet, apologetic laugh. “It’s recycling. Bonfires need to be fed and scripts, after all, are wood.” There is a pause. “Especially the wooden ones.” One imagines there are a lot of scripts that end up on Farmiga’s bonfire. Over the last year, the mother-of-two has become one of Hollywood’s most sought-after actresses despite – or, more likely, because of – the extreme care she takes in choosing roles. After a breakthrough performance as a closet drug addict in the 2004 independent film, Down to the Bone , which was greeted with critical acclaim but only modest box-office success, Farmiga spent the rest of the decade playing a series of subtly rendered supporting characters in mainstream movies. She was a troubled police psychiatrist in Martin Scorsese’s The Departed , a philosophical Romanian prostitute in Anthony Minghella’s Breaking and Entering and the wife of a concentration camp commandant in The Boy in the Striped Pyjamas . Then, last year, she appeared in Up in the Air, playing Alex, a self-assured, sexually amoral businesswoman racking up the frequent flyer miles alongside George Clooney. The film was an unexpected hit and Farmiga was nominated for an Oscar for best supporting actress. “The response was amazing,” she says. “I think women were just so pleased to see the tables turned. It’s so common to see a movie with a man exploring his unsettled streak, his sexuality in the way that Alex does. Oftentimes, you do see the woman being shafted and it was refreshing to see a woman who was in control and unapologetic about her sensuality, desire and needs.” Now, having finally shrugged off the “up-and-coming” tag, the 37-year-old actress is appearing in her first big-budget, all-action thriller. Source Code , by British director Duncan Jones (who is David Bowie’s son and who made his name with the offbeat, low-budget sci-fi movie Moon ), tells the story of a soldier played by Jake Gyllenhaal, who wakes up in the body of an unknown man and discovers he is part of a mission to find the bomber of a Chicago commuter train. The catch is that he only has eight minutes in which to do so. What would Farmiga do if she only had eight minutes left to live? “Ideally, I wouldn’t be running around a train,” she says. “If I was on a high-stakes mission to save the world I might reconsider, but I really would just rather spend it in a really foofy bed with my husband and my children, soul-gazing.” In Source Code , Farmiga plays a very un-foofy air force officer who is Gyllenhaal’s only contact with the outside world. She says she almost didn’t take the role because she was felt that her character “was not that stimulating on the written page”. But then she began to see the script as a challenge, so it escaped the bonfire. The resulting performance is classic Farmiga, displaying her uncanny ability to hint at the hidden depths within a character who could, in other hands, be little more than a superficial adjunct to the plot. On screen, she possesses a rare combination of luminescence and a mastery of nuance, expressing internal conflict with a slight twist of the mouth; conveying a sense of deep emotion through the merest flicker of the eyes. “Often, I find it hard to be still,” she admits. “Always, when I get stuck, it’s the thought process [of a character] that I return to.” Although Farmiga has the looks of a leading lady – porcelain skin, blue eyes, a beguiling smile – one gets the sense with all her performances that it is what is going on behind the face that counts. “I’ve always believed that if you are precise in your thoughts, it’s not the lines you say that are important – it’s what exists between the lines,” she says. “What I’m compelled by most is that transparency of thought, what is left unspoken.” No wonder, then, that Farmiga has previously shied away from the big Hollywood studio juggernauts. “I’m least challenged or inspired by those stories,” she explains. “I’ve gravitated towards independent cinema because you have to work harder in studio scripts to flesh out characters, particularly female ones. They are not as sharply edged, they tend to be quite watery. They are not renderings of women as I know them.” Partly in order to rectify the dearth of good female roles, Farmiga has recently directed and starred in her own feature film, Higher Ground , which tells the story of a woman’s struggle with faith from her 50s childhood to the aftermath of a spiritual crisis. Well-received at Sundance earlier this year, the film has recently been acquired by Sony. “I’ve been very pleased with the reception to the movie,” says Farmiga. “I grew tired of asking permission [to play the roles I wanted to play]. With Higher Ground , I thought, ‘OK, let’s create an opportunity.’ It’s frustrating because I feel like I work harder to bring life to…” She breaks off. “I mean, I know the roles [for women] are out there but it’s just so cut-throat and everyone’s vying for them.” She doesn’t strike me as being particularly cut-throat, I say. “Umm…” There is a long pause. “It depends on the subject matter. No, I won’t harm someone else to get my own experience but I am demanding. I demand a lot from myself.” Later, she adds: “Am I ambitious? I used to be afraid of that word but now I think ambition is a good thing. My ambition is to be inspired perpetually and I don’t think it’s too much to ask.” She laughs. “I won’t take anyone down for it, but I will go white-knuckle for it.” The fact that Farmiga remains driven by the need to do interesting work means she is correspondingly uncomfortable with the idea of too much fame. “The more famous you are, the harder it becomes because you’re demystified. The more people know about you, the more face-time you get in the media, the harder your job becomes to create a character in whom people suspend disbelief. Honestly, I cherish the position I’m in – I do have respect but I can hide away.” Her feet are kept planted firmly on the ground by her family. The second of seven children, Farmiga was brought up in New Jersey by her Ukrainian immigrant parents – Mykhailo, a computer systems analyst , and Luba, a teacher. She attended a Ukrainian Catholic school, toured with a Ukrainian folk-dancing ensemble and didn’t speak English until the age of six. For a while, Farmiga had childhood ambitions to be an optometrist or a shepherdess (until recently, she farmed a flock of Angoran goats – “It was a good source of therapy every time I finished a movie and felt depressed”). These days, her parents are rather baffled by what their daughter does. “They’re very sensible and grounded,” she says. “They take it with a pinch of salt. You know, I’m one of seven and they want success for all their children. They’re proud but they’re even more proud now that I’ve given them grandchildren.” Farmiga and her husband, Renn Hawkey, a carpenter who was formerly keyboard player for the synth-pop band Deadsy, have a two-year-old son, Fynn, and a four-month old baby daughter, Gytta. What if one of her children wanted to be an actor? I ask. “I would encourage them, whatever their convictions are,” she says. “I think it can be a noble profession, I really do.” Elizabeth Day guardian.co.uk
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