Click here to view this media On this week’s Fox News Sunday, former Mitt Romney spokesman, Kevin Madden does his best to put a positive spin on the fact that his former boss is going to get attacked for passing his health care plan in Massachusetts which was used as a model for President Obama’s Affordable Care Act. The best Madden can come up with… this was good for Massachusetts and the individual mandate was alright for that state, but now that the evil, big-government, Socialist Obama has adopted it, it’s a bad thing for the entire country to have it, or something like that anyway. As Juan Williams pointed out, it’s a pretty hard sell convincing people that something was good for a state but now simply because it applies to more people, it’s a bad idea or some kind of “government intrusion” on their lives. I don’t think most Americans are going to buy it either. Good old “Multiple-Choice” Mitt is going to have a hard time with this during the campaign. Transcript via Fox News : WALLACE: Kevin, your man, or your former man, Mitt Romney, announced his exploratory committee. Has he — and by all lights, he should be the frontrunner, I think it’s fair to say — money, organization from last time, certainly going to run, which some of the others aren’t necessarily going to do. Has he figured out how to deal with what most people consider to be the big chink in his armor — and that is, Romneycare, the health care plan in Massachusetts, which had an individual mandate much like Obamacare? MADDEN: Well, I think, first of all, the frontrunner status is one that’s usually arrived at by formula. But I think this field right now, as we see in that poll, is very unsettled. I think on the question of how he’s going to run, how he’s going to handle health care, I think the best way to describe it is that he’s going to confront it. I think it’s clearly going to be an issue in this campaign, but I don’t think it’s going to be the only issue. But it’s clearly going to be something that, as we look to contrast ourselves with other folks in the — seeking the Republican nomination, and seek to contrast yourself with President Obama, it’s certainly going to be something that’s important to many voters. WALLACE: Let me just interrupt. When you say he is going to confront it — because, before, he said some things worked, some things didn’t, or this was a state experiment, it wasn’t a federal plan — the principle, which is, I think, what most people that are concerned about and are concerned about, is that he supported an individual mandate. Is he going to sit there and say, I defend the principle of an individual mandate? MADDEN: I think the question has to be, do you defend it — how is it that you decided to drive costs and get more — and provide more access in your particular state? So, an individual mandate was the best way to reach that with a unique health care population in Massachusetts, a unique health care population of seven million. But the mistake, and where the Obama plan went wrong, was that it tried to apply a federal standard with an individual mandate to over 300 million. And I think that’s an important distinction. Now, there are a lot of people that will say, well, that’s not going to sell with many voters, but it’s important because it’s true. I think, then, you have to move on to health care debate, which is, where are we going in the future? How are we going to drive down cost? How are we going to get greater access going forward?Clearly, Obamacare is not going to drive down costs. It’s shown that it’s been a great expansion of government power, and what we’re seeing is, because of the taxes and regulations, we are seeing higher prices. So that’s going to be where the debate focuses — where do we go in future? WALLACE: Juan, has brother Kevin persuaded you that Romney doesn’t have a problem? MADDEN: He was taking notes. WILLIAMS: Well, you know, Kevin is a good political strategist. That’s why he is so successful. But, I mean, it’s just a hard sell. You know? I mean, basically, the Massachusetts plan is exactly what Obama’s health care reform prescription has been. It’s on a state level, so Kevin and Mitt Romney– MADDEN: But isn’t that an important distinction? WILLIAMS: Well, he was running a state. President Obama is running a nation. MADDEN: Right. But why would you apply something that works for one unique health care population of seven million people to 300 million? That would be a mistake, wouldn’t it? WILLIAMS: Because — in other words, in fact, President Obama has said he learned from the Massachusetts plan in trying to draft the national health care — MADDEN: But what’s right for Massachusetts is not necessarily right for other states. WILLIAMS: Well, let me just say — MADDEN: That’s an important distinction.
Continue reading …Michihiro Kono has taken over a company destroyed by the disaster, and is determined to reopen its doors In less tumultuous times, Michihiro Kono could have expected a seamless transition as the new head of the soy sauce company he took over from his father at the start of the month. But in post-tsunami Japan, Kono is the president of a company that, by any conventional measure, no longer exists. Yet amid the devastation and despair, Kono’s optimism is proof that, just weeks after the disaster that killed 28,000 people, some residents of this fishing town in Iwate prefecture are daring to think of the future. All that remains of the business his family has run for nine generations is an early-19th-century document confirming its legal status, a handful of metal signs, soya beans and bottles of soy sauce, and an unshakable belief that he will reopen his doors. “There is no doubt in my mind that we will be back in business,” the 37-year-old says. “My family has been making soy sauce in Rikuzentakata since the Edo era, and we owe it to our customers to get back on our feet.” Outside the prefabricated hut that serves as his makeshift office stand crates containing those treasured bottles of soy sauce, including one from a limited edition to mark the firm’s bicentenary in 2007. Inside hangs a sign rescued from the debris, bearing one of the company’s mottos: spreading gratitude through food. Yanagisa soy sauce, fermented in barrels made of local cedar, is famed for its exquisite fragrance. Its storehouse was a symbol of the town, which was reduced to rubble by waves that easily breached its 6.5-metre tsunami wall. At the site of his former factory, a few blocks away from his destroyed home, it is just possible to catch the aroma of soy sauce on the afternoon breeze. The new plant will have to be built in a different location with a supply of pristine water, he says, and a new generation of clients found if the venture is to survive. It will be at least five years before the next bottle of Yanagisa soy sauce is produced. Until then, the firm will act as an agent for other manufacturers in an attempt to reconnect with his remaining customers. The stream of letters urging Kono to rebuild is testament to Yanagisa’s place at the heart of Rikuzentakata’s commercial life. One, requesting a bottle of soy sauce, was accompanied by a 10,000 yen note and instructions for the change to go towards the firm’s renaissance. “About 70% of our customers died or were made homeless in the tsunami,” Kono says. “If we just do the same as before, our sales will be a third of what they were. We need to do a 180-degree turn. This company is 200 years old. If we want it to last another 200 years, this is the moment of reckoning.” The same could be said for the entire town, where 2,000 of the 23,000 residents died and 80% of the 8,000 homes were swept away. Led by a young mayor, Futoshi Toba, whose wife died when waves engulfed their seaside town, Rikuzentakata is emerging as a model for the post-disaster recovery. Earlier this month it became the first town to erect temporary homes, albeit enough for only one in every 50 people who applied to live in them. The town will need around 4,000 units, but they won’t be ready until August. Almost 1,200 people applied to live in the first batch of 36 homes, half of which were reserved for elderly and disabled people, and single women with children. “We’re building them as quickly as we can,” says Tomoyuki Murakami, a town official. Authorities in the three worst-hit prefectures have requested 60,000 prefab homes they hope will be completed within six months. But builders are struggling to find space for them on the few slivers of land on higher ground. So far they have secured land for just 8,000 homes. “There are still about 7,000 people living in evacuation centres in Rikuzentakata, so we want to build more temporary shelters quickly and give people the opportunity to rebuild their lives in privacy,” says Murakami, who has continued working despite losing both of his young children in the tsunami. “We’re taking slow steps in the right direction.” Yukie Sato, who is living in a school gymnasium with her mother and son, is among those hoping to secure temporary housing. Her husband, a government official, went straight back to work after being rescued from the roof of the town hall, where he survived by clinging on to the perimeter fence while 70 of his colleagues drowned. “Even if we get rent-free temporary housing, we will still have to pay electricity and gas bills, and buy food,” says Sato, 27. “I don’t know how it will all work out. My car was swept away, my workplace has gone, and we have no money.” In Kono’s neighbourhood, 99% of which lies in ruins, every child from kindergarten to middle school age was led to safety by quick-thinking teachers and elderly locals, some of whom were swallowed up by waves as they ushered children to higher ground. But for 24 hours, Kono was convinced that his wife and their three young children had perished. The family were reunited three days later, but Kono’s grandmother is still missing. As he waited for news of his family, Kono distracted himself by accounting for his 45 employees and their relatives. It was then he discovered that his head of sales, a 30-year-old volunteer firefighter, had drowned trying to close the harbour gates. Today he is preparing to attend a welcome party, complete with cups of tea and slices of cake, for two new employees. Before he returns to his makeshift HQ, Kono leads us up a crooked stairway to the temple where he and dozens of others spent the night of the tsunami, shaking with cold and traumatised by the panoramic view of their ruined homes. “I stood here and thought there’s no way my children could have survived.” Then, as he gazes at the flattened town below, company president Kono becomes Kono the father, and for the first time today his eyes fill with tears. “It’s time to go,” he says. Japan disaster Japan Natural disasters and extreme weather Justin McCurry guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Comments come amid concerns tinkering with constitution could reopen debate in Australia about monarchy David Cameron has played down the prospect of an imminent change in the rules of royal succession amid concerns that constitutional tinkering could spark a fresh campaign in Australia for it to become a republic. The wedding of Prince William to Catherine Middleton on 29 April has focused attention on the issue. The deputy prime minister, Nick Clegg, had said he was actively pursuing a plan to scrap the principle that gives preference to male heirs, but the prime minister warned that any progress would be complicated and slow. “This has been discussed before and everyone in the frontline of politics agrees that this does need to change and there are conversations ongoing,” Cameron told the Murnaghan programme on Sky News. “But it clearly does take some time, because the Queen is not just queen of the United Kingdom but of many other countries around the world and so changes have to be changes that all countries take on board and put in place and there are discussions with those countries ongoing, but these things, I’m sure, will take some time.” It is understood one particular concern is Australia, where it is thought that any attempt to legislate on the laws of succession would reopen the fierce debate about the abolition of the monarchy. Cameron’s comments came as some Tories expressed anger that Clegg was being presented as the champion of change on the issue. “The idea that Clegg is pressing for this, and that the PM is dragging his heels because he’s not in favour of rights for women, is totally ludicrous,” said one Tory source. “We want change, too, but it’s more complicated than it sounds. A number of different governments would have to pass new laws and, although in principle that should be straightforward, in practice other governments might say it’s not a priority for them.” The issue of primogeniture has occupied UK governments on and off for years, with individual MPs making numerous attempts to steer reforms through parliament. The most recent came from Labour’s Keith Vaz in January. At the time, Downing Street acknowledged that elements of the 1701 Act of Succession, which also bars Roman Catholics from succeeding to the throne, were “discriminatory”, but said change would be “difficult and complex”. Last month, Prince William was urged by the Labour MP and historian Tristram Hunt to “subtly show his support” for the reform campaign. On Sunday Clegg, who is responsible for constitutional reform within the government, said that most people would see the current accession rules as outdated. He said: “My own personal view is that in this day and age, the idea that only a man should ascend to the throne would, I think, strike most people as a little old-fashioned. And that if Prince William and Catherine Middleton were to have a baby daughter as their first child, I think most people would think it perfectly fair and normal that she would eventually become queen of our country.” Monarchy Constitutional reform Conservatives Andrew Sparrow Matthew Taylor guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Click here to view this media I’m not sure who watches these Saturday morning “business” shows on Fox besides those of us that monitor the media on a regular basis, but I’ve got to wonder just who the producers of Fox’s horrid Cashin’ In think they’re appealing to with segments like this? When we were in good economic times, I can see a show getting away with demonizing those in need of food stamps as they did here, but these days where there are so many people out of work, I can’t imagine them having too many viewers left who do not either know someone in need of these services or in need of assistance themselves. It really would be nice to see this show among others go away like Beck’s show because they’re just as awful. h/t Media Matters
Continue reading …CNN's Howard Kurtz is either astonishingly naive or so strongly in the tank for Barack Obama that he's willing to ignore the totally obvious to assist the President's reelection efforts. On Sunday's “Reliable Sources,” Kurtz actually discussed with far-left guests Joan Walsh of Salon and John Aravosis of Americablog.com – without ever disclosing the painfully inconvenient truth! – why the “so-called liberal media” don't report divisions within the Democrat Party especially left-wing disappointment with the current White House resident (video follows with transcript and lots of commentary): HOWARD KURTZ, HOST: So, Joan, let me tee it up for you. Is it true that the beltway press isn't terribly interested in these debates and arguments on the left? JOAN WALSH, EDITOR-AT-LARGE, SALON.COM: You know, I would go beyond that, Howie, and I would say that the beltway media doesn't take enough interest but, moreover, likes to kind of kick the base and loves nothing more than when President Obama stands up to the base or the dissatisfied part of the base — let's say that — on these budget issues and on these tax and spending issues. That is seen as a sign of manhood in the beltway, when Democrats do that to liberals and progressives. KURTZ: Well, look, is this the so-called liberal media we're talking about that enjoys seeing Obama — WALSH: I don't believe that we have a liberal media. So, we can have another segment on that. I don't believe the media are liberal. I think that there is a status quo beltway consensus, and people who think our tax rates should be higher, people who are really super concerned about our jobless recovery, the number of people still left out, people who are still losing their homes. That whole progressive economic side of things is barely covered. And when President Obama does something to sneer at his base, or when Robert Gibbs calls us the “professional left” and acts like we are a bunch of communists, the beltway media applaud. And so it's a really dysfunctional relationship, which is why we have the blogosphere, which is we have our own media at this point. KURTZ: Speaking of the blogosphere, John Aravosis, look, the media are always looking for signs of civil war in the Republican Party. A bunch of freshmen defect from John Boehner's budget deal, that's a big story. Among Democrats, not so much. For the record, Kurtz is 57 years old, and a graduate of the Columbia Graduate School of Journalism. Prior to his move to the Daily Beast last year, he had written for the Washington Post for 29 years and has been the host of “Reliable Sources” since 1998. With all this experience, he doesn't know why media go gaga over signs of civil war in the Republican Party, but when it's Democrats, not so much? Let me give the esteemed Mr. Kurtz a hint: it's because the liberal media always want to give the appearance that there are divisions in the Republican Party whilst doing their darnedest to make it seem that the Democrats are totally united in their views. This is especially important when there's a Democrat in the White House. for the last thing the press wants is for the public to think that anyone in Obama's Party disagrees with him. The more so-called journalists can depict Democrats as being 100 percent behind the president, the more likely that'll be the case. It's called trying to create a self-fulfilling prophecy, and the idea that Kurtz didn't even consider this Sunday only adds to his hypocrisy: JOHN ARAVOSIS, FOUNDER, AMERICABLOG.COM: No. You know, it's been interesting the last few years, because on the left, I think dissatisfaction with Obama began pretty early, certainly with the gay community, and then it spread out I think to other communities as well, other parts of the Democratic base. And you have never really seen any, I think, deep coverage of what is actually going on in terms of Obama's relationship with his own party. And I would go so far as to say I shouldn't have even just said the base. I talk to folks on the Hill. And whether they are moderate senators, or moderate chiefs of staff, I should say, or others, they are just as unhappy with the president as a lot of us are, but it's not being reported. No, it certainly isn't. Yet watch what Kurtz offered as an explanation rather than what should have been incredibly obvious to a so-called media analyst: KURTZ: And the reason it's not being reported, John, would it have to do with something like this — is there a media mindset that, well, liberals may whine about Obama, but they're really not going to have any choice but to support him next year, so why should we pay attention? No. It's because there is a media mindset that if they report liberals whining about Obama, others on the left and in the middle might become similarly disappointed leading to further declines in the President's poll numbers. Honestly, is Kurtz really this obtuse, or was he just being a good Democrat shill Sunday? ARAVOSIS: I think it's more than that. I think that, as Joan was saying, there is a little bit of a — not a disaffection, but a little sense of, oh, the left, you know they're unhappy. KURTZ: They're so cute. ARAVOSIS: Yes, they're so cute, but look at those Tea Party people. They're crazy. Wouldn't they be fun to cover? And I think the media almost thinks it's more fun to cover right disaffection than left. Sure it's more fun for the media to cover the Right's disaffection for Republicans – and more to the point. The more they do this, the more they believe moderates and conservatives will become similarly dissatisfied with the GOP leading to Democrat success at the polls. Alas, nobody involved in this segment was seeing this forest in front of them including the host: KURTZ: Joan Walsh, is there a media mindset that says that what the left wants, whether it's the public option on health care, or higher taxes for at least some Americans, is politically unrealistic, and therefore we shouldn't devote a lot of column inches to it? Did Kurtz really just say that the media aren't interested in covering higher taxes? This has been all the focus in the media for years, especially in the past few days since Obama proposed letting the Bush tax cuts expire at the end of next year. Every Sunday political talk show supported the President on this issue. Exactly where has Kurtz been to have missed this? WALSH: I think that's definitely part of it. And I don't know why people in the media get to decide that. The tax rates we had during the Clinton administration are now apparently off the table when they were part of — not the only thing, but they were part of bringing us a kind of unprecedented prosperity. But somehow, to suggest we go back to that, makes you kind of a crazy radical. And so, yes, there is a kind of bias for the status quo, a bias for what's perceived as being in the middle. And I think, actually, what you asked about — well, the left is going to go with Obama anyway, I think that is part of it. I think that we have seen these polls lately that say in the end, Democrats accept, for the most part, accept that Obama is going to compromise, whereas Republicans want no compromise. So it's also kind of a problem with the Democratic mindset, that we're the people who say, well, God, we don't want the government to shut down. And what if people don't get their welfare checks or soldiers aren't getting paid? OK, we'll compromise. I mean, it's amazing to me that John Boehner made that deal and then — you know, last Friday night, that progressives were upset about, and then he can't even get his own full caucus to get for it. He's got to go and get 81 Democrats. KURTZ: But that's a good point. And John, wasn't the media focused during the whole budget negotiation, what would satisfy John Boehner and the Tea Party conservatives, not what would satisfy the left wing of the Democratic Party? Of course they were, for the press were busy depicting Boehner and the Tea Party as being radical extremists trying to starve women, children, and seniors. Why would they bother talking about what the left-wing wants when they can summarily bash the right-wing? No matter how obvious, nobody involved in this segment even considered such a possibility: ARAVOSIS: The media was, but I would posit that part of the problem though was the Democrats. It wasn't as if the president set a bottom line. And we all know that president. When he sets a bottom line, he's just not going to buckle. No. I mean, everybody knew the president tends to give in too much, so that even, frankly, his speech this week, the president gave a great speech, I thought. He really laid down the line on all of these issues — Social Security, Medicare, et cetera. But we know he doesn't really stick to his word, whereas those crazy Republicans, they don't give in. So the Democrats — KURTZ: So this whole approach — ARAVOSIS: Parts of it are the Democrats' fault, I would argue. KURTZ: One thing that you and Joan seem to agree on is there is bias in the mainstream press — and I'm sure a lot of people disagree with this — towards the status quo, maybe even toward the center- right. Yes, he really did say “there is bias in the mainstream press…toward the center- right.” Readers are once again reminded that Kurtz considers himself a media analyst: ARAVOSIS: Yes. KURTZ: Does this drive you nuts? ARAVOSIS: Well, it does because of what Joan I think had said, was sort of the lack of respectability in the sense that it almost is a sense in the media that people on the left aren't serious, that they are either not seriously taking on the president, or their actual views themselves are not serious because, oh, they're just crazy lefties, and they don't like to — my favorite is when the media says the only reason you're upset with Obama is because you're a liberal and liberals just don't believe in compromise, and that's crazy. Well, no. Liberals believe in compromise when it's necessary. They don't believe in compromise as God. KURTZ: You know, there have been a few stories about this. “The Washington Post” ran one about liberals being upset with the president, Joan Walsh. But in terms of that budget deal and the negotiations that led up to it, it was the same thing in the lame-duck session when — the compromise on the Bush tax cuts for the wealthy. There is this recurring theme among people not just on the left, but particularly on the left, that Obama is too passive, that he gets into negotiations too late, and then he surrenders too much. You got into a Twitter fight about this, on this very subject, did you not? Interesting narrative – Obama surrenders too much, like accepting $38 billion in spending cuts out of a budget that has risen by $1.1 trillion since his Party took over Congress is a surrender: WALSH: I did. I got into a couple of Twitter fights. I mean, one thing that I do want to say is that we really can't generalize about the base. The thing about the Democratic Party right now is that there are a lot of bases. There are a lot of pieces of the Obama puzzle, so that, for example, African-Americans tend to be pleased with him. Now his standing with African-Americans dropped from the 90s to 85, the lowest it's been. That's very interesting to me. But for the most part, African-Americans are happier than the rest of the base. You know, liberals, even polls week to week, month to month, show liberals — 79 to 85 percent of liberals are happy. So, you know, those of us who get to go on TV have a responsibility to say, I speak for me, I have these values, I have — I care about progressive economic politics, I'm unhappy for these reasons. KURTZ: But do you get a pushback from people on your side of the political spectrum when you criticize the president because you think he gave away too much? Another astonishingly obtuse question from Kurtz. The point of this segment was that the media aren't reporting left-wing disappointment with Obama. As such, of course Walsh gets pushback when she criticizes the President. Makes you wonder what got into Howie's Wheaties this morning for him to miss so many things that were obvious: WALSH: Oh, absolutely I do. And that's what's great about Democrats. We argue, we debate, we fight. There are people who feel that this president is doing all he can with the Congress that he has, that even the Democrats he has are Blue Dogs. Even last year, when he had, allegedly, for a half hour, 60 votes, he didn't have 60 votes. He had Joe Lieberman and Mary Landrieu and Ben Nelson. KURTZ: Right. WALSH: You know, he's never had a mandate, even among Democrats for progressive policies, and that we are all being a little too impatient with him. ARAVOSIS: But what's interesting though is on the left, you do see that a number of sort of the media types, or I'll say maybe progressive media types such as Ezra Klein with “The Washington Post,” Matt Yglesias with Think Progress, people who tended to be more in Obama's camp, have gotten much more critical of late about the budget deal. So, you're seeing, yes, some people defend him, but it's fewer now I see. KURTZ: Right, but I continue wonder why that isn't more of a story for those of us who aren't in any ideological camp. We love fights, we love arguments, we love dissension, but we seem to love it more — ARAVOSIS: Especially with the election coming up. It's interesting. KURTZ: — on the right. Yes, the media most certainly do love fights, arguments, and dissension when they're on the right, and ignore them when they're on the left. Why Kurtz was totally clueless about the reason – or at least unwilling to voice it on the air – further diminished his credibility as an so-called impartial media analyst.
Continue reading …His recent cameo at Tate Modern offended the piano purists, but Daniel Barenboim doesn’t care. He tells Alan Rusbridger what Arab revolution can teach classical music When Daniel Barenboim ‘s hands are not at the piano or holding a baton, they demand a cigar. It is the first thing he mentions as he bustles into Claridge’s Hotel on the afternoon of his recent cameo concert at Tate Modern. We will go upstairs to his suite, he explains, and then he can light up. As if reading his mind, a member of staff shouts down the corridor after him: “Now then, Maestro” (he really does call him Maestro). “No smoking
Continue reading …Unofficial results from 30 of the country’s 36 states suggest the president has an unassailable lead over Muhammadu Buhari The Nigerian president, Goodluck Jonathan, is on course to retain power after an election intended to draw a line under decades of coups, violence and vote rigging. Jonathan had an unassailable lead as votes were tallied from around Nigeria, despite a strong showing by his rival Muhammadu Buhari in his mainly Muslim strongholds. Buhari, a former military ruler from the north, was hoping to at least force a second round against Jonathan, a Christian and the first head of state from the oil-producing Niger delta. That looked impossible, with a Reuters tally of results from 30 of 36 states across Africa’s most populous nation showing Jonathan on 20.3m votes to 10.4m for Buhari. There were not enough registered voters in the remaining states for Buhari to make up the difference. Jonathan’s officials said there would be no victory claim until results were announced by the independent national electoral commission, but they were clearly upbeat. Oronto Douglas, a senior adviser to the president, said: “This is no time for triumphalism. It is a time for deep reflection, for strengthening the bond of our union and for all of us to work together.” Jonathan, 53, a fedora-wearing zoologist from the south, inherited the presidency last year when Umaru Yar’Adua, a northerner, died during his first term. Some members of the ruling People’s Democratic party said another northerner should have be allowed to stand for what would have been Yar’Adua’s second term. As expected, the results revealed a geographical divide. Jonathan did particularly well in the predominantly Christian south, while Buhari swept many of the Muslim-dominated northern states. Since the end of military rule in 1999, Nigerian elections have been widely condemned for state-sponsored manipulation and fraud bordering on the farcical. Observers generally gave a clean bill of health to this year’s vote. The former president of Botswana, Festus Mogae, who leads the Commonwealth observer group, told the Associated Press: “In recent decades, Nigeria had come to be known for flawed elections. People outside and Nigerians themselves had come to believe that elections could not reflect the will of the people, but today people showed that they can change that. “We seem to be witnessing a giant of Africa reforming itself and putting its house in order.” A senior political source, however, told the Guardian he could see a different picture emerging from election monitor reports. “I’m afraid they’ll be singing a different tune,” said the source, who did not wish to be named. “I can see there are massive complaints, including the abandonment of collection centres. It’s very disquieting.” There were allegations of underage voting in the north and the snatching of ballot boxes in the south-east. Fearing the ruling party would try to fiddle the results, Buhari supporters took to the streets in some northern cities. Bello Ar-Adam, a representative of Buhari’s Congress for Progressive Change, told Reuters: “Rigging is the stock in trade of the PDP. A leopard doesn’t change its spots.” Trouble flared in isolated areas. Police said a bomb was detonated at a hotel in the city of Kaduna, wounding eight people on Saturday night. A PDP official’s house was burned down in the town of Azere. Shots were fired in Bauchi and a car thought to be carrying fraudulent ballots was set ablaze in what turned out to be a case of mistaken identity. Young men stalked the streets armed with bows and arrows. There were signs that young people had voted in record numbers. Chude Jideonwo, the co-founder of EnoughisEnough Nigeria (EiE), a youth voter registration campaign, said: “Young people came out massively to vote across the country, including in rural areas. This election disappointed the cynics and defied even our expectations.” Jideonwo added that, curiously, social media sites such as Twitter had seemed to indicate a likely victory for Buhari, but now results suggested Jonathan would win. “Goodluck Jonathan spent five or six months trying to engage young people in various ways. “His strategy was to emphasise his likeability by being positive and reluctant to criticise. A week ago I would have said it’s too passive, but now it seems to have been a good strategy.” Jonathan, whose PDP lost seats in a parliamentary election last week, cast his ballot in his home state of Bayelsa in the Niger delta and hailed the election as a “new dawn in Nigeria’s political evolution”. “If the ballot paper means nothing then there is no democracy,” he said. “Nigeria is now experiencing true democracy where we the politicians have to go to the people.” Nigeria David Smith guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Click here to view this media Donald Trump said Sunday that as president, he would not have acted to protect civilians in Libya until they agreed to write a big check the U.S. “Why aren’t they paying us?” Trump asked CNN’s Candy Crowley. “When they said that you should have said, we’ll go in. We want $5 billion. We have already spent $1.5 billion on fighting Gaddafi. We want $5 billion right now and we’ll go in. You know what? That’s peanuts to them. They’d give you a check in two seconds.” The billionaire also said he was nostalgic for a time when the U.S. could claim the resources of defeated nations. “In the old days when you have a war and you win, that nation is yours,” he said. “Either I go in and take the oil or I don’t go in at all.” “Just take their oil?” Crowley asked. “Absolutely,” Trump replied. “I’d take the oil, give them plenty so they can live very happily. I’d take the oil.”
Continue reading …“Why do these rich people need another tax cut?” Bob Schieffer demanded of his guest on Sunday morning’s Face the Nation , Republican Congressman Paul Ryan. Conveying his no-so-profound economic reasoning, Schieffer saw a pot of money to be absconded: “I mean, they're already rich. They seem to be doing pretty well as it is now. Why cut their taxes some more?” After Ryan explained his proposal would maintain current tax revenue levels while eliminating deductions and loopholes used by the wealthy, a baffled Schiefier ruminated: I guess the part that I don't quite understand – and I take your proposal to be a serious one – but the part I don't understand is if the country is going bankrupt, if the country needs to borrow 40 cents of every dollar that it spends, how do you help that by reducing the amount of taxes that the richest people in the country pay? It would be seem to me that's where you get revenue. How do you justify that? In the next segment, with Senator Mark Warner, Schieffer also hit the Democrat from the left on hiking taxes, after describing him as a “conservative” from “a very conservative state,” even though Virginia voted for Obama: “Senator, you are a Democrat, you are a conservative Democrat from a very conservative state, Virginia. Do you think that we can solve the deficit problem without raising taxes in some way?” From the Sunday, April 17 Face the Nation: BOB SCHIEFFER: You have two very different approaches that are now out there. The President wants to raise taxes on the wealthiest Americans. He wants to keep Medicare in place. The big part of the savings in your plan is to do away with Medicare, replace it with private insurance that would be subsidized by the government, and you actually want to lower taxes on the wealthy, even lower than the Bush tax cuts which were enacted during the Bush administration. I guess the question I would have, Congressman, why do these rich people need another tax cut? I mean, they're already rich. They seem to be doing pretty well as it is now. Why cut their taxes some more? CONGRESSMAN PAUL RYAN: First of all we're not talking about cutting taxes. We're just not agreeing with the President's tax increases. I guess that's the new definition of tax cuts. We're saying keep tax rates where they are right now. Get rid of all those loopholes and deductions, which by the way, are mostly enjoyed by wealthy people so you can lower tax rates. We're taking a page out of the play book of the fiscal commission, the President's fiscal commission supported by a majority of Democrats. Broaden the tax base, lower the tax rates for economic growth. A simpler, flatter fair tax code more internationally competitive so we can create jobs. This isn't tax cuts. It's tax reform targeting our revenues at where they are right now. We're just not signing on to all the tax increases that the President is proposing. On Medicare let me just the he will you, no change would occur to anybody 55 years of age or above. The problem is Medicare goes bankrupt in nine years. Unless we do something to save it, it won't be there for future generations like my generation. The ideas we're talking about for reforming Medicare is a system that works just like the one that I have as a member of Congress that federal employees have. It works like the prescription drug benefit works now for seniors which has proven to lower costs and expand choices. And also it's an idea that has come from both parties in the past. It has traditionally had bipartisan support in the past. I would simply say the President had one idea he gave us on Wednesday which is have this board of 15 people that he appoints ration and price control Medicare for current seniors. We just don't think government rationing on Medicare is the answer. We think we should keep the promise to current seniors and people ten years away from retiring, but then reform the system for the next generation so that it is safe and solvent for current seniors and for future generations because Medicare is going bankrupt. SCHIEFFER: Let me go back to what you said there at the top. You say you're not for cutting taxes. But am I misinformed? I thought you were talking about lowering that rate for the top income taxpayers back to about 25 percent, so isn't that a tax cut? RYAN: In exchange for losing your deductions. So in exchange for using the loopholes and deductions that mostly higher income earners use. What we're saying is keep tax revenues where they are. Don't lower tax revenues but clean up the tax code so that it works. If you have really high tax rates what you end up doing is penalize small businesses. You have to remember, Bob, most successful small businesses file their taxes as individuals. Most of our jobs come from these small businesses. The President is proposing to raise the tax rate on these small business to 44.8 percent. We don't think that's good for jobs or economic growth. When we tax our employers a whole lot more than our foreign competitors tax theirs we lose, they win. We don't want that. Just like the fiscal commission, the bipartisan fiscal commission said, lower tax rates, broaden the tax base for economic growth and that's exactly what we're proposing. SCHIEFFER: I guess the part that I don't quite understand – and I take your proposal to be a serious one – but the part I don't understand is if the country is going bankrupt, if the country needs to borrow 40 cents of every dollar that it spends, how do you help that by reducing the amount of taxes that the richest people in the country pay? It would be seem to me that's where you get revenue. How do you justify that? RYAN: Two things. Two things, number one, we don't have a tax problem. Our revenues are going back to where they have been historically. We have a big spending problem. Spending is growing at a very unsustainable rate. Let's focus on spending…. — Brent Baker is Vice President for Research and Publications at the Media Research Center. Click here to follow him on Twitter.
Continue reading …He who frames the debate, controls the debate. There’s a reason that this saying exists–it’s absolutely true and there’s no greater evidence of it than watching the Sunday news shows. Case in point: the Tea Party Caucus in the House. Now this group of newcomers rode into Congress last year on a wave of fear, lies and dissatisfaction with the pace of economic recovery. Their understanding of how government and the economy works is simplistic and single-minded, counting on the ignorance of voters. I’m more than a little annoyed by the overused analogy of running the country is like running a household writ large. Really? How many households have to negotiate trade agreements with other households? How many households issue bonds (which is where most of our debt lies)? Yet Christiane Amanpour allows Reps. Renee Ellmers, Steve Southerland, Joe Walsh and Allen West talk in exactly these terms without challenge or interruption. Okay. I’m sure that if the executive producer of This Week responded to my emails, he would say that having representatives from the majority party is an appropriate booking and that the Tea Party caucus is a notable movement of today. That’s an arguable position to take. However, how many freshman Democratic reps did ABC book after the Democratic sweep of 2008. None. I would also suggest that the media seems more enthralled by the tea party movement than most Americans. Why else would they cover exhaustively a few dozen protesters in Boca Raton and ignore the thousands protesting BP’s environmental violations ? Furthermore, is it too much to ask Amanpour to have her research done to be able to point out that cutting spending in a fragile economic recovery would send the country spiraling into a depression and that any threat of not raising the debt ceiling will extend the economic crisis worldwide ? How about merely pointing out that cutting taxes on corporations has not actually helped the economy over the last 10 years? Since ABC sees their role as simply a platform for ideas, the obvious question to ask is when will the Progressive Caucus get their turn? They’ve offered up a budget alternative to Paul Ryan’s. When’s their turn in the sun, ABC? Or is it that you just don’t want to frame the debate that way?
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