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Obama sanctions use of Predator drones in Libya

Senior Nato military commanders have been pressing for the unmanned planes to strike Gaddafi forces in besieged Misrata The US has approved the use of missile-armed Predator drones to help Nato target Colonel Gaddafi’s forces in Libya. Coalition commanders have been privately urging the Americans to provide the specialist unmanned aircraft, which have become a favoured – if controversial – weapon in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Their ability to hone in on targets using powerful night-vision cameras is considered to be one way of helping rebels in the besieged city of Misrata, where a humanitarian crisis has unfolded in the last week. The US defence secretary, Robert Gates, said Barack Obama had approved the use of the Predators, marking a re-escalation of the US contribution to the Nato effort. Gates told a Pentagon news conference that the Predator was an example of the unique US military capabilities that the president is willing to contribute while other countries enforce a no-fly zone. General James Cartwright said that the first Predator missionin Libya had been scheduled for Thursday night but was abandoned due to poor weather. Liam Fox, the British defence secretary, and Sir David Richards, the chief of the defence staff, are due in Washington next week to discuss the situation in Libya with Gates and Mike Mullen, the chairman of the joint chiefs of staff. The use of Predators is one of the topics to be discussed at the Pentagon talks next Tuesday, as well as other specialist equipment that might be provided by the US. David Cameron has again insisted that Nato had no intention of deploying ground troops, but this did not mollify Russia. It condemned the sending of military advisers to Libya by the UK and France, saying this exceeded the mandate of UN security council resolution 1973. “We are not happy about the latest events in Libya, which are pulling the international community into a conflict on the ground,” said the Russian foreign minister, Sergei Lavrov. “This may have unpredictable consequences.” However, senior Whitehall officials believe the use of drones, also known as UAVs, would not be beyond the remit, or the spirit, of the UN resolution which gave the coalition a mandate to protect civilians. “A UAV with sufficiently high-resolution sensors, were it armed, could fire that weapon in line of sight and still meet the tight rules of engagement,” a military source said. “We have been asking if we can get the US to provide that capability for us. It exists – the question is can we get it to be deployed? UAVs would give you speed of response where you see the regime transgressing the UN resolution,” the source said. The US is understood to have the UAVs in the region already. A Whitehall source said of Tuesday’s talks: “Part of the discussion will be whether there are any niche capabilities that can be used. UAVs are a part of that and the US has expertise in this area. We are focusing a lot of targeting around Misrata and we need to explore what other capabilities we can use.” The UN secretary general, Ban Ki-Moon, urged Gaddafi to “stop killing people”, and estimated that 500,000 Libyans had now fled the country. The MoD also sought to counter criticism that Nato is not doing enough for Misrata, saying that the RAF had hit 58 targets around the city in the past three weeks, including 37 main battle tanks. But officials also concede that the difficulties of targeting within the city are considerable. Earlier this week Nato’s commander, Lt Gen Charles Bouchard, described the situation within Misrata as being akin to “a knife fight in a phone booth”. He said Gaddafi forces were hiding on the rooftops of mosques, hospitals and schools, and that they were shielding themselves behind women and children. The military difficulties were underlined when further details emerged of the death of British photographer Tim Hetherington, who was killed on Wednesday in a mortar attack along with a colleague, Chris Hondras. An Oscar-nominated film-maker, Hetherington, 41, wrote in his last Twitter post on Tuesday: “In besieged Libyan city of Misrata. Indiscriminate shelling by Gaddafi forces. No sign of Nato.” His family issued a statement through Vanity Fair, who had hired him on assignment in Libya. “Tim will be remembered for his amazing images and his Academy Award-nominated documentary Restrepo, which he co-produced with his friend Sebastian Junger. He will be forever missed,” the family said. Vanity Fair editor Graydon Carter said Hetherington was “about as perfect a model of a war photographer as you’re going to find these days”. Libya Nato Barack Obama Arab and Middle East unrest US foreign policy United States Middle East David Cameron Foreign policy Defence policy Tim Hetherington Documentary Nick Hopkins guardian.co.uk

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MSNBC’s Chris Matthews Smears Tea Partiers: Only Interested in Cutting Spending on the Poor

According to MSNBC's Chris Matthews, ” the only cuts that [Tea Partiers] seem to want are the cuts for the poor people .” The Hardball host smeared the conservative protesters on Thursday while discussing planned reforms to Medicare and Medicaid.

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French police uproar over booze ban

Police unions furious as official decree is passed to prevent CRS officers enjoying their usual lunchtime wine and beer They might be lampooned as a bunch of truncheon-happy meatheads by leftwing street demonstrators, but that doesn’t mean French riot police don’t appreciate a nice glass of Burgundy with their lunch. The notorious Compagnies Républicaines de Sécurité, or CRS, are outraged at an official decree stating they can no longer drink wine or beer with their meals. Until now, a civilised tipple was part of the daily lunch menu of the controversial force, lauded by Nicolas Sarkozy, whose trademark black body armour and riot shields are a regular feature on French streets. A glass of wine, beer or cider – but not spirits – was always permitted with lunch, including while on duty. Even packed lunches provided out of riot vans while they were patrolling demonstrations came with a can of beer or glass of wine. But in October last year, authorities were annoyed when pictures published on the website Backchich showed uniformed riot police swigging beer from cans on the sidelines of a sixth-formers’ street-protest against pension reforms in Perreux-sur-Marne, north of Paris. The website reported that having told locals it was too dangerous to go outside during the high-school demo, uniformed officers stopped for a beer on a street corner in full view of the public. Police unions expressed their fury at the new decree. Paul Le Guennec, of the biggest riot police union, Unité Police SGP-FO, said the French public had not seemed shocked at the notion of a CRS officer drinking at lunch. “Does the fact that having a glass of wine while eating prevent any kind of worker from carrying out their job? I don’t think the chief of police drinks water when he’s having a meal,” Le Guennec told the paper Le JDD. The union argued that the CRS did not have a higher incidence of alcohol problems than the rest of society, saying a small drink with lunch was in line with French labour law. But unions warned that the row over lunchtime drinking should not be allowed to detract from their protests over cuts to the 14,000-strong force. Earlier this year, there was unprecedented strike action and protests by riot police over cuts to barracks and staff, with some CRS in Marseille going on hunger strike in an embarrassment to the security-minded Sarkozy. France Nicolas Sarkozy Europe Angelique Chrisafis guardian.co.uk

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French police uproar over booze ban

Police unions furious as official decree is passed to prevent CRS officers enjoying their usual lunchtime wine and beer They might be lampooned as a bunch of truncheon-happy meatheads by leftwing street demonstrators, but that doesn’t mean French riot police don’t appreciate a nice glass of Burgundy with their lunch. The notorious Compagnies Républicaines de Sécurité, or CRS, are outraged at an official decree stating they can no longer drink wine or beer with their meals. Until now, a civilised tipple was part of the daily lunch menu of the controversial force, lauded by Nicolas Sarkozy, whose trademark black body armour and riot shields are a regular feature on French streets. A glass of wine, beer or cider – but not spirits – was always permitted with lunch, including while on duty. Even packed lunches provided out of riot vans while they were patrolling demonstrations came with a can of beer or glass of wine. But in October last year, authorities were annoyed when pictures published on the website Backchich showed uniformed riot police swigging beer from cans on the sidelines of a sixth-formers’ street-protest against pension reforms in Perreux-sur-Marne, north of Paris. The website reported that having told locals it was too dangerous to go outside during the high-school demo, uniformed officers stopped for a beer on a street corner in full view of the public. Police unions expressed their fury at the new decree. Paul Le Guennec, of the biggest riot police union, Unité Police SGP-FO, said the French public had not seemed shocked at the notion of a CRS officer drinking at lunch. “Does the fact that having a glass of wine while eating prevent any kind of worker from carrying out their job? I don’t think the chief of police drinks water when he’s having a meal,” Le Guennec told the paper Le JDD. The union argued that the CRS did not have a higher incidence of alcohol problems than the rest of society, saying a small drink with lunch was in line with French labour law. But unions warned that the row over lunchtime drinking should not be allowed to detract from their protests over cuts to the 14,000-strong force. Earlier this year, there was unprecedented strike action and protests by riot police over cuts to barracks and staff, with some CRS in Marseille going on hunger strike in an embarrassment to the security-minded Sarkozy. France Nicolas Sarkozy Europe Angelique Chrisafis guardian.co.uk

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Iranian protesters in hunger strike

The four men are among six hunger strikers who say they were tortured after taking part in protests that swept Iran in 2009 Four Iranians, including a 17-year-old boy, are on hunger strike and have sewn their lips together with fishing wire in protest at plans by the British government to send them back to Tehran. The men, who are among six protesters to have not eaten for 16 days, say they were beaten, tortured and in one case raped after taking part in anti-regime protests that swept Iran in 2009. They claim that although their lives would be in danger in Iran they have been “ignored and dismissed” by UK authorities since they sought refuge in the country last year. “We have sewn our mouths because there is no other way,” said Keyvan Bahari, 32, who has scars across his back and arms from what he said was 12 days of being slashed with razor blades by the Iranian authorities when he was a student. “Nobody in the UK hears us or cares what we say so we have no other option but to do this.” Bahari, a former champion wrestler who ran his own training centre in Tehran, said the media and government in the UK and US had encouraged him and tens of thousands of other young people to stand up against the regime but had now “washed their hands” of the protesters. “When I was back in Tehran, I was seeing Obama and British officials on our illegal satellite TVs, encouraging us day in day out to continue our protest,” said Bahari, who is one of three men camping on the pavement outside Lunar House immigration centre in Croydon. Speaking with difficulty through his sewn-up lips, which are already sore and infected, he said: “They said that they will support us but now that I’m stuck in here and need help, they are nowhere.” The men say they are taking liquids, but doctors say that even so, they could deteriorate quickly, especially if they have pre-existing medical conditions. Mahyar Meyari, 17, lying in the small tent next to Bahari, recalls how he was raped after being arrested following a demonstration on al-Quds day in 2009. “I was blindfolded and taken to an unknown place where I was kept for a week. I was kicked on the head by batons many times … and even raped,” he said before breaking down. Mahyar paid a smuggler to get him out of the country but says he did not know where he was being taken before he arrived in the UK 16 days later. “I can’t explain how I feel here, I can’t believe what’s happening to me,” said Mahyar, who does not speak English. “When I claimed asylum with the Home Office, they first didn’t believe that I’m 17 years old, they said I was lying. There’s a culture of disbelief in the Home Office, everybody thinks you are lying by default.” The men’s asylum claims were all turned down, although some are still involved in appeals. They say they feel let down by the legal system and the lawyers appointed by the Home Office to represent them. “I’m very discontent about my legal representation,” said Bahari. “I saw my lawyer more as a Home Office officer than a lawyer there to protect my rights. He was more looking after the rights of the Home Office.” A government spokesman said the UK Border Agency “takes every asylum application it receives seriously” adding the men were given “every opportunity to make their representations to us as well as a right to appeal the decision to the courts”. He added: “They all had access to free legal advice as well as a designated UK Border Agency caseowner who considered their case on its individual merits.” However, the men say they have had very little contact with the Home Office since they began their protest and campaigners – and fellow Iranian activists – say asylum seekers are fighting a culture of disbelief across the government. “The people who are supposed to interview asylum seekers in the Home Office, they do not interview these people, they interrogate them,” said Akbar Karimian, an Iranian activist who has been helping the group. “They search for an error or a mistake in their testimonies so that they can find a contradictory evidence to reject their claim. You imagine that the officers in a refugee organisation of this government are there to help these vulnerable people, but they are there to find a way to send them back.” Campaigners say the UK hunger strike is a sign of the increasing desperation among Iranian asylum seekers. One man died after setting himself alight in Amsterdam this month and 25 Iranians sewed their lips together in Greece in an attempt to secure refugee status. The Medical Foundation, which is preparing a report on Meyari’s condition for his next appeal, says 293 Iranians were referred to the organisation for help in 2010. Lying in the tent, Mahyar said the UK hunger strikers, like many fellow Iranians, were prepared for drastic action. “I prefer to die here than going back to Iran. I’ll continue this protest until somebody comes here and asks me why I’m doing this, until somebodycares about what has happened to me.” Iran Middle East Immigration and asylum Matthew Taylor Saeed Kamali Dehghan guardian.co.uk

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Fighting continues in Ivory Coast

Alassane Ouattara’s army takes on two separate militias resisting his control in Ivory Coast’s commercial capital of San Pedro Fresh fighting and splits in the coalition that brought Alassane Ouattara to power could derail Ivory Coast’s recovery. Gunfire and explosions returned to Abidjan this week as Ouattara’s army takes on two separate militias resisting his control in the country’s commercial capital. Reports of infighting in the port city of San Pedro, a polio outbreak and humanitarian emergency in the west indicate that the west African country’s return to normality will be far from smooth. The violence in Abidjan, the worst since defeated president Laurent Gbagbo was toppled last week, is concentrated in two pockets: the northern suburb of Abobo and the western district of Yopougon. Abobo is dominated by the “Invisible Commando”, a 5,000-strong force that took up arms against Gbagbo during the political stalemate. But now the militia’s renegade leader, Ibrahim “IB” Coulibaly, is demanding recognition of his role in overthrowing Gbagbo. His forces, seen during the conflict as men in balaclavas policing makeshift checkpoints, are accused of widespread looting of vehicles and from businesses during the past week – and of ignoring a deadline to join the Republican Forces, Ouattara’s national army. In response the national army has turned its guns on the former ally. Residents said Abobo shook with the sound of heavy machine-gun fire on Wednesday near Coulibaly’s headquarters. People scattered and ran to lock themselves into their homes. “The fighting continues and we can hear vehicles moving through the streets, but we can’t go outside to find out what’s going on,” Amara Touré told Reuters. Military sources said the Republican Forces’ attack on Coulibaly’s headquarters was met with resistance that lasted more than an hour. A fighter in Coulibaly’s militia, known as Capt Meyo Aka, told Associated Press that they drove government troops back and they left. Coulibaly had pledged allegiance on Sunday to Ouattara, saying he regards the former prime minister as a father. Coulibaly protected Ouattara’s wife from 1990 to 1993 when he was head of her bodyguard corps. The Invisible Commando and the northern New Forces, which were incorporated into the Republican Forces, have little in common beside their hatred of Gbagbo; disagreements between them have at times been violent. Coulibaly, who led a failed coup against Gbagbo in 2002, is a longtime rival of Ouattara’s prime minister and military commander, Guillaume Soro. Without an enemy to unite against, factionalism in the Ouattara camp is being exposed. Apollinaire Yapi, a spokesman for Soro, said last night: “Right from the beginning the Invisible Commando distinguished itself from the Republican Forces. Ouattara created the Republican Forces by decree to gather all groups of soldiers who were fighting in the field. “From that moment every soldier had to join the new army, but we noticed General ‘IB’ continued to claim the Invisible Commando are distinct from the Republican Forces. He was expected to join the Republican Forces but he did not do that. “The other day he said he was at the disposal of Mr Ouattara, but no one trusts him and that’s the problem. There’s a lack of confidence and I don’t know what is going to be done. It may need a military action again if they fail to solve it by negotiation.” Meanwhile, across the city in Yopougon, where the UN mission maintains 24-hour patrols, fighting also continues in an offensive to “mop up” pro-Gbagbo loyalists. Yapi added: “In Yopougon the militiamen and mercenaries loyal to Gbagbo are still operating. Three high-ranking pro-Gbagbo soldiers are still at large. We don’t know if they are planning anything.” He warned: “Militiamen loyal to Gbagbo had confided they could create a rebel group if Gbagbo was to be captured, but there are some measures being taken to prevent such a group being organised.” Infighting among Ouattara’s forces erupted in the southwestern cocoa port of San Pedro on Wednesday. One source said the shooting started when one group of soldiers tried to stop another from looting. UN peacekeepers intervened after Ivorian fighters started launching mortars and rockets downtown. The continued fighting has set back hopes of quickly restoring security and reviving the economy; the post-election struggle dragged on for more than four months. Richard Moncrieff, at the South African Institute for International Affairs, said Ouattara does not have command and control over troops who entered Abidjan to oust Gbagbo. “This could have serious repercussions for what is to come,” he told AP. A million people have fled Abidjan and another million are displaced in the country or have fled to neighbours. Thousands have been killed and wounded. The World Health Organisation said on Thursday that polio has broken out, with three cases confirmed in children. The UN agency warned that it may spread within Ivory Coast, where disease surveillance is poor, and to other parts of west Africa. “The outbreak response may be constrained by the current security situation in Côte d’Ivoire,” the WHO said. Médecins Sans Frontières has reported a “dire” situation in the west of the country, where divisions between communities are the deepest and some of the worst atrocities have taken place. Alassane Ouattara Ivory Coast David Smith guardian.co.uk

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Graveyards filling up in Misrata’s unexpected war

With 1000 dead and a further 3000 injured, the two-month-old war has taken its toll on the people of the city The graves outside the shrine are packed tightly together, thick stripes of cement with small concrete blocks poking out of the earth at either end. Some of the graves are about six feet apart, like those marking the remains of Khalid Abushahma, the first protester to be shot dead by Muammar Gaddafi’s forces in this Libyan port city on 20 February, and of Ali al-Hadi, who died just two days ago. Other graves barely span two feet. Ibrahim Omran, a baby buried on 7 April. Amina Abdullah, a small girl, two weeks before. Sanad Aduraat, a toddler killed by a bullet on 6 March. Carved into the cement next to Aduraat’s name, next to all the names, is the word al-shaheed , meaning martyr. “Gaddafi is the reason for all this,” said Abdullah Almohandis, an old man in a brown hooded cloak who oversees the cemetery. Heavy explosions boomed in the distance, as they do here for many hours of each day and night. Almohandis held his open hands to the sky, shaking with rage. The war in Misrata is now two months old. The graveyards are filling up and the hospitals are overflowing. In their attempt to end the uprising, Gaddafi’s forces have killed at least 1,000 people. Around 90% are civilians who have died because of indiscriminate shelling or shooting, doctors here say. Fighting has been so heavy that parts of the city centre are now almost completely destroyed. Buildings, homes and mosques are pockmarked with bullet holes. Walls have been completely blown away, or are blackened by fire. Entire suburbs near the front lines are empty of families, who have crammed into other parts of the city, closer to the sea. Communications have been completely cut. Burnt-out cars and tanks litter the streets, alongside effigies of the dictator who has ruled Libya for 42 years. The resistance from the rebels – from all the people in Misrata – seems remarkable given their limited armoury and experience. That they have managed to keep Gaddafi’s forces to one side of the city seems a miracle, or at least a masterclass in guerrilla warfare. But this is a siege, and while the rebels can defend their lines, they do not have the means to fight their way out, or to send their families to safety. And despite significant losses, Gaddafi remains determined to fight his way in. The cost is huge. Besides the dead, more than 3,000 people in this city have been injured since the conflict began. Many have been hit by shrapnel from indiscriminate shelling by Gaddafi’s forces. Others have been picked off by snipers, including Mohamed Hassan, 10, who was hit in the head when he opened his front door last Saturday. He now lies in Misrata’s hospital, screaming for his father and uncle or jabbering incomprehensibly. His mother, Zeinab, touches his forehead. Her tears have run dry. She tries to speak but then shakes her head and looks down. Nobody here in Libya’s third largest city expected a war. A few dozen people went out to protest on 17 February, in sympathy with people in Benghazi, where the main uprising began. Police arrested the protesters, sparking bigger demonstrations. Then security forces opened fire. About 70 people were killed in a matter of days. The city rose up in anger. “We kicked out all of Gaddafi’s people, who fled to Tripoli,” said Mohamed Karwad, a 23-year-old graphic designer, who was one of the first protesters to be arrested. “At that time we had nothing but rocks and Molotov cocktails.” When Gaddafi’s forces returned two weeks later it was with tanks and armoured vehicles. The rebels still had few proper weapons, but they had taken measures to prevent the city from falling. They blocked the main streets with shipping containers full of sand and metal, preventing the tanks from passing though. They laid down blankets soaked in diesel that became caught in the tanks’ tracks. A Molotov cocktail heaved from a sidestreet would then set the tank alight. Mosques played recordings of “God is Great” over and over to inspire the rebel fighters, infuriating Gaddafi’s forces. Many mosques have since been hit by shells. Fighting was fierce and bloody. Many rebels died, but so did many of Gaddafi’s men, and each time the rebels took their weapons. Some were welded on the backs of pickups, which were then reinforced with giant steel plates on the front and back. Despite repeated attempts, the tanks have been unable to penetrate the city centre. But by sending snipers into abandoned buildings Gaddafi’s forces have managed to stop the rebels taking ground quickly. It’s a slow and deadly fight, street by street. The rebels appear to have no central leadership, but are divided into cells around the neatly laid-out city, commanded by men with noms de guerre such as Lion of the Desert, or Big Deer. Roadblocks appear every few hundred metres, some made of giant mounds of sea-sand, others of concrete pipes or ladders or chairs. Many of the fighters manning them – the Shabab, as they are known – are young. Mohamed Mustafa, 19, was studying first-year medicine when the revolution began and missing his parents, who are living in Nottingham, where his father is pursuing a PhD. He was clutching an AK-47, with a checked scarf wrapped around his head. Every day he spends six hours at the checkpoint near Benghazi Street, a scene of fierce fighting in recent weeks, searching cars and passengers for unauthorised weapons or satellite phones. “At the start I saw how people were dying for the cause of freedom,” he said. “So I decided to join the troops and defend my people and my home from the devil that is Gaddafi.” Across Benghazi Street, close to the vegetable market now used as a base by Gaddafi’s forces, the rebels have punched holes in the walls of some houses to create new roads that offer more protection from sniper fire. There were few signs of life, apart from a few unfortunate chickens, until we reached a house whose garage was filled with fighters. “Revolutionaries having breakfast,” shouted one of them, holding up a bread roll filled with tuna. Aiman al-Hadad, a 25-year-old engineer, clutched a sniper’s rifle that had been captured from Gaddafi’s forces. Growing up, he had shot birds, he said, so it was natural to become a sharpshooter when the war began. He had killed seven of Gaddafi’s men, he said proudly. Mohamed Elfituri, a young pharmacist, was more modest, saying that they were making gains, but that Gaddafi’s snipers remained a threat. His fiancee was in Tripoli, he said, and he had not been able to reach her for two months. Might it be possible to send an email on his behalf? Their commander had been killed the previous day, so Mohamed Shinisheh was now in charge. Solidly built, and the only one of his men wearing a beret and uniform, he had been working in Malta as a builder before the uprising. He rushed to Benghazi, the rebel headquarters in the east, received three weeks’ training and took a boat to Misrata. “In the day, in the night, we fight,” he said. “We are defending our positions. Gadaffi’s troops are just 50 metres away.” He moved up the road with a few of his men, running quickly across open patches of road, and pointing out where the snipers had hit water tanks and electricity lines to make life more difficult for the rebels. At a corner a tattered green flag erected by Gaddafi’s troops during a brief occupation hung above a house that had since been taken by the rebels. A shop was on fire, hit by an incoming shell an hour before. A short drive away, close to Tripoli Street, which Gaddafi’s forces have been trying to capture since the battle began, Mohamed Swesi, 42, who fought in Chad for the Libyan army in the 1980s, was showing off an IED he had made using two landmines, a dozen bullets and an ammunition case. Three members of his family had been killed by Gaddafi’s army. He was not afraid to die. “My heart is big,” he said. “Give me good weapons and I’ll be in Tripoli in three days.” Dozens of young fighters sat quietly on the side street, each clutching a weapon. They were waiting for Gaddafi’s snipers, who they say are now cut off from the rest of their forces, to show themselves in the pockmarked buildings that line Tripoli Street. Many of the marksmen had been killed but a significant number remained. In front of one house was pool of fresh blood. A 12-year-old boy from a family that had refused to leave their home had been hit as he stepped outside to play. He died immediately. An ambulance passed. The doctor, Mohamed Bashir, said they had already picked up three dead people that morning. More than 20 had been injured. “We will stay here and fight Gaddafi until the last blood spills.” Blood is spilling too from those who do not want to fight – women, children and elderly people – thanks to the indiscriminate shelling by Gaddafi’s forces. In the private clinic that now serves as Misrata’s main hospital, Mokhtar Naria, 37, and his 10-year-old nephew, Mortaz, both had bandages around their heads. The Narias had left their home to cram in with four other families in an area that was meant to be safer. But earlier this week, as they were preparing to pray, a shell burst through the roof. Six people were injured, including Naria’s grandfather, who lost a finger. Naria had a damaged skull. He could walk, but seemed dazed. “The boy does not even know about Gaddafi,” said his father. “He just knows he is afraid.” Upstairs, Dr Fathi Mohamed was doing his rounds in the surgery ward. Before the revolution began, he had seen two gunshot wounds in six years. Now he has seen hundreds, and many more shrapnel injuries. He sent 36 wounded people by boat to Benghazi on Wednesday night, but still has 19 people in his ward alone. “The oldest we have treated was 92 years old. He had chest injuries but did not die. The youngest was one year old.” An ambulance arrived. It was carrying a rebel fighter – a man who until eight weeks ago had been a civilian deeply fearful of Gaddafi and who had now been killed by government forces. Tomorrow the name Osama Manita will be written in concrete somewhere in Misrata, perhaps near the shrine. One more martyr. Libya Muammar Gaddafi Arab and Middle East unrest Middle East Xan Rice guardian.co.uk

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Malaysia fights the great brain drain

Kuala Lumpur government announces new strategy to try and retain its brightest sons and daughters from emigrating Sheng Cai Lim is a skilled and experienced IT professional, an asset to a country that aspires to grow into a fully developed nation by the end of the decade. There’s only one problem. Lim, 29, isn’t sure he wants to stay in Malaysia. Lim says it’s 50/50 that he’ll leave. “I’ll likely go to Singapore for a few years, and then after that maybe Canada or New Zealand,” he said. He’s on a six-month sabbatical from work and recently registered with head hunters who place candidates abroad. “My friends overseas wonder why I’m still in Malaysia. They say there are better opportunities abroad,” he said. If Lim does make the move, he’ll join the 1.5m Malaysians, or 5.3% of the population, who live and work outside of the country, according to the World Bank. By moving to countries such as Singapore, Australia and the UK, these migrants are creating a considerable brain drain that threatens the country’s economic progress. “Brain drain is hurting the country’s drive to move up the value chain,” said Dr Ooi Kee Beng, senior fellow at the Institute of South-east Asian Studies in Singapore. “The fact that Malaysians fill many of the top and middle management posts in the region, from Shanghai to Singapore, tells us that the country is bleeding talent.” The problem has been getting worse in recent years. More than 300,000 Malaysians left the country between March 2008 and August 2009, compared to nearly 140,000 in 2007, the deputy foreign affairs minister, Tuan A Kohilan Pillay told parliament. Many work in key sectors such as finance, technology and engineering. Two factors are driving the exodus, said Tony Pua, MP and member of the opposition committee on the ministry of higher education. “First, there’s simple economics. You can make more money overseas,” he said. The other cause is the country’s race-based affirmative action policies, Pua said, which favour ethnic-majority bumiputra, or sons of the soil, over minority Chinese and Indians, who make up 24% and 7% of the population, respectively. “The two problems exacerbate each other. The economy has not been growing, and there’s an increasing demand for a bigger piece of the pie among bumiputra. As a result, the government is more prone to implement policies that favour them, and minorities feel excluded. It’s a vicious cycle,” Pua said. Malaysian law provides bumiputra benefits such as rebates on property prices, quotas for university enrolment and civil-service jobs, and preferential treatment for government contracts, among other advantages. The laws, which were enacted in 1971 in an attempt to redistribute wealth in the wake of race riots in 1969, distinguish Malaysia from other Asian countries with brain-drain problems, such as the Philippines. In interviews with Malaysians living in Kuala Lumpur and overseas, frustration with these laws and worries about rising racial tension and Islamic conservatism have led many to reconsider their futures in their country of birth. “Malaysia is a very controlled and fanatic country,” said Janath Anantha Vass, 29, an ethnic Indian accountant in Kuala Lumpur who plans to move to Australia. “Melbourne suits my lifestyle the best, and I feel that’s the place for me.” The Malaysian government is attempting to respond to the problem with an array of programmes, including 1Malaysia, a campaign designed to ease racial tensions. In January, Prime Minister Najib Razak launched the Talent Corporation, which seeks to lure back skilled Malaysians. But many are sceptical that these programmes will address the systemic problems driving brain drain. “I’m not sure how effective Talent Corporation will be. Past programmes like this have not worked, and I’m not sure how this one is different,” said Evelyn Wong, an ethnic Chinese economics student at Scripps College in California, who blogs about brain drain. But Dr Kim Leng Yeah, an economist at Ram Holdings in Kuala Lumpur, said Talent Corporation did at least demonstrate the government’s willingness to address the issue. “There has been a lot of public scepticism,” he said. “But it is a proactive move.” Representatives at Talent Corporation declined to comment. As Lim, who is ethnic Chinese, considers his future, he has spent time thinking about his place in multicultural Malaysia. “I do realise that I am a minority in this country,” he said. “My family is encouraging me to leave. They say, ‘Malaysia doesn’t want us anymore, so why stay?’” And while he hasn’t given up on eventually returning, he would have to see significant changes before doing so. “It doesn’t feel like the country is mature enough to tackle its problems right now. When we are ready to face our problems, I’ll be ready to come back,” he said. Malaysia Global economy guardian.co.uk

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Fewer executions is no rights victory

In countries where capital punishment has been banned the alternative can be inhumane life imprisonment without parole Amnesty International’s recently published death penalty statistics hailed a “decade of progress”. For opponents of capital punishment, this annual tradition of significant documented falls in executions is a victory – of sorts. As Amnesty reported, of the 67 countries that handed down death sentences in 2010, only 23 actually carried out executions. These statistics, however, do not tell us this: what happened to the prisoners who escaped state execution in the remaining 44? Very little attention is given to the sanctions that should replace capital punishment, or to what happens after it is abolished. Consider Uganda. A landmark legal challenge in 2009 abolished mandatory death sentences for certain crimes. But the Ugandan criminal justice system was unprepared for the change. Under pressure from politicians facing a backlash from a public highly supportive of capital punishment, and in the absence of any new sentencing guidelines, judges handed down draconian prison sentences instead – including life without parole, previously nonexistent in Uganda. The attraction of life without parole, now the commonest alternative to capital punishment, is understandable. It allows governments to claim they are protecting the public by permanently removing serious offenders from society. It appeases public outcry at the early release of dangerous convicts on parole. And it means abolitionists can show they are not soft on crime, while at the same time eliminating the danger of executing innocent people. But life without parole trades one severe punishment for another: execution is swapped for a protracted, hopeless death in unspeakable conditions. HIV rates in Ugandan prisons are more than double the rest of the population. In Malawi, where no one has been executed since 1992 , prisons are vastly overcrowded and rife with infectious disease; prisoners are denied contact with families, and sexual and psychological abuse by inmates and guards is routine . Across the world today, those lucky souls who escape death by hanging, beheading, electrocution, lethal injection, shooting or stoning live out their lives in conditions tantamount to a breach of international prohibitions of cruel and inhuman punishment, as an emerging jurisprudence recognises . Whole life imprisonment can also be a form of legal disappearance. In 2009, after Kenya’s last elections , some 4,000 prisoners had their sentences commuted to life to without parole by President Kibaki. Some of those prisoners – living in some of the world’s most crowded and worst funded prisons – have not been heard from since, by their lawyers or families. These are hardly arguments for retaining capital punishment. But if a sentence of 75 years, with hard labour and without review or hope of release – the current alternative in Trinidad and Tobago – is considered a “victory”, it is surely time to rethink our indices of success. Amnesty, for its part, does not propose any particular substitute, other than opposing alternatives that constitute degrading punishment. In Death Penalty: Questions and Answers , Amnesty rightly highlights the brutalising effect of state execution, the cost, the travesties of justice, its disproportionate use against poor and minority communities, its negative impact on victims’ families . But Amnesty fails to challenge itself with the most crucial questions of all: “What alternatives do you propose, and how can we convince governments to implement them?” On the one hand, Amnesty is right not to preach. Finding affordable and publicly acceptable alternatives in desperately underfunded prison systems is an enormous challenge. Overwhelming majorities – including in Britain – support capital punishment, often under the influence of misleading statistics on the deterrent effect of the death penalty and unproven links between serious crime and capital punishment. And in the absence of decent victim support services, it becomes convenient for supporters of capital punishment to exploit crime victims’ grief, arguing that they will settle for nothing less than ultimate retribution or alternatives that do not involve throwing away the key. Yet Amnesty’s neutrality among alternatives is symptomatic of a wider problem: who will tackle the way the criminal justice system operates in countries that retain the death penalty? Politicians are reluctant to expend scarce resources or political capital on properly rehabilitating unpopular and vilified groups of prisoners. A lawyer’s work, meanwhile, is done once their client’s death sentence is commuted. Few headlines focus on the aftermath, and few international advocates jet in to ensure that those released from death row are not tortured in prison, contract tuberculosis or HIV, lose contact with their families or die in appalling squalor. Indeed, litigation can often cause unintended harm. In the United States, as Peter Hodgkinson of the Centre for Capital Punishment Studies (one of few organisations raising this issue) has pointed out , a government backlash against death-penalty litigation has directly or indirectly led to an increase in the number of capital crimes, and to severe restrictions in the appeal process. Life without parole cannot be the alternative. Both the UN and Council of Europe guidelines on managing long-term prisoners recognise that very small numbers of convicted prisoners may have to stay in prison for their natural lives – but only with regular reviews of their risk of reoffending. Some states refuse to extradite suspected offenders to countries where they might face a whole-life tariff. And in Europe, as Edward Fitzgerald QC has noted , there is growing legal recognition of the capacity for redemption and rehabilitation – and that “any sentence that effectively closed the door for ever would be contrary to Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights prohibiting cruel and inhuman treatment or punishment”. Three British whole-life prisoners are currently challenging their sentence in the European Court of Human Rights on those grounds . The abolitionist campaign’s goal should be a humane, proportionate and human rights-compliant response to perpetrators and victims of serious crime. It might require global guidance to standardise the huge, and often grossly disproportionate range of sentencing decisions. It will certainly require building and sustaining capacity among lawyers to challenge human rights abuses in prison, and training police and prison staff to cope in effective and positive ways with serious offenders. It will also mean recognising that the high proportion of mentally ill prisoners on death row might be better dealt with in clinical rather than punitive settings. And as for the most serious crimes of all, those against humanity? Compare the approach of post-apartheid South Africa, where many offenders took part in the truth and reconciliation process rather than receiving punitive sentences, or the participation by perpetrators of the Rwandan genocide in community service and open dialogue with victims, to the grisly spectacle of Saddam Hussein’s execution. A falling execution rate is not the only measure of rising humanity. We cannot simply declare victory when capital punishment is removed from the statute book, or when fewer prisoners are executed. Moving to a humane penal response to serious crime, in societies in which the death penalty has flourished for centuries, cannot be done at a stroke. The entire abolitionist project is undermined if wholesale infrastructural change is not addressed. Too often, current alternatives to the death penalty raise the uncomfortable question: “what would you rather?” Those that do not are not easy – but silence does no justice to our cause. • This article was written with the assistance of Professor Peter Hodgkinson and Kerry Akers at the Centre for Capital Punishment Studies Capital punishment Prisons and probation Human rights Tom Stoate guardian.co.uk

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The born-again birther debate

The absurd claim that Barack Obama was not born in the US shouldn’t get airtime – but rightwing cynics keep giving it new life America is a country facing serious problems. The crisis in Libya shows little signs of abating – even as US troops continue to fight in Iraq and Afghanistan. Across the Arab world, people’s revolutions dissolve old certainties about US policy. At home, the government faces $38bn of brutal austerity cuts, which would be bad enough except for the fact they make barely a dent in the country’s staggering $1.5tn deficit forecast for this year. With a presidential election looming next year, one would expect these troubling dilemmas – or other issues like high levels of joblessness, Wall Street reform, border security – to dominate debate. That should be the priority of Republicans and Democrats alike and, indeed, the media classes, too. But no. Instead, the current hot topic is one that is quite literally unreal: was Barack Obama actually born in America? Donald Trump has used this singular issue to catapult himself into the giddy heights of early polling for the Republican nomination. In an act of breathtaking cynicism, Trump has converted to “birtherism” in order to generate headlines for his own outlandish ego and his reality TV show. It has worked a treat. Trump has been interviewed on numerous TV shows and spouted birther nonsense as if it was the most natural thing in the world. Serious journalists engage with him and debate these issues. Fox lauds him, MSNBC slams him: both end up falsely validating him by trying to look at the (complete lack of) evidence. The birther “debate” should be reduced to this: it’s OK to mention birtherism, if one then immediately qualifies the mention with the rider that anyone who believes it is a moron or a cynic or both. And then one moves swiftly on. But now here comes a second massive wave of birther debate to torment us and flood the media space where more important things need to be discussed. Next month will see the publication of a birther book by Jerome Corsi , a rightwing activist who previously produced a bestseller that helped stoke the Swift Boat controversy that helped derail John Kerry in 2004. Corsi’s new tome is already sitting near the top of the bestseller lists on Amazon. By Thursday morning, it was ranked No 1, after the Drudge Report had heavily plugged it this week : an astonishing result for a book not yet released or even reviewed. Sadly, Corsi’s new birther book is likely to sell tens of thousands of copies when it slouches towards 17 May to be born. Matt Drudge will, no doubt, continue to give it a huge publicity push. Its title says it all: “Where’s the Birth Certificate? The Case That Barack Obama is not Eligible to be President.” It is being published by conservative publishers WND Books , a niche producer of rightwing conspiracy theories, religious books and “family values” tracts. A selection of titles from WND includes such fun-sounding tomes as “America’s War on Christianity”, “The Nazi Connection to Islamic Terrorism” and “United in Hate: The Left’s Romance with Tyranny and Terror”. It is tempting to laugh all this off as a joke: a jovial sideshow with no real importance. But it really is not funny. The birther conspiracy theory began life on the outer reaches of the 2008 campaign. It was a whispered rumour from the tin-foil hat brigade at the back of town hall meetings or by drunks at bars. Then it hit the blogosphere and, from there, the cable news shows. So it became a subject that newspapers could write about. Now, it is forming the basis for a possible bid for the White House and a book that is set to be a bestseller. That journey from extremism to the mainstream of an idea that is so palpably and stupidly misguided sets a dangerous precedent. Other similarly outlandish fantasies are already treading the same path: that Obama is a secret Muslim; that Obama is a secret communist; that Obama intends to scrap American democracy; that he will take away everyone’s guns. These are fringe ideas deserving of nothing but scorn. Instead, they too may soon top the bestseller lists and form real-life campaign slogans. If they do, every American will be the worse for it. Barack Obama US elections 2012 US politics Republicans Donald Trump United States Newspapers & magazines John Kerry Paul Harris guardian.co.uk

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