A huge improvement by Warren Gatland’s young side since the Six Nations has left them a game away from the World Cup final Toby Faletau is a man of very few words, which is why he was presumably the only player in Wales’s starting lineup made available to the media on the eve of the semi-final against France. The 20-year-old No8 did reveal, in between pauses, that he listened to Kings of Leon on the day of a match to help him relax, and the American band’s album Youth and Young Manhood could serve as a soundtrack to the odyssey of the men in red in New Zealand. Wales arrived here last month unfancied and almost unnoticed, despite victories over England and Argentina in August. Although they had won three of their matches in the Six Nations, they were a functional side, as the statistics from the tournament showed. Wales kicked more than any other side, made the fewest passes, had the worst ruck clearance percentage, conceded the most penalties and made the fewest visits to an opponent’s
Continue reading …Click here to view this media A simple mistake. Just copy and paste an old template and you too can pretend you’re a U.S. Senator. Joan McCarter at Daily Kos nails it: Why reinvent the wheel when you can come across as so much more genuine and sincere and committed to public service by using someone else’s words. Particularly when you’re trying to recruit students to come be interns for you. via Boston.com : WASHINGTON – A Democratic group has unearthed a bit of inspirational autobiography on Senator Scott Brown’s official website that was lifted verbatim from Elizabeth Dole ’s site, language that originated in a campaign speech. In a message to students, the Massachusetts senator uses the exact words as remarks delivered by the former North Carolina senator at her campaign kickoff in 2002. Brown’s staff acknowledged yesterday the words originally were Dole’s and said their presence in Brown’s message was the result of a technical error . “ I was raised to believe that there are no limits to individual achievement and no excuses to justify indifference,” said the message from Brown, which was removed later yesterday. “From an early age, I was taught that success is measured not in material accumulations, but in service to others. I was encouraged to join causes larger than myself, to pursue positive change through a sense of mission, and to stand up for what I believe.” Aside from the omission of an opening line — “I am Mary and John Hanford’s daughter” — in Dole’s speech, the Bay State Republican’s language is the same throughout.
Continue reading …I’ve been doing a little bit of work with the Occupy Tallahassee group and have been covering Occupy Wall Street for Crooks and Liars and I thought I’d share a few suggestions based on what I’ve observed. These protests present an historic moment for people who think the system is broken and who want to really make a change. The protests have brought in thousands of new people across the country who don’t like the way things are going and want to do something about it. But the other side has more money and more power and has faced opposition before. In order to avoid losing to them once again, there are some things that local groups need to pay attention to… 1. It’s all about attracting more and more people. The way we make change is by gathering together so many people that they can’t ignore us. 2. Get information about everyone who shows up. We have to be able to contact people for future events and actions. 3. Give people something to do. Protests and rallies are nice. They get people fired up and they can get some media attention. But they aren’t enough. We have to take those people who show up to the rallies and give them something concrete to do that will make a difference. 4. We all, every one of us, have to know what we’re talking about. The number one way to lose momentum is for us to allow the media to marginalize us as kooks or crazies. If we are all educated and we only give the media educated, thoughtful responses, then we take away the opposition’s major weapon. 5. We have to have a coherent message. The media and the opposition are already trying to paint us as having no real point. If they succeed in convincing the public that is true, the movement will die off. People will go home and nothing will change. 6. We have to walk a thin line when it comes to the law. Civil disobedience is a valid tool and it changes the world. But not if it is violent or disrespectful of the very people the 1 percent are already screwing over. We have to be better than the other side, not fall into their tactics or fall for the traps they are setting for us. And keep in mind that law enforcement and other people who may appear to be our opposition at times are getting screwed over by the 1 percent, too. We should be recruiting them, not antagonizing them. 7. At the end of the day, when the protest is over, we have to realize that just showing up and protesting and occupying isn’t enough. It is an amazing start, but protests are never successful if they aren’t coupled with actions that can change the world. Lawsuits and elections are the key tools in American history (and beyond) that have changed the way the system worked and created progress. We have to use the mass mobilizations as a way to get politicians elected that will fight the 1 percent (like Alan Grayson and Bernie Sanders, for instance) and we have to fund lawsuits that will enforce laws that already exist that protect our rights. Without these tools we can’t win. 8. We have to win the media battle. This isn’t going to be easy, because the 1 percent owns the media. But they don’t own the Internet. Well they do, but they can’t stop us from using it. And we have to use it well enough to force the rest of the media to pay attention and do the right thing. When a reporter lies about how many people were at an event, we need to use the web to tell the truth. When a reporter tries to spin a story to undercut what we’re doing, we need to use the web to tell the truth. They won’t do it unless we force them to. This is cross-posted from my blog, Florida Progressive Coalition
Continue reading …The broadcast networks continued their enthusiastic coverage Friday night on behalf of the far-left Wall Street protesters, with NBC’s Brian Williams, again, the most excited while CBS anchor Scott Pelley, who has until now refrained from the hype delivered by ABC and NBC, jumped in by promising “a series of reports on the growing protests around the country.” Williams led by touting how the protesters “are claiming victory tonight” by not getting removed from the Manhattan park. He then hailed their impact which he has helped fuel: “This protest movement is showing strength. It’s still growing, changing and spreading…” Pelley set up the first of his three CBS Evening News reports: “Those protests against Wall Street are continuing into the weekend all over the country in 103 cities and in 36 states. We have correspondents tonight at three of those protests.” Following a story from Manhattan, Pelley and reporter Bill Whitaker trumpeted the economic diversity of the protesters. “The protesters claim that they represent 99 percent of Americans against the wealthiest one percent,” Pelley announced. “In Los Angeles, Bill Whitaker is finding protesters from nearly every walk of life.” Next, Pelley asserted “Elaine Quijano is talking to those protesters who are acting in Boston and she’s found some people who you would never expect to be unemployed.” In fact, she found just what you’d expect: recent college graduates. About Thursday night: “‘ Message’ of Wall Street Protests ‘Increasingly Resonating,’ NBC’s Williams Champions .” > > MRC Media Reality Check posted Thursday. “ A Tale of Two Protests: Media Cheer Wall Street Occupiers But Jeered Tea Partiers ; Study: ABC, CBS and NBC loaded their broadcasts with 33 full stories in just 11 days of coverage of the Occupy Wall Street protests.”
Continue reading …Fear of detention, families torn apart – Hispanics in Alabama are trapped in a unique half-life under punishing new immigrant laws • Latest: police can detain suspected illegal migrants, court rules • In pictures: life under Alabama’s immigration law Isobel Gomez’s apartment on the outskirts of Birmingham, Alabama, has the hunkered-down quality of a wartime bunker. There are boxes of bottled water, rice, beans and tortillas stacked against the living room wall – sufficient to last her family of five several days. The curtains are drawn and the lights on, even though it is early afternoon. For the past two weeks, this small space has been Gomez’s prison cell. She has been cooped up here, shut off from natural light and almost all contact with the outside world since 28 September, the day a judge upheld the new law that has given Alabama the distinction of having the most draconian immigration powers in America. Gomez (the name is not her real one, at her request) used to be a gregarious person, taking her daughters to school, visiting her mother nearby, shopping every day. Now she leaves the apartment only once a week, to stock up on those boxes of essentials at the local Walmart. The day after the new law was upheld, Gomez saw three police cars driving around her housing complex, which is almost entirely Hispanic in occupancy. Word went around that the police asked men standing on the street to go inside their homes or face arrest. She took the mandate literally, and from that moment has barely set foot outside. She no longer drives, her car sitting unused by the kerbside. Under the new law, police have to check the immigration papers of anyone “suspicious” they stop for a routine traffic violation – a missing brake light, perhaps, or parking on the wrong spot. “If they see me they will think I’m suspicious and then they will detain me indefinitely,” Gomez says. Why would the police think she was suspicious? “They will see the colour of my skin.” Gomez’s is one of thousands of Hispanic families in Alabama trapped in a sort of half-life while they wait to see what will happen in the courts to the new law, HB56. Both the US department of justice and a coalition of local groups are challenging the clampdown at the 11th circuit appeals court in Atlanta, Georgia. The court must decide whether to allow the new law to stand or to block it pending higher judgment by the US supreme court; its ruling is expected by the end of this week. Tough provisions While the judges deliberate, Alabama’s uniquely tough new provisions remain in effect. In addition to the police check of “suspicious” people, anyone failing to carry immigration papers is now deemed to be committing a criminal act. Undocumented immigrants are also forbidden from entering into a transaction with the state, which has already led some town halls to demand residents produce their papers or risk losing water supply . Schools have been instructed to check the immigration status of new pupils as young as four. Even families legally entitled to be in the country are being caught. Cineo Gonzalez was shocked a few weeks ago when his six-year-old daughter came home from school carrying a printout. It gave details of HB56 and its implications, under the heading: “Frequent questions about the immigration law.” Gonzalez is a US permanent resident, having come from Mexico more than 20 years ago. His daughter is an American citizen, having been born in Alabama. Both are entirely legal. Yet she was one of only two children in her class – both Hispanic in appearance – who were given the printout. Why was she singled out, Gonzalez asked the deputy head teacher. “Because we gave the printout to children we thought were not from here,” came the reply. Gonzalez is a taxi driver. Soon after the law came into effect, he began getting calls from Hispanic families. “People started asking me for prices. How much would it cost to go to Indiana? How much to New York? Or Atlanta, or Texas, or Ohio, or North Carolina?” At about 2am one night, he was woken up by a woman who asked him to come and pick her and her family up immediately and drive them to North Carolina. He went drove to their apartment where he found the two parents, three children and a small number of bags waiting for him. “Can you hurry up, we’re very scared,” the woman said. “The police followed my husband on his way back from work and that’s why we’re leaving.” It took eight hours to get to North Carolina. The children slept the whole journey; the father sat in silence; the mother cried all the way. “That was devastating,” Gonzalez says. “I knew things were bad, but this really showed me something was happening. Families are being destroyed.” ‘They see us as servants’ Outside the offices of the Hispanic Interest Coalition of Alabama, HICA, about 30 people – including several small children – are sitting waiting for legal advice. An overflow room has been set up at the back of the building to accommodate families who arrive throughout the day. In a consulting room, a case manager is drawing up a power of attorney letter for a couple who fear they could be rounded up and deported at any time. The legal document – one of hundreds taken out by parents in the state – sets out what should happen to their eight-year-old daughter should they both suddenly disappear. In this case, it gives one of the couple’s friends, a US citizen, the power to make decisions for the girl on anything from medical procedures to schooling. “This is very cruel, very extreme,” the mother says, asking to remain anonymous. “We have never done harm to anyone. We’ve only worked hard. Now they’re trying to split us from our child.” Why does she think they – the Alabama authorities – are doing this? “We ask ourselves that too. Why are they doing this? They say it’s because we are taking jobs from local people, but I don’t think it can be about that. It’s about racism.” Her husband chimes in: “They see us as servants. As people they can keep at the bottom. Not as people who want a better future for ourselves and for our children.” Most of the 100 or so families who are now coming to HICA for help every day are doing so to have powers of attorney drawn up for their kids. Others want advice about what to do when teachers enquire about their children’s status. Increasingly, people are coming in having been fired by their employers for lack of immigration papers. ‘We do the jobs nobody wants to do’ Efren Cruz has lived in Alabama for 23 years having come here when he was 14 from Mexico. He speaks fluent English with a rich southern drawl. Since HB56 came into effect he has been sacked by four different steel and paper mills where he has worked on and off for years. Now he’s jobless. But he’s not taking it supinely. He laughs at the suggestion that the new law is designed to stop illegal Mexicans taking jobs away from worthy and needy local Alabamans. “We aren’t taking anybody’s jobs because, let’s face it, they don’t want to work. We do the jobs that nobody else wants to do.” Despite the fact that he is undocumented, and thus liable to be detained under the new law, he is among a small group of protesters outside the federal court in Birmingham. His fellow demonstrators include a seven-year-old boy carrying a placard that says: “I just look illegal”, and Cruz’s niece Angela, a US citizen aged two, whose sign says: “They can’t deport us ALL”. Cruz had hoped that many more people would have joined the protest. Over the past week they have been petitioning members of their local church to attend, and about 400 promised to come along. Only about 25 turned up. “That’s how scared people are,” Cruz says. Other sporadic and tentative protests are cropping up across the state. A nearby Mexican restaurant, Gordos Market (which translates as “Fat people’s market”), is closed for three days. A sign on the front door explains that it is shuttered out of “Apoya por una buena causa” – support for a good cause. Across the state this week, poultry and meat processing plants, including the giant Tyson, have been closed or put on limited production schedules because of an unofficial walkout by Hispanic workers. In the north of the state, the pungent smell of rotting tomatoes hangs in the air across huge tranches of land that has been virtually abandoned by workers who, through fear or anger, are no longer turning up to gather the harvest. Just how long this standoff will continue, and what happens to the thousands of families caught in limbo, will depend largely on what the 11th circuit appeals court rules, and ultimately on the final say of the US supreme court. In the meantime, though, Isobel Gomez remains trapped inside her prison cell apartment. The only thing keeping her here, she says, is her daughters, who want to stay and make a life for themselves in America as countless millions of immigrant Americans have done before them. “Every day I ask myself the question: how much longer can I survive this? How much longer can I bear sitting at home, unable to leave the house? How much longer can I stand the humiliation of knowing that I’m seen by others as a bad person, as a criminal? If it were down to me, I’d have had enough already.” Alabama US immigration United States US constitution and civil liberties US domestic policy Ed Pilkington guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Stephen Twigg’s statement in favour of test-based support to government’s schools policy contradicts Ed Miliband’s criticism Labour’s new education spokesman has said he backs the setting up of “free schools”, signalling a significant shift in policy from his predecessor. In an interview with the Liverpool Daily Post , Stephen Twigg said Labour will embrace the government’s “schools revolution” providing certain tests are met. The first 24 free schools opened last month. They are intended to tackle divides in England’s education system, including a concentration of the weakest schools in the poorest areas. But analysis commissioned by the Guardian has found that the first 24 are tilted towards areas dominated by middle-class households. Labour leader Ed Miliband told the BBC’s Andrew Marr programme three weeks ago that he was opposed to free schools. Twigg’s predecessor, Andy Burnham, had described free schools as a “reckless gamble”. Then Burnham said free schools were a “free-for-all, where good schools can be destabilised and where teachers can be employed without teaching qualifications”. But in his first interview, Twigg, the Liverpool West Derby MP, said he would back the setting-up of “free schools” by parents, teachers or non-profit groups if they helped poorer children and the wider community. Twigg said: “On free schools, I am saying that we need to apply a set of tests, that we are not going to take an absolute policy of opposing them. “The tests should be: will the school raise standards for pupils and parents, will it contribute to a narrowing of the achievement gap between rich and poor, and what is the wider impact of that school?” He insisted he was not dramatically shifting the party’s position, adding: “Andy never said he had an absolute policy of opposing free schools either.” The Tories are privately pleased at this shift, believing greater cross-party consensus can only serve to shore up the project that has had a faltering take up. While Burnham was in position, Twigg was disciplined in what he said about education, but during a parliamentary debate in May, he admitted to being “hugely impressed” by free school equivalents in the US – the knowledge is power programme that he described as “a great example of how some of these new, more autonomous schools in the US are delivering”. Labour Free schools Schools Education policy Michael Gove Ed Miliband Allegra Stratton guardian.co.uk
Continue reading …Don’t do drugs, stop hating your thighs, buy shares in Google: 10 celebrities write letters to their 16-year-old selves with some choice words of advice Chris Fenn
Continue reading …Fight for last uncaptured ground made more deadly by Libyan government forces’ rivalries and inexperience Death and injury arrive suddenly and randomly on the Libyan city of Sirte’s frontline. Sometimes, however, they come with a gruesome symmetry. On Friday, an rocket-propelled grenade (RPG) fired by pro-Gaddafi forces, defending their last pocket of resistance in the city, caused some of the casualties. But it was a mortar fired by the government’s own fighters that caused the most. Both incidents occurred within a few seconds. The fighters were bunched near the frontline on Dubai Street on the southern front occupied mainly by fighters from Misrata when the two rounds came in. “It was a mistake,” said a passing fighter a few minutes later in the chaos as the injured were treated. “The RPG came from Muammar Gaddafi’s forces. But I was close to where the mortar was fired. They fired it straight into the air. It came down on our men. We are shooting our own people.” There were too many casualties at first for the medics at their open-air field station to cope with. So the Guardian’s driver and translator, both medical students who worked during the siege of Misrata in the intensive care unit, helped treat the wounded, more than 20 of them. One was a young fighter brought in limp and pale from shock, hit by shrapnel in the shoulder that had penetrated his neck. Another older man arrived hanging to the back of a jeep, his lacerated scalp bleeding heavily over his clothes, blood bubbling from his mouth. In the small space that the last uncaptured ground in Sirte provides for assaults, such incidents are escalating. Without proper communications and a dangerous rivalry between the forces from Misrata on the pocket’s southern and western fronts, and fighters from Benghazi and the towns to the east, those fighting Gaddafi’s soldiers are killing each other in increasing numbers. Eastern soldiers said three men they lost on Thursday in an attempt to assault the pocket were killed by Misratan fire. Shells and mortars misfired or falling short have killed others while crossfire is commonplace. Two days ago, a shell fired from behind Sirte exploded close to the Guardian’s car near a column of government fighters. Blame has fallen on “weekend fighters”, who are unwilling to go forward and fire from behind their colleagues towards their backs, or inexperienced government troops, who lack the ability to accurately aim their mortar batteries or are ignorant of their targets. The randomness of the government fighter’s fire was underlined on Friday at a battery made up of odds and ends of improvised rocket systems, a recoilless rifle, anti-aircraft guns and an armoured carrier parked on a rise a few hundred metres from the pocket’s southern edge. The Guardian watched rockets from a homemade system on a pickup truck fly in wildly different directions and distances. “I’ve had too many friends die in this fucking city,” said Mhjurb Ibrahim, a lawyer from Misrata. “Twenty-two of them have died. Five in the first day of the fighting.” It is these problems of co-ordination as much as the fierce resistance of the remaining Gaddafi fighters occupying high buildings in Sirte’s District 2 that have slowed up the advance and forced government fighters to bring up tanks and other heavy weapons to pound the buildings occupied by their foes. Shells flew into the tight packed collection of buildings on Friday at a rate of almost one a minute at times, sending up clouds of concrete and white smoke that drifted across the rooftops. “We cannot go into the pocket yet,” said one of the eastern forces’ commanders, Abdul Salam Rishi. “When we tried, there were still too many snipers. So we’ll bomb with artillery and tanks. Then we will attack.” The difficulties of the government in bringing a final end to the siege of Sirte came as a gun battle erupted between revolutionary forces and supporters of Gaddafi in the heart of the Libyan capital, Tripoli, for the first time since the longtime leader was ousted and forced into hiding. Shouting “God is Great”, anti-Gaddafi fighters converged on the Hay Nasr district of the Abu Salim neighbourhood in pickups mounted with weapons, setting up checkpoints and sealing off the area as heavy gunfire echoed through the streets. Fighters at the scene said the shooting began after a group of armed men tried to raise the green flag that symbolises Gaddafi’s regime. Assem al-Bashir, a fighter with Tripoli’s Eagle Brigade, said revolutionary forces suspected there were snipers in the surrounding high rises after spotting a man trying to raise the green flag. Ahmad al-Warsly, from the Zintan brigade, said several Gaddafi supporters apparently planned a protest but drew fire because they were armed. They fled and were pursued by revolutionary forces, prompting fierce street battles. “It seems like it was organised,” he said. “They were planning to have a big demonstration, then the fight started.” The violence in the capital, which has been relatively calm since it was taken in late August, underscores the difficulty Libya’s new rulers face in restoring order as Gaddafi remains on the run. Libya Middle East Africa Muammar Gaddafi Peter Beaumont guardian.co.uk
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