Towns of Ercis and Van in mountainous region of eastern Turkey appear to be worst affected by 7.2 magnitude quake Many hundreds of people are feared dead after a powerful earthquake hit eastern Turkey, destroying scores of buildings and leaving many victims trapped in the rubble. Scientists from Turkey’s Kandilli earthquake institute said that given the force of the 7.2-magnitude quake, which struck at 1.41pm local time (11.41am BST), and often shoddy construction standards in the mountainous area near Turkey’s border with Iran, up to 1,000 people may have lost their lives. The worst-affected areas appeared to be around Ercis, a town of about 75,000 people where up to 80 buildings collapsed, including a student dormitory; and the nearby city of Van, where at least 10 buildings were razed. TV footage showed distraught relatives waiting outside a collapsed eight-storey building in Van that housed shops on the ground floor. Hospitals in Ercis reported receiving around 1,000 casualties. The epicentre was a village about 15 miles north of Van, the Kandilli institute said. The mayor of Ercis, Zulfukar Arapoglu, said many other buildings had been badly damaged, a particular risk with dozens of aftershocks still shaking the region, and that the town urgently needed tents. The need for shelter is particularly acute. Van is 1,750m (5,740ft) above sea level and nighttime temperatures are near freezing. A man who gave his name as Hanifi Arli told a TV news channel that there was no sign of outside help arriving: “All these people are trapped under buildings. All buildings have collapsed. We have no ambulances,” he said. Another survivor in the town told NTV television: “It’s ridiculous that there is still not a single tent here. Everybody waits outside. There is no water, no bread. It’s not even clear who runs the operations … We only want the government to rescue the people trapped inside the collapsed buildings. Why is the government not helping?” In the absence of rescue teams, many people were searching for survivors themselves, shifting rubble with iron bars or their bare hands. The quake brought down many electrical power lines, further hampering efforts. State-run TRT television said 45 bodies had been recovered already in Ercis, and 150 people injured. Fifteen others were known to have died in Van. The death tolls seems certain to rise significantly. Casualties were also reported in Celebibag district, near Ercis. “There are many people under the rubble,” Veysel Keser, the mayor of Celebibag, told NTV. “People are in agony. We can hear their screams for help. We need urgent help.” Earthquakes are common in Turkey, which is crossed by a number of geological faultlines. The most significant one in recent years struck the western city of Izmit in 1999 . The official death toll was 17,000, although some reports suggested the real figure was significantly higher. Poorly-built housing was blamed for many deaths, and tens of thousands more people were left homeless as other buildings were damaged beyond repair. The head of Turkey’s search and rescue organisation, Nasuh Maruki, said his staff had learned a lot from the 1999 quake and were now far better able to assist. However, he added, poorly-built buildings were likely to remain a problem: “They will all have to be strengthened to withstand earthquakes or they will have to be demolished and built from scratch.” Turkey’s prime minister, Tayyip Erdogan, was travelling to Van to view the situation. According to the country’s media, Turkey has already received offers of help from the UK, US, Germany and Greece. There has also been an offer from Israel, despite difficult relations following last year’s Israeli navy raid on a Turkish-registered flotilla heading for Gaza, which left nine Turkish nationals dead . The quake was also felt in Yerevan, the capital of Armenia, and several Iranian towns close to the border, but there were no reports of injuries or damage. Turkey Natural disasters and extreme weather Europe Middle East Constanze Letsch Peter Walker guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …People queue to vote as candidates from 110 political parties and scores of independents bid to join new 217-seat government At 7am, at the front of a long queue outside a polling station near the Tunis casbah yesterday, shop assistant Samira was impatiently waiting for the doors to open on Tunisia’s first free elections. The 50-year-old had been camped there since 5.45am in order to be the first voter and had not slept a wink all night. “How could I sleep? It’s the first time I’ve ever voted in my life,” she said, rubbing her eyes. “What’s one night when we’ve waited decades for freedom? This ballot box is what we took to the streets for.” Nine months after a people’s revolution ousted the despot Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali and inspired uprisings across the region, Tunisia on Sunday was holding the first vote of the Arab spring. The small country of 10 million was being watched by the Arab world as an experiment in moving from dictatorship to democracy. If the elections usher in a credible new political class after 50 years of a one-party state, they could boost the democratic hopes for neighbouring such as post-Gaddafi Libya and Egypt, where there is profound uncertainty. One common complaint among Tunisians is that they were never able to properly celebrate their revolution with an outpouring of joy. When Ben Ali fled, it was followed by weeks of curfews, uncertainty and violent outbreaks stoked by remnants of the old regime. Then people again took to the streets and occupied the casbah to protest over a succession of weak, discredited and ineffective transition governments featuring faces present under the old regime. Ben Ali is in Saudi Arabia but his state apparatus remains in place: torture and police brutality continues, the justice system is craven and compromised, corruption is rife and unemployment – a main cause of the revolution – is rising. “There’s an overwhelming sense of joy and relief,” said Mehdi Lassoued, a tyre company worker, wrapped in the Tunisian flag. “I feel we are finally moving on, that we can finish this revolution, vote for a legitimate government.” Tunis university professor Ghofrane Ben Miled said: “There’s so much expectation and excitement on the street. I didn’t sleep, I was wired. It felt like the nights during the revolution, but calmer. I’m 42 and I’ve never voted before.” Flag-festooned cars with horns blaring were everywhere and hundreds queued in the sun, wearing home-made paper hats. Asked who the election winner would be, most said: “We all will.” During the 23 years under Ben Ali’s notorious secret police, elections were a farce and few turned out to vote. Those who officially did vote were often in fact dead. Ben Ali would achieve unlikely landslides, such as the 99.91% he announced in 1994. The people’s uprising that began in December with the self-immolation of a poor vegetable seller in a desolate rural town was not led by any party, ideology or religion. So the election is the first test of a new political landscape. There are now 110 political parties and scores of independents. Tunisians will appoint a 217-seat assembly with the specific role of rewriting the constitution to prepare for parliamentary elections next year. A complex proportional representation system means that no one party will dominate the assembly. But the Islamist party, An-Nahda, previously outlawed and brutally repressed, is expected to win an important share of the vote. The party has campaigned as a moderate, pro-democracy force, vowing to respect the diversity of Tunisia – one of the region’s most highly educated countries, with a strong secular tradition and the most advanced women’s rights in the Arab world. An-Nahda likens itself to Turkey’s Islamist-rooted ruling Justice and Development party – liberal and conservative. Secular critics say An-Nahda is an unknown quantity and its hardliners could seek to enforce a more fundamentalist Islam on Tunisia’s civil society. When its leader, Rachid Ghannouchi, who recently returned from 22 years of exile in London, arrived at to vote followed by camera crews he walked straight to the front. But he was jeered by crowds waiting to vote, who shouted: “The queue, the queue! Democracy starts there!” He swiftly took his place in the line and said: “The people have a hunger for democracy.” The assembly is also likely to feature an array of secular centrist parties, such as the centre-left Ettakatol which was in opposition under Ben Ali. Its founder, Mustapha Ben Jaafar, 70 – who is a doctor and professor of medicine – was barred from running for president in 2009 but is tipped to seek a senior position in the new government, perhaps the interim presidency. He faces opposition from Ahmed Nejib Chebbi, 67, of the rival PDP. A new party, the Congress for the Republic, led by long-exiled human rights activist Moncef Marzouki, is also expected to win seats. A high turnout is expected – as high as 80% in some precincts. Full results will be released on Monday. The assembly will face wrangling over who gets the top jobs. Those elected might choose to focus on the vast task of producing a new democratic constitution – to build a new state – while a government of technocrats keeps the country ticking over. With unemployment officially at 19% but thought to be much higher (and over 40% for graduate women), the government will be pressured to kickstart the economy and deal with the huge divide between Tunisia’s golden tourist coast and the poor interior. In Ettadhamen, a poor, densely-populated suburb of Tunis which rose up in the revolution and saw young men killed by Ben Ali’s forces, hundreds were queueing to vote at primary schools. “I’ve never seen anything like this,” said Lameen Muhammed, a teacher. “Nine months ago you couldn’t even talk about politics in the street for fear of the secret police. The stress was unbearable. “Now everyone’s out debating and voting, the stress has lifted. It has been difficult, but we’re leaning towards democracy. With this vote, the people will have spoken.” A 52-year-old builder said he would choose An-Nahda. “They have a history of struggle against the regime, they were treated brutally, their families suffered. I want them to improve security. There are a lot of problems here. Alcohol is sold openly, and there are drugs sold on the street.” A stay-at-home mother, 44, in long robe and headscarf said she had voted for the centrist secular party Ettakatol because she liked what its spokesmen said on TV. Meanwhile, a student had chosen the CPR, “They’re a new party, I trust them. I’m nearly 20 – I’m desperate to think I can hope for some kind of job.” Amid the optimism there was a sense of vigilance. Many said that the people had staged the revolution and they would take to the streets again if they felt they were being cheated or let down. Najila Ahrissi, one of the many cleaners who leave Ettadhamen each day to work in the homes of the rich for about £150 a month, had voted for a small secular party. She said: “In the old days, every election here was fixed. Let’s just hope we can trust the politicians of tomorrow.” Tunisia Arab and Middle East unrest Africa Angelique Chrisafis guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …People queue to vote as candidates from 110 political parties and scores of independents bid to join new 217-seat government At 7am, at the front of a long queue outside a polling station near the Tunis casbah yesterday, shop assistant Samira was impatiently waiting for the doors to open on Tunisia’s first free elections. The 50-year-old had been camped there since 5.45am in order to be the first voter and had not slept a wink all night. “How could I sleep? It’s the first time I’ve ever voted in my life,” she said, rubbing her eyes. “What’s one night when we’ve waited decades for freedom? This ballot box is what we took to the streets for.” Nine months after a people’s revolution ousted the despot Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali and inspired uprisings across the region, Tunisia on Sunday was holding the first vote of the Arab spring. The small country of 10 million was being watched by the Arab world as an experiment in moving from dictatorship to democracy. If the elections usher in a credible new political class after 50 years of a one-party state, they could boost the democratic hopes for neighbouring such as post-Gaddafi Libya and Egypt, where there is profound uncertainty. One common complaint among Tunisians is that they were never able to properly celebrate their revolution with an outpouring of joy. When Ben Ali fled, it was followed by weeks of curfews, uncertainty and violent outbreaks stoked by remnants of the old regime. Then people again took to the streets and occupied the casbah to protest over a succession of weak, discredited and ineffective transition governments featuring faces present under the old regime. Ben Ali is in Saudi Arabia but his state apparatus remains in place: torture and police brutality continues, the justice system is craven and compromised, corruption is rife and unemployment – a main cause of the revolution – is rising. “There’s an overwhelming sense of joy and relief,” said Mehdi Lassoued, a tyre company worker, wrapped in the Tunisian flag. “I feel we are finally moving on, that we can finish this revolution, vote for a legitimate government.” Tunis university professor Ghofrane Ben Miled said: “There’s so much expectation and excitement on the street. I didn’t sleep, I was wired. It felt like the nights during the revolution, but calmer. I’m 42 and I’ve never voted before.” Flag-festooned cars with horns blaring were everywhere and hundreds queued in the sun, wearing home-made paper hats. Asked who the election winner would be, most said: “We all will.” During the 23 years under Ben Ali’s notorious secret police, elections were a farce and few turned out to vote. Those who officially did vote were often in fact dead. Ben Ali would achieve unlikely landslides, such as the 99.91% he announced in 1994. The people’s uprising that began in December with the self-immolation of a poor vegetable seller in a desolate rural town was not led by any party, ideology or religion. So the election is the first test of a new political landscape. There are now 110 political parties and scores of independents. Tunisians will appoint a 217-seat assembly with the specific role of rewriting the constitution to prepare for parliamentary elections next year. A complex proportional representation system means that no one party will dominate the assembly. But the Islamist party, An-Nahda, previously outlawed and brutally repressed, is expected to win an important share of the vote. The party has campaigned as a moderate, pro-democracy force, vowing to respect the diversity of Tunisia – one of the region’s most highly educated countries, with a strong secular tradition and the most advanced women’s rights in the Arab world. An-Nahda likens itself to Turkey’s Islamist-rooted ruling Justice and Development party – liberal and conservative. Secular critics say An-Nahda is an unknown quantity and its hardliners could seek to enforce a more fundamentalist Islam on Tunisia’s civil society. When its leader, Rachid Ghannouchi, who recently returned from 22 years of exile in London, arrived at to vote followed by camera crews he walked straight to the front. But he was jeered by crowds waiting to vote, who shouted: “The queue, the queue! Democracy starts there!” He swiftly took his place in the line and said: “The people have a hunger for democracy.” The assembly is also likely to feature an array of secular centrist parties, such as the centre-left Ettakatol which was in opposition under Ben Ali. Its founder, Mustapha Ben Jaafar, 70 – who is a doctor and professor of medicine – was barred from running for president in 2009 but is tipped to seek a senior position in the new government, perhaps the interim presidency. He faces opposition from Ahmed Nejib Chebbi, 67, of the rival PDP. A new party, the Congress for the Republic, led by long-exiled human rights activist Moncef Marzouki, is also expected to win seats. A high turnout is expected – as high as 80% in some precincts. Full results will be released on Monday. The assembly will face wrangling over who gets the top jobs. Those elected might choose to focus on the vast task of producing a new democratic constitution – to build a new state – while a government of technocrats keeps the country ticking over. With unemployment officially at 19% but thought to be much higher (and over 40% for graduate women), the government will be pressured to kickstart the economy and deal with the huge divide between Tunisia’s golden tourist coast and the poor interior. In Ettadhamen, a poor, densely-populated suburb of Tunis which rose up in the revolution and saw young men killed by Ben Ali’s forces, hundreds were queueing to vote at primary schools. “I’ve never seen anything like this,” said Lameen Muhammed, a teacher. “Nine months ago you couldn’t even talk about politics in the street for fear of the secret police. The stress was unbearable. “Now everyone’s out debating and voting, the stress has lifted. It has been difficult, but we’re leaning towards democracy. With this vote, the people will have spoken.” A 52-year-old builder said he would choose An-Nahda. “They have a history of struggle against the regime, they were treated brutally, their families suffered. I want them to improve security. There are a lot of problems here. Alcohol is sold openly, and there are drugs sold on the street.” A stay-at-home mother, 44, in long robe and headscarf said she had voted for the centrist secular party Ettakatol because she liked what its spokesmen said on TV. Meanwhile, a student had chosen the CPR, “They’re a new party, I trust them. I’m nearly 20 – I’m desperate to think I can hope for some kind of job.” Amid the optimism there was a sense of vigilance. Many said that the people had staged the revolution and they would take to the streets again if they felt they were being cheated or let down. Najila Ahrissi, one of the many cleaners who leave Ettadhamen each day to work in the homes of the rich for about £150 a month, had voted for a small secular party. She said: “In the old days, every election here was fixed. Let’s just hope we can trust the politicians of tomorrow.” Tunisia Arab and Middle East unrest Africa Angelique Chrisafis guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …People queue to vote as candidates from 110 political parties and scores of independents bid to join new 217-seat government At 7am, at the front of a long queue outside a polling station near the Tunis casbah yesterday, shop assistant Samira was impatiently waiting for the doors to open on Tunisia’s first free elections. The 50-year-old had been camped there since 5.45am in order to be the first voter and had not slept a wink all night. “How could I sleep? It’s the first time I’ve ever voted in my life,” she said, rubbing her eyes. “What’s one night when we’ve waited decades for freedom? This ballot box is what we took to the streets for.” Nine months after a people’s revolution ousted the despot Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali and inspired uprisings across the region, Tunisia on Sunday was holding the first vote of the Arab spring. The small country of 10 million was being watched by the Arab world as an experiment in moving from dictatorship to democracy. If the elections usher in a credible new political class after 50 years of a one-party state, they could boost the democratic hopes for neighbouring such as post-Gaddafi Libya and Egypt, where there is profound uncertainty. One common complaint among Tunisians is that they were never able to properly celebrate their revolution with an outpouring of joy. When Ben Ali fled, it was followed by weeks of curfews, uncertainty and violent outbreaks stoked by remnants of the old regime. Then people again took to the streets and occupied the casbah to protest over a succession of weak, discredited and ineffective transition governments featuring faces present under the old regime. Ben Ali is in Saudi Arabia but his state apparatus remains in place: torture and police brutality continues, the justice system is craven and compromised, corruption is rife and unemployment – a main cause of the revolution – is rising. “There’s an overwhelming sense of joy and relief,” said Mehdi Lassoued, a tyre company worker, wrapped in the Tunisian flag. “I feel we are finally moving on, that we can finish this revolution, vote for a legitimate government.” Tunis university professor Ghofrane Ben Miled said: “There’s so much expectation and excitement on the street. I didn’t sleep, I was wired. It felt like the nights during the revolution, but calmer. I’m 42 and I’ve never voted before.” Flag-festooned cars with horns blaring were everywhere and hundreds queued in the sun, wearing home-made paper hats. Asked who the election winner would be, most said: “We all will.” During the 23 years under Ben Ali’s notorious secret police, elections were a farce and few turned out to vote. Those who officially did vote were often in fact dead. Ben Ali would achieve unlikely landslides, such as the 99.91% he announced in 1994. The people’s uprising that began in December with the self-immolation of a poor vegetable seller in a desolate rural town was not led by any party, ideology or religion. So the election is the first test of a new political landscape. There are now 110 political parties and scores of independents. Tunisians will appoint a 217-seat assembly with the specific role of rewriting the constitution to prepare for parliamentary elections next year. A complex proportional representation system means that no one party will dominate the assembly. But the Islamist party, An-Nahda, previously outlawed and brutally repressed, is expected to win an important share of the vote. The party has campaigned as a moderate, pro-democracy force, vowing to respect the diversity of Tunisia – one of the region’s most highly educated countries, with a strong secular tradition and the most advanced women’s rights in the Arab world. An-Nahda likens itself to Turkey’s Islamist-rooted ruling Justice and Development party – liberal and conservative. Secular critics say An-Nahda is an unknown quantity and its hardliners could seek to enforce a more fundamentalist Islam on Tunisia’s civil society. When its leader, Rachid Ghannouchi, who recently returned from 22 years of exile in London, arrived at to vote followed by camera crews he walked straight to the front. But he was jeered by crowds waiting to vote, who shouted: “The queue, the queue! Democracy starts there!” He swiftly took his place in the line and said: “The people have a hunger for democracy.” The assembly is also likely to feature an array of secular centrist parties, such as the centre-left Ettakatol which was in opposition under Ben Ali. Its founder, Mustapha Ben Jaafar, 70 – who is a doctor and professor of medicine – was barred from running for president in 2009 but is tipped to seek a senior position in the new government, perhaps the interim presidency. He faces opposition from Ahmed Nejib Chebbi, 67, of the rival PDP. A new party, the Congress for the Republic, led by long-exiled human rights activist Moncef Marzouki, is also expected to win seats. A high turnout is expected – as high as 80% in some precincts. Full results will be released on Monday. The assembly will face wrangling over who gets the top jobs. Those elected might choose to focus on the vast task of producing a new democratic constitution – to build a new state – while a government of technocrats keeps the country ticking over. With unemployment officially at 19% but thought to be much higher (and over 40% for graduate women), the government will be pressured to kickstart the economy and deal with the huge divide between Tunisia’s golden tourist coast and the poor interior. In Ettadhamen, a poor, densely-populated suburb of Tunis which rose up in the revolution and saw young men killed by Ben Ali’s forces, hundreds were queueing to vote at primary schools. “I’ve never seen anything like this,” said Lameen Muhammed, a teacher. “Nine months ago you couldn’t even talk about politics in the street for fear of the secret police. The stress was unbearable. “Now everyone’s out debating and voting, the stress has lifted. It has been difficult, but we’re leaning towards democracy. With this vote, the people will have spoken.” A 52-year-old builder said he would choose An-Nahda. “They have a history of struggle against the regime, they were treated brutally, their families suffered. I want them to improve security. There are a lot of problems here. Alcohol is sold openly, and there are drugs sold on the street.” A stay-at-home mother, 44, in long robe and headscarf said she had voted for the centrist secular party Ettakatol because she liked what its spokesmen said on TV. Meanwhile, a student had chosen the CPR, “They’re a new party, I trust them. I’m nearly 20 – I’m desperate to think I can hope for some kind of job.” Amid the optimism there was a sense of vigilance. Many said that the people had staged the revolution and they would take to the streets again if they felt they were being cheated or let down. Najila Ahrissi, one of the many cleaners who leave Ettadhamen each day to work in the homes of the rich for about £150 a month, had voted for a small secular party. She said: “In the old days, every election here was fixed. Let’s just hope we can trust the politicians of tomorrow.” Tunisia Arab and Middle East unrest Africa Angelique Chrisafis guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Queues continue at the meat cooler that houses the body of deposed dictator Muammar Gaddafi Ritha Mohammed crouched with a napkin to wipe the soles of his daughter’s shoes, which he feared might have picked up the dirt and stench that spilled from Colonel Gaddafi’s corpse, which still lies on public view in Misrata. “Just in case,” he said, as he cleaned the five-year-old. He quickly moved on to dust down the carry cot that held his new-born son who, like the four young girls in their new dresses, he had ushered in to see the dead despot. “I wanted them all to witness this. This will be a day we will all remember.” An impatient crowd seethed around Mohammed, shouting and surging against guards who had linked arms to prevent the meat cooler holding Gaddafi, his son Mutassim and his military chief, from being overrun. The three decaying bodies inside ought to have repelled the hordes. In Misrata, they did just the opposite. A growing throng of at least several thousand snaked throughout the day for a chance to see the ignominious end of a tyrant, who had been so terrifying and out of reach to them all for more than four decades. Now here he was vanquished and shrivelled. Even three days after Gaddafi’s death, it still hardly seemed possible. “He made our lives hell,” said Mohammed. “I wanted to see him dead with my own eyes. Who cares if it’s not dignified for him. That was not his first concern for any of the people here.” Many of the people queuing in the grounds of this vegetable market on the outskirts of Misrata said they had come to see Gaddafi’s corpse for the same reason. The ghoulish scene had an unedifying head-on-a-stake feel to it but it was also a collective closure for residents of a city that had suffered more than any other during eight grinding months of civil war. “There are so many rumours in Libya that it’s difficult to believe anything without verifying it,” said Tareq Zawabi, who had waited 90 minutes for the chance to survey the three corpses. “He didn’t look like I had imagined. He was a lot smaller.” As each day passes, the three bodies are becoming less and less suitable for public view. But uncertainty still surrounds their fate, with Gaddafi’s surviving family in Algeria demanding the remains for burial and Libya’s interim government not yet sure what to do with them. One of many obstacles facing Libya’s provisional leadership is its own human rights record, and the question of whether Gaddafi was killed in the minutes following his capture in Sirte. A forensic report in Misrata on Sunday concluded that Gaddafi had died from a bullet to the head. The finding added to the weight of evidence that suggests he was killed in the frantic minutes after his capture in Sirte, three hours to the east. It is still unclear who fired the fatal shot, and under what circumstances. Dr Othman al-Zintani, Libya’s chief pathologist, carried out the autopsy. He said it was “obvious” Gaddafi had died “from a gunshot wound to the head”. He did not elaborate but appeared to be referring to the neat entry wound clearly visible on the left side of Gaddafi’s head, and shown in numerous shots of his corpse screened around the world. Zintani said: “There are still several issues. We have to pass [the report] to the prosecutor general, but everything will be revealed publicly. Nothing will be hidden.” A Misrata rebel claimed to have witnessed Gaddafi’s final moment. “I was there when he was shot,” said Adam Zwabi, one of thousands of fighters who were chasing the remnants of Gaddafi’s loyalists last Thursday. “I heard the bullet and I saw him after he fell.” Libya’s National Transitional Council has changed its version of Gaddafi’s death, no longer suggesting he was killed in crossfire. Even the unit that captured him, know as Katiba Goran, are sanguine about how Gaddafi died. “Did anyone complain when the Americans shot Osama [bin Laden] in the head?” asked a rebel leader, Moustafa Zoubi, as he twirled on his desk the golden gun seized from Gaddafi’s luggage. “One of the resistance fighters became overcome with anger. He acted before anyone could stop him.” Nevertheless, the rebels have rearranged Gaddafi’s body to hide the bullet wound. His head has been tilted to the left, obscuring the entry point, just above his left ear. All three bodies have been wrapped in new grey blankets. How Gaddafi died does not seem to matter much in a city that seems inured to brutality. Throughout central Misrata, where ravaged buildings line sweeping boulevards, at least 10,000 people are thought to have been killed in months of fierce fighting. “The price for this freedom has been very, very high,” said Radwan Zwabi, as celebratory gunfire rattled nearby. “And I don’t know what’s been left behind. On the one hand, I celebrate this day, but the uncertainty is profound. What has Gaddafi done to these people, these young boys who killed him? They knew nothing else. But now they must learn something else, another way, or we will never move on.” The US secretary of state Hillary Clinton and Britain’s defence secretary, Philip Hammond, both called on Sundayfor a full investigation into the circumstances of Gaddafi’s death. The Libyan revolutionaries’ image had been “a little bit stained” by Gaddafi’s death, Hammond told the BBC. “It’s certainly not the way we do things. We would have liked to see Colonel Gaddafi going on trial to answer for his misdeeds.” Muammar Gaddafi Libya Middle East Africa Arab and Middle East unrest Martin Chulov guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Queues continue at the meat cooler that houses the body of deposed dictator Muammar Gaddafi Ritha Mohammed crouched with a napkin to wipe the soles of his daughter’s shoes, which he feared might have picked up the dirt and stench that spilled from Colonel Gaddafi’s corpse, which still lies on public view in Misrata. “Just in case,” he said, as he cleaned the five-year-old. He quickly moved on to dust down the carry cot that held his new-born son who, like the four young girls in their new dresses, he had ushered in to see the dead despot. “I wanted them all to witness this. This will be a day we will all remember.” An impatient crowd seethed around Mohammed, shouting and surging against guards who had linked arms to prevent the meat cooler holding Gaddafi, his son Mutassim and his military chief, from being overrun. The three decaying bodies inside ought to have repelled the hordes. In Misrata, they did just the opposite. A growing throng of at least several thousand snaked throughout the day for a chance to see the ignominious end of a tyrant, who had been so terrifying and out of reach to them all for more than four decades. Now here he was vanquished and shrivelled. Even three days after Gaddafi’s death, it still hardly seemed possible. “He made our lives hell,” said Mohammed. “I wanted to see him dead with my own eyes. Who cares if it’s not dignified for him. That was not his first concern for any of the people here.” Many of the people queuing in the grounds of this vegetable market on the outskirts of Misrata said they had come to see Gaddafi’s corpse for the same reason. The ghoulish scene had an unedifying head-on-a-stake feel to it but it was also a collective closure for residents of a city that had suffered more than any other during eight grinding months of civil war. “There are so many rumours in Libya that it’s difficult to believe anything without verifying it,” said Tareq Zawabi, who had waited 90 minutes for the chance to survey the three corpses. “He didn’t look like I had imagined. He was a lot smaller.” As each day passes, the three bodies are becoming less and less suitable for public view. But uncertainty still surrounds their fate, with Gaddafi’s surviving family in Algeria demanding the remains for burial and Libya’s interim government not yet sure what to do with them. One of many obstacles facing Libya’s provisional leadership is its own human rights record, and the question of whether Gaddafi was killed in the minutes following his capture in Sirte. A forensic report in Misrata on Sunday concluded that Gaddafi had died from a bullet to the head. The finding added to the weight of evidence that suggests he was killed in the frantic minutes after his capture in Sirte, three hours to the east. It is still unclear who fired the fatal shot, and under what circumstances. Dr Othman al-Zintani, Libya’s chief pathologist, carried out the autopsy. He said it was “obvious” Gaddafi had died “from a gunshot wound to the head”. He did not elaborate but appeared to be referring to the neat entry wound clearly visible on the left side of Gaddafi’s head, and shown in numerous shots of his corpse screened around the world. Zintani said: “There are still several issues. We have to pass [the report] to the prosecutor general, but everything will be revealed publicly. Nothing will be hidden.” A Misrata rebel claimed to have witnessed Gaddafi’s final moment. “I was there when he was shot,” said Adam Zwabi, one of thousands of fighters who were chasing the remnants of Gaddafi’s loyalists last Thursday. “I heard the bullet and I saw him after he fell.” Libya’s National Transitional Council has changed its version of Gaddafi’s death, no longer suggesting he was killed in crossfire. Even the unit that captured him, know as Katiba Goran, are sanguine about how Gaddafi died. “Did anyone complain when the Americans shot Osama [bin Laden] in the head?” asked a rebel leader, Moustafa Zoubi, as he twirled on his desk the golden gun seized from Gaddafi’s luggage. “One of the resistance fighters became overcome with anger. He acted before anyone could stop him.” Nevertheless, the rebels have rearranged Gaddafi’s body to hide the bullet wound. His head has been tilted to the left, obscuring the entry point, just above his left ear. All three bodies have been wrapped in new grey blankets. How Gaddafi died does not seem to matter much in a city that seems inured to brutality. Throughout central Misrata, where ravaged buildings line sweeping boulevards, at least 10,000 people are thought to have been killed in months of fierce fighting. “The price for this freedom has been very, very high,” said Radwan Zwabi, as celebratory gunfire rattled nearby. “And I don’t know what’s been left behind. On the one hand, I celebrate this day, but the uncertainty is profound. What has Gaddafi done to these people, these young boys who killed him? They knew nothing else. But now they must learn something else, another way, or we will never move on.” The US secretary of state Hillary Clinton and Britain’s defence secretary, Philip Hammond, both called on Sundayfor a full investigation into the circumstances of Gaddafi’s death. The Libyan revolutionaries’ image had been “a little bit stained” by Gaddafi’s death, Hammond told the BBC. “It’s certainly not the way we do things. We would have liked to see Colonel Gaddafi going on trial to answer for his misdeeds.” Muammar Gaddafi Libya Middle East Africa Arab and Middle East unrest Martin Chulov guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Queues continue at the meat cooler that houses the body of deposed dictator Muammar Gaddafi Ritha Mohammed crouched with a napkin to wipe the soles of his daughter’s shoes, which he feared might have picked up the dirt and stench that spilled from Colonel Gaddafi’s corpse, which still lies on public view in Misrata. “Just in case,” he said, as he cleaned the five-year-old. He quickly moved on to dust down the carry cot that held his new-born son who, like the four young girls in their new dresses, he had ushered in to see the dead despot. “I wanted them all to witness this. This will be a day we will all remember.” An impatient crowd seethed around Mohammed, shouting and surging against guards who had linked arms to prevent the meat cooler holding Gaddafi, his son Mutassim and his military chief, from being overrun. The three decaying bodies inside ought to have repelled the hordes. In Misrata, they did just the opposite. A growing throng of at least several thousand snaked throughout the day for a chance to see the ignominious end of a tyrant, who had been so terrifying and out of reach to them all for more than four decades. Now here he was vanquished and shrivelled. Even three days after Gaddafi’s death, it still hardly seemed possible. “He made our lives hell,” said Mohammed. “I wanted to see him dead with my own eyes. Who cares if it’s not dignified for him. That was not his first concern for any of the people here.” Many of the people queuing in the grounds of this vegetable market on the outskirts of Misrata said they had come to see Gaddafi’s corpse for the same reason. The ghoulish scene had an unedifying head-on-a-stake feel to it but it was also a collective closure for residents of a city that had suffered more than any other during eight grinding months of civil war. “There are so many rumours in Libya that it’s difficult to believe anything without verifying it,” said Tareq Zawabi, who had waited 90 minutes for the chance to survey the three corpses. “He didn’t look like I had imagined. He was a lot smaller.” As each day passes, the three bodies are becoming less and less suitable for public view. But uncertainty still surrounds their fate, with Gaddafi’s surviving family in Algeria demanding the remains for burial and Libya’s interim government not yet sure what to do with them. One of many obstacles facing Libya’s provisional leadership is its own human rights record, and the question of whether Gaddafi was killed in the minutes following his capture in Sirte. A forensic report in Misrata on Sunday concluded that Gaddafi had died from a bullet to the head. The finding added to the weight of evidence that suggests he was killed in the frantic minutes after his capture in Sirte, three hours to the east. It is still unclear who fired the fatal shot, and under what circumstances. Dr Othman al-Zintani, Libya’s chief pathologist, carried out the autopsy. He said it was “obvious” Gaddafi had died “from a gunshot wound to the head”. He did not elaborate but appeared to be referring to the neat entry wound clearly visible on the left side of Gaddafi’s head, and shown in numerous shots of his corpse screened around the world. Zintani said: “There are still several issues. We have to pass [the report] to the prosecutor general, but everything will be revealed publicly. Nothing will be hidden.” A Misrata rebel claimed to have witnessed Gaddafi’s final moment. “I was there when he was shot,” said Adam Zwabi, one of thousands of fighters who were chasing the remnants of Gaddafi’s loyalists last Thursday. “I heard the bullet and I saw him after he fell.” Libya’s National Transitional Council has changed its version of Gaddafi’s death, no longer suggesting he was killed in crossfire. Even the unit that captured him, know as Katiba Goran, are sanguine about how Gaddafi died. “Did anyone complain when the Americans shot Osama [bin Laden] in the head?” asked a rebel leader, Moustafa Zoubi, as he twirled on his desk the golden gun seized from Gaddafi’s luggage. “One of the resistance fighters became overcome with anger. He acted before anyone could stop him.” Nevertheless, the rebels have rearranged Gaddafi’s body to hide the bullet wound. His head has been tilted to the left, obscuring the entry point, just above his left ear. All three bodies have been wrapped in new grey blankets. How Gaddafi died does not seem to matter much in a city that seems inured to brutality. Throughout central Misrata, where ravaged buildings line sweeping boulevards, at least 10,000 people are thought to have been killed in months of fierce fighting. “The price for this freedom has been very, very high,” said Radwan Zwabi, as celebratory gunfire rattled nearby. “And I don’t know what’s been left behind. On the one hand, I celebrate this day, but the uncertainty is profound. What has Gaddafi done to these people, these young boys who killed him? They knew nothing else. But now they must learn something else, another way, or we will never move on.” The US secretary of state Hillary Clinton and Britain’s defence secretary, Philip Hammond, both called on Sundayfor a full investigation into the circumstances of Gaddafi’s death. The Libyan revolutionaries’ image had been “a little bit stained” by Gaddafi’s death, Hammond told the BBC. “It’s certainly not the way we do things. We would have liked to see Colonel Gaddafi going on trial to answer for his misdeeds.” Muammar Gaddafi Libya Middle East Africa Arab and Middle East unrest Martin Chulov guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …A powerful earthquake with a preliminary magnitude of 7.3 struck eastern Turkey today, collapsing at least two buildings in the center of eastern city of Van, the mayor said. “Two buildings collapsed in Van, but the telephone system is jammed due to panic and we can’t assess the entire…
Continue reading …Long accustomed to luxury, Moammar Gadhafi spent his last days shuffling between safe houses in a residential section of Sirte, eking out an increasingly frustrated existence on pasta and rice his guards swiped from empty houses, reports the New York Times . “He would say: ‘Why is there no electricity? Why…
Continue reading …Adnan Nevic, 12, hopes child seven billion will see world peace. Is it possible in a world of growing competition for resources? In a modest flat in Visoko, near Sarajevo in Bosnia-Herzegovina, 12-year-old Adnan Nevic is playing with a globe. “America, Australia, Asia,” he says, pointing out the places he would like to visit on the slightly deflated blow-up toy. His favourite subject at school is geography and he wants to be a pilot when he grows up, the better to fulfil his dreams of global travel. That Adnan has such an international outlook is hardly surprising: at only two days old, he was held aloft in a Sarajevo hospital by the then United Nations secretary general, Kofi Annan, to be snapped by the world’s news photographers. Of all the 80 million babies born that year, Adnan was chosen as the world’s six billionth living person . The UN calculates that the world will have its seventh billion person on 31 October; the global population will hit nine billion by 2050; and, according to a UN report due on Wednesday , by the end of the century there could be 16 billion people on the planet, although most experts consider this an unlikely scenario, at the very top end of the range of expectations. Adnan was born in 1999, chosen ostensibly at random but really as a symbol of hope after a bloody decade in the former Yugoslavia, which was also the birthplace of the five billionth baby, born in Zagreb in 1987. The four billionth person was born in 1974, and the three billionth in 1960, according to the UN. Before that, the world took much longer to add so many people: there were two billion people in 1927, and it took the whole of human history until 1804 to reach the point at which a whole billion people inhabited the planet at the same time. Adnan, as well as being a 12-year-old boy with aspirations to travel the globe, is an emblem of the rapidly growing world population that until recently has shown few signs of abating. Rising birth rates in many countries, particularly in the developing world, have combined with longer life expectancy and successes in reducing infant mortality to produce a total population that few used to predict was even possible. Adnan lives in a modest flat in the historic city. The cars parked outside are mid-range models not more than a few years old, the blocks are well-kept and the surroundings are pleasant though not affluent. Outside the block there is a solitary piece of graffiti, in blue spraypaint. It reads “Adnan”. He is a local celebrity. Most of the 78 million children born this year – and of the two to three billion expected in the next 40 years – will not be so lucky. The vast majority will be born into appalling privation, in slums in developing countries. Is the world failing these children? Last year, although enough food was produced to satisfy the world’s needs, at least one billion people went hungry, according to UN estimates. The same number lacked access to clean water and more than 2.6 billion people still have no adequate sanitation. Most of the world’s population now live in towns and cities, not the countryside, for the first time in history. But the urban centres that people are joining are the world’s burgeoning megacities, in each of which tens of millions of people live in penury without electricity, water, toilets or enough to eat. Child seven billion will be born into a different world to that which Adnan entered – one threatened by terrorism, economic crisis, climate change and new wars unthought of in 1999. But the problems that the exploding population will unleash may, according to some commentators, make today’s crises seem mild. “Of all the interconnected problems we face, perhaps the most serious is the proliferation of our own species,” says Sir Crispin Tickell , a former British ambassador to the UN, now an environmental guru. “We are like a species out of control.” As population rises, this argument runs, consumption will increase and place an impossible strain on natural resources, from water supplies and agricultural land to fish in the ocean, as well as giving rise to runaway climate change as we burn ever more fossil fuels. One example of the kind of problem the planet will face has been this year’s devastating famine in the Horn of Africa . Drought was the primary cause, but it has been exacerbated by pressure on the land; the population of the region has doubled since the early 1970s. Mary Robinson, the former Irish president, told a recent meeting of the Aspen Institute : “Somalia shows the extent to which failure to learn from the famine in 1992, and our failure to prioritise the health of women and children, has become a global problem, one none of us can ignore.” This view is derided in some quarters, especially the US right, as “neo-Malthusian” – a pessimistic assumption of limit to the world’s bounty that has always been proved wrong in the past. Productivity – squeezing more food from less land, more energy from fewer resources – has kept pace with or exceeded population growth in the past, so why not in the future? Although fertility rates have declined slightly from their 1960s peak, there is now a demographic “bulge”, a boom in the number of young people, that will ensure growth continues at a clip for the next few decades. By around mid-century, if the predictions are right, population will for the first time in centuries begin a slow decline. These are just guesses. Many experts believe the UN’s nine billion to be a gross underestimate, and predict 11 billion or 12 billion as more likely. Previous predictions have been too low: the UN’s forecast in the early 1990s was that population would peak in 2050 at 7.8 billion, a level now virtually certain to be exceeded in the next 15 years. This year, the seven billionth person will not be named; instead, the UN is merely celebrating the arrival on 31 October. According to the UN, this is because all babies born around the time will be equally marked. But Adnan’s family suspect the real reason may be embarrassment. His parents have been bewildered by the way the UN has behaved since singling out their only child for attention. Since that day, they have received almost no communication from the organisation and certainly no support. “We saw Kofi Annan as almost like a godfather to him,” says Adnan’s father, Jasminko. “He held me up when I was two days old, but since then we have heard nothing from them,” says Adnan. The disappointment is palpable. Adan’s father is unwell, and his pension and a small stipend paid by Sarajevo as long as Adnan remains in education are the family’s only income. For the boy singled out as the five billionth person, the story is remarkably similar. Matej Gaspar is also aggrieved at the way the UN picked him out at birth and then ignored him for the rest of his life. Adnan and Gaspar are friends on Facebook and have discussed what they regard as their unfair treatment. It would not be surprising if the UN is touchy about its approach to population questions. For two decades, population concerns have been pushed to one side as governments have become increasingly sensitive about the issue. There are several reasons – fear on the part of rich countries of being seen to attempt to control the fertility of developing nations; an emphasis on other problems, such as diseases, that seemed less intractable; and religion, which took population firmly off the international aid agenda for the whole of George W Bush’s US presidency. Even usually outspoken green groups have censored themselves on the subject, avoiding the question of whether the number of people on the planet has an impact on our ecology in favour of pointing out that the west consumes a far larger share of available resources than the south. Some of this reticence is well-founded. Previous discussions under the heading of “overpopulation” implied that some of the world’s inhabitants were surplus to requirements, an unpleasant suggestion that carried overtones of eugenics. Population experts lament that these fears prevented a frank discussion for years of whether we should be trying to curb the growth of population in our own interests. Women’s rights are central to this framing of the argument. Hundreds of millions of women around the world, but mainly in developing countries, have families bigger than they wish, because they are being denied the ability to control their own reproductive health, according to Population Action International . Although the planet may be able to support billions more people than are forecast to join us, the question of how all of those new people can live decently, rather than in unnecessary misery, will not be answered by nature or technology but by politics. Whether our political systems can cope with the strain – of competition for resources, of the distribution of Earth’s natural wealth, of the potential for runaway climate change, and of the economic and social crises that will follow – without collapsing into destitution or war is a matter for conjecture. Asked what he hopes for the seven billionth child, Adnan is unhesitating: “I wish that the birth of the seven billionth child brings peace to the planet.” From someone else, this might sound like a pious cliche. But from Adnan’s fourth-floor bedroom window, you can look out to see another block of flats close by. More than 15 years after the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina officially ended, the walls still bear the scars of hundreds of bullets. Population Bosnia and Herzegovina United Nations Fiona Harvey guardian.co.uk
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