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Hamid Karzai claims on TV his country ‘will side with Pakistan if US attacks’

Afghan president accused of hypocrisy and ingratitude over remarks made soon after Hillary Clinton’s visit to the region The US reacted with dismay on Sunday after the Afghan president, Hamid Karzai, said that he would side with Pakistan in the event of any war with America. Karzai’s remarks will be greeted with outrage by an American public already thinking him ungrateful for US military and financial support. In an interview on Geo Television, Pakistan’s largest satellite network, hours after a visit to the region by the US secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, Karzai said: “If there is war between Pakistan and America, we will stand by Pakistan.” He put his hand on his heart and described Pakistan as a “brother” country. The remark, which went further than other Karzai outbursts critical of the US, was viewed negatively not only in the US but in Afghanistan where opponents accused him of hypocrisy given Kabul’s difficult relationship with Pakistan. The US embassy in Kabul, responding to reporters’ questions, said it was up to the Afghan government to explain Karzai’s remarks. An embassy spokesman, Gavin Sundwall, tried to play down the row. He told the Associated Press: “This is not about war with each other. This is about a joint approach to a threat to all three of our countries: insurgents and terrorists who attack Afghans, Pakistanis and Americans.” A western diplomat, speaking anonymously, described Karzai’s comments as unfortunate. “The phraseology could have been better,” the diplomat said. Karzai’s words were being interpreted as an attempt to mollify Pakistan ahead of a US-Afghanistan military strategic agreement to be completed within the next few months. “[Karzai's remarks are] essentially reassurance to Pakistan that the US strategic relationship will not be used to threaten Pakistan,” the diplomat said. The statement was widely interpreted as a rhetorical flourish rather than as a significant offer of defence co-operation. Despite tension between Pakistan and the US, open warfare is a remote possibility. Clinton on Sunday said there were no plans to put US troops into Pakistan but acknowledged differences with the country over securing an Afghan peace deal. “We have to have a very firm commitment to an Afghan-led reconciliation peace process,” Clinton told CNN, adding that Pakistan was not yet fully aboard. “We’re about 90% to 95% in agreement between the US and Pakistan about the means of our moving toward what are commonly shared goals, and we have a work plan and a real commitment to making sure we are as effective as possible together.” Clinton’s comments follow her warning to Pakistan that the US would act unilaterally if Islamabad failed to crack down on the Taliban-linked Haqqani network inside its North Waziristan sanctuary. Karzai, who is scrambling to ensure his political future before the US military drawdown in 2014, needs Pakistani help to bring the Taliban to peace talks. In the event of a conflict, his army, which is dependent on US money and training, would be in no position to back Pakistan. Nevertheless, the interview with Geo was at stark variance with the tone during the visit to the region by Clinton and David Petraeus, the CIA director. Clinton had flown to Islamabad and, in a four-hour meeting with Pakistan’s top generals, called on the military to bring the Haqqanis to the negotiating table, destroy the group’s leadership, or pave the way for the US to do so. Karzai’s interview with Geo was aired barely 24 hours after Clinton left. He said Afghanistan owed Pakistan a great debt for sheltering millions of refugees over the past three decades, and stressed that his foreign policy would not be dictated by any outside power. “Anybody that attacks Pakistan, Afghanistan will stand with Pakistan,” he said. “Afghanistan will never betray their brother.” Karzai has wildly swung away from, and then closer to, Pakistan over the past 18 months as efforts to draw the Taliban into peace talks have gained momentum. First he welcomed the Pakistani military chief, General Ashfaq Kayani, and the ISI spy chief, General Shuja Pasha, to talks in Kabul but then, this month, flew to New Delhi to sign a “strategic partnership” with India that strengthened trade and security ties between the two countries but infuriated Pakistan, where the movewas seen as a fresh sign of Afghan perfidy. Karzai is trying to strike a balance, reaching a peace deal but also managing criticism from non-Pashtun groups and their political representatives, who accuse him of getting too close to Pakistan. Hamid Karzai Afghanistan Pakistan Taliban Hillary Clinton US foreign policy United States Ewen MacAskill Declan Walsh guardian.co.uk

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St Paul’s may seek injunction to move Occupy London activists

Officials consulting lawyers over how to remove protest camp as cathedral’s closure is costing £20,000 a day in lost revenues Officials from St Paul’s Cathedral and the wider City district are considering legal action to force protesters to remove a camp set up outside the church more than a week ago, following an impasse between the two sides. The cathedral has been shut since Friday afternoon after its dean, the Right Reverend Graeme Knowles, said the presence of more than 200 tents and marquees beside the building’s western edge was an unacceptable fire, and health and safety risk. Both he and the cathedral’s canon chancellor, Giles Fraser , have publicly urged the activists to leave. It is the first time the cathedral has been closed since the second world war, and church officials say it is costing St Paul’s around £20,000 a day in lost visitor revenues. The Occupy the London Stock Exchange movement , part of a wave of similar global protests against the perceived excesses of the financial and banking systems, says it is sympathetic to the cathedral’s plight but believes the closure is an overreaction. Members of the group say they have received assurances from the fire service and Health and Safety Executive that the camp poses no such risk. With the deadlock seemingly set to continue, St Paul’s and other nearby institutions have consulted lawyers about possible efforts to forcibly evict the protesters. Cathedral staff were due to hold an emergency meeting with fire officers, police and officials from the Corporation of London, which administers the City district, on Monday. A St Paul’s spokesman, the Reverand Rob Marshall, said the impact of the closure would be felt more intensively next week as tourist numbers swell during half-term. “The penny is dropping,” he said. “Half-term has started and we’ve got hundreds and thousands of visitors from around the world in London. It will soon begin to dawn that the cathedral will not be open for the foreseeable future. It’s such a chunk of a visitor’s itinerary and there will be a momentum that this is a reality. If there is no sign of movement in the early part of the week there will be further negotiations.” The Corporation of London has not commented publicly since Friday, when it also called on the camp to disband . But the organisation is known to have consulted lawyers about how an eviction might take place, and whether the legal options could even include an emergency injunction to clear the space immediately. But this is seen as a last resort. Aside from the potential public relations disaster of police officers dragging peaceful protesters from their tents in the shadow of a cathedral, eviction proceedings would most likely take some weeks. Part of the land housing the camp is owned by St Paul’s, who would need to take action for trespass, while other parts belong to the Corporation, requiring a case under laws relating to obstruction of the highways. The Occupy movement has said it, too, has been taking legal advice, and cannot be expected to leave voluntarily without more information from St Paul’s. Ronan McNern from the group said: “If this is so serious, that St Paul’s has been closed, shouldn’t they be telling us? Aren’t they putting us at risk? We want dialogue, we want proper open dialogue rather than statements through the media by the dean.” Yesterday Todaytourists and regular worshippers expecting to join the usual half-dozen services over the day were being directed to nearby churches. Inside the cathedral there was only a private holy communion for clergy, organised to comply with an Anglican statute requiring all cathedrals to hold such a service every week. Some would-be visitors were caught out. “We didn’t know, so we’re very disappointed,” said a woman from a visiting American family forced to suddenly revise their plans for the day. But others remained positive. “I suppose you could say we’re part of the 99% as well,” said Levin Brunner, an IT consultant from Munich, using the term coined by activists for the bulk of people who do not enjoy stellar salaries and annual bonuses. “We have similar protests in Germany, so we knew this was taking place and we have a lot of sympathy for it. It’s very interesting for tourists to see, anyway.” Complicating matters still further is an offshoot of the St Paul’s camp, set up on Saturday at Finsbury Square, a small grassed area slightly further to the east, on the fringes of the financial district, which now has around 40 tents. Activists insist this is not intended as a replacement for the main protest, but primarily a spillover as the original site is too small to accept more tents. Fabian Flues, a 26-year-old consultant, said he had moved to the new site after four nights at St Paul’s: “This new site is actually even closer to my office. I can spend the night here and have a shower and get changed when I get to work.” Occupy London Occupy movement London Peter Walker Riazat Butt guardian.co.uk

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St Paul’s may seek injunction to move Occupy London activists

Officials consulting lawyers over how to remove protest camp as cathedral’s closure is costing £20,000 a day in lost revenues Officials from St Paul’s Cathedral and the wider City district are considering legal action to force protesters to remove a camp set up outside the church more than a week ago, following an impasse between the two sides. The cathedral has been shut since Friday afternoon after its dean, the Right Reverend Graeme Knowles, said the presence of more than 200 tents and marquees beside the building’s western edge was an unacceptable fire, and health and safety risk. Both he and the cathedral’s canon chancellor, Giles Fraser , have publicly urged the activists to leave. It is the first time the cathedral has been closed since the second world war, and church officials say it is costing St Paul’s around £20,000 a day in lost visitor revenues. The Occupy the London Stock Exchange movement , part of a wave of similar global protests against the perceived excesses of the financial and banking systems, says it is sympathetic to the cathedral’s plight but believes the closure is an overreaction. Members of the group say they have received assurances from the fire service and Health and Safety Executive that the camp poses no such risk. With the deadlock seemingly set to continue, St Paul’s and other nearby institutions have consulted lawyers about possible efforts to forcibly evict the protesters. Cathedral staff were due to hold an emergency meeting with fire officers, police and officials from the Corporation of London, which administers the City district, on Monday. A St Paul’s spokesman, the Reverand Rob Marshall, said the impact of the closure would be felt more intensively next week as tourist numbers swell during half-term. “The penny is dropping,” he said. “Half-term has started and we’ve got hundreds and thousands of visitors from around the world in London. It will soon begin to dawn that the cathedral will not be open for the foreseeable future. It’s such a chunk of a visitor’s itinerary and there will be a momentum that this is a reality. If there is no sign of movement in the early part of the week there will be further negotiations.” The Corporation of London has not commented publicly since Friday, when it also called on the camp to disband . But the organisation is known to have consulted lawyers about how an eviction might take place, and whether the legal options could even include an emergency injunction to clear the space immediately. But this is seen as a last resort. Aside from the potential public relations disaster of police officers dragging peaceful protesters from their tents in the shadow of a cathedral, eviction proceedings would most likely take some weeks. Part of the land housing the camp is owned by St Paul’s, who would need to take action for trespass, while other parts belong to the Corporation, requiring a case under laws relating to obstruction of the highways. The Occupy movement has said it, too, has been taking legal advice, and cannot be expected to leave voluntarily without more information from St Paul’s. Ronan McNern from the group said: “If this is so serious, that St Paul’s has been closed, shouldn’t they be telling us? Aren’t they putting us at risk? We want dialogue, we want proper open dialogue rather than statements through the media by the dean.” Yesterday Todaytourists and regular worshippers expecting to join the usual half-dozen services over the day were being directed to nearby churches. Inside the cathedral there was only a private holy communion for clergy, organised to comply with an Anglican statute requiring all cathedrals to hold such a service every week. Some would-be visitors were caught out. “We didn’t know, so we’re very disappointed,” said a woman from a visiting American family forced to suddenly revise their plans for the day. But others remained positive. “I suppose you could say we’re part of the 99% as well,” said Levin Brunner, an IT consultant from Munich, using the term coined by activists for the bulk of people who do not enjoy stellar salaries and annual bonuses. “We have similar protests in Germany, so we knew this was taking place and we have a lot of sympathy for it. It’s very interesting for tourists to see, anyway.” Complicating matters still further is an offshoot of the St Paul’s camp, set up on Saturday at Finsbury Square, a small grassed area slightly further to the east, on the fringes of the financial district, which now has around 40 tents. Activists insist this is not intended as a replacement for the main protest, but primarily a spillover as the original site is too small to accept more tents. Fabian Flues, a 26-year-old consultant, said he had moved to the new site after four nights at St Paul’s: “This new site is actually even closer to my office. I can spend the night here and have a shower and get changed when I get to work.” Occupy London Occupy movement London Peter Walker Riazat Butt guardian.co.uk

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Turkey earthquake leaves as many as 1,000 people feared dead

Towns of Ercis and Van in mountainous region of eastern Turkey appear to be worst affected by 7.2 magnitude quake Many hundreds of people are feared dead after a powerful earthquake hit eastern Turkey, destroying scores of buildings and leaving many victims trapped in the rubble. Scientists from Turkey’s Kandilli earthquake institute said that given the force of the 7.2-magnitude quake, which struck at 1.41pm local time (11.41am BST), and often shoddy construction standards in the mountainous area near Turkey’s border with Iran, up to 1,000 people may have lost their lives. The worst-affected areas appeared to be around Ercis, a town of about 75,000 people where up to 80 buildings collapsed, including a student dormitory; and the nearby city of Van, where at least 10 buildings were razed. TV footage showed distraught relatives waiting outside a collapsed eight-storey building in Van that housed shops on the ground floor. Hospitals in Ercis reported receiving around 1,000 casualties. The epicentre was a village about 15 miles north of Van, the Kandilli institute said. The mayor of Ercis, Zulfukar Arapoglu, said many other buildings had been badly damaged, a particular risk with dozens of aftershocks still shaking the region, and that the town urgently needed tents. The need for shelter is particularly acute. Van is 1,750m (5,740ft) above sea level and nighttime temperatures are near freezing. A man who gave his name as Hanifi Arli told a TV news channel that there was no sign of outside help arriving: “All these people are trapped under buildings. All buildings have collapsed. We have no ambulances,” he said. Another survivor in the town told NTV television: “It’s ridiculous that there is still not a single tent here. Everybody waits outside. There is no water, no bread. It’s not even clear who runs the operations … We only want the government to rescue the people trapped inside the collapsed buildings. Why is the government not helping?” In the absence of rescue teams, many people were searching for survivors themselves, shifting rubble with iron bars or their bare hands. The quake brought down many electrical power lines, further hampering efforts. State-run TRT television said 45 bodies had been recovered already in Ercis, and 150 people injured. Fifteen others were known to have died in Van. The death tolls seems certain to rise significantly. Casualties were also reported in Celebibag district, near Ercis. “There are many people under the rubble,” Veysel Keser, the mayor of Celebibag, told NTV. “People are in agony. We can hear their screams for help. We need urgent help.” Earthquakes are common in Turkey, which is crossed by a number of geological faultlines. The most significant one in recent years struck the western city of Izmit in 1999 . The official death toll was 17,000, although some reports suggested the real figure was significantly higher. Poorly-built housing was blamed for many deaths, and tens of thousands more people were left homeless as other buildings were damaged beyond repair. The head of Turkey’s search and rescue organisation, Nasuh Maruki, said his staff had learned a lot from the 1999 quake and were now far better able to assist. However, he added, poorly-built buildings were likely to remain a problem: “They will all have to be strengthened to withstand earthquakes or they will have to be demolished and built from scratch.” Turkey’s prime minister, Tayyip Erdogan, was travelling to Van to view the situation. According to the country’s media, Turkey has already received offers of help from the UK, US, Germany and Greece. There has also been an offer from Israel, despite difficult relations following last year’s Israeli navy raid on a Turkish-registered flotilla heading for Gaza, which left nine Turkish nationals dead . The quake was also felt in Yerevan, the capital of Armenia, and several Iranian towns close to the border, but there were no reports of injuries or damage. Turkey Natural disasters and extreme weather Europe Middle East Constanze Letsch Peter Walker guardian.co.uk

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Turkey earthquake leaves as many as 1,000 people feared dead

Towns of Ercis and Van in mountainous region of eastern Turkey appear to be worst affected by 7.2 magnitude quake Many hundreds of people are feared dead after a powerful earthquake hit eastern Turkey, destroying scores of buildings and leaving many victims trapped in the rubble. Scientists from Turkey’s Kandilli earthquake institute said that given the force of the 7.2-magnitude quake, which struck at 1.41pm local time (11.41am BST), and often shoddy construction standards in the mountainous area near Turkey’s border with Iran, up to 1,000 people may have lost their lives. The worst-affected areas appeared to be around Ercis, a town of about 75,000 people where up to 80 buildings collapsed, including a student dormitory; and the nearby city of Van, where at least 10 buildings were razed. TV footage showed distraught relatives waiting outside a collapsed eight-storey building in Van that housed shops on the ground floor. Hospitals in Ercis reported receiving around 1,000 casualties. The epicentre was a village about 15 miles north of Van, the Kandilli institute said. The mayor of Ercis, Zulfukar Arapoglu, said many other buildings had been badly damaged, a particular risk with dozens of aftershocks still shaking the region, and that the town urgently needed tents. The need for shelter is particularly acute. Van is 1,750m (5,740ft) above sea level and nighttime temperatures are near freezing. A man who gave his name as Hanifi Arli told a TV news channel that there was no sign of outside help arriving: “All these people are trapped under buildings. All buildings have collapsed. We have no ambulances,” he said. Another survivor in the town told NTV television: “It’s ridiculous that there is still not a single tent here. Everybody waits outside. There is no water, no bread. It’s not even clear who runs the operations … We only want the government to rescue the people trapped inside the collapsed buildings. Why is the government not helping?” In the absence of rescue teams, many people were searching for survivors themselves, shifting rubble with iron bars or their bare hands. The quake brought down many electrical power lines, further hampering efforts. State-run TRT television said 45 bodies had been recovered already in Ercis, and 150 people injured. Fifteen others were known to have died in Van. The death tolls seems certain to rise significantly. Casualties were also reported in Celebibag district, near Ercis. “There are many people under the rubble,” Veysel Keser, the mayor of Celebibag, told NTV. “People are in agony. We can hear their screams for help. We need urgent help.” Earthquakes are common in Turkey, which is crossed by a number of geological faultlines. The most significant one in recent years struck the western city of Izmit in 1999 . The official death toll was 17,000, although some reports suggested the real figure was significantly higher. Poorly-built housing was blamed for many deaths, and tens of thousands more people were left homeless as other buildings were damaged beyond repair. The head of Turkey’s search and rescue organisation, Nasuh Maruki, said his staff had learned a lot from the 1999 quake and were now far better able to assist. However, he added, poorly-built buildings were likely to remain a problem: “They will all have to be strengthened to withstand earthquakes or they will have to be demolished and built from scratch.” Turkey’s prime minister, Tayyip Erdogan, was travelling to Van to view the situation. According to the country’s media, Turkey has already received offers of help from the UK, US, Germany and Greece. There has also been an offer from Israel, despite difficult relations following last year’s Israeli navy raid on a Turkish-registered flotilla heading for Gaza, which left nine Turkish nationals dead . The quake was also felt in Yerevan, the capital of Armenia, and several Iranian towns close to the border, but there were no reports of injuries or damage. Turkey Natural disasters and extreme weather Europe Middle East Constanze Letsch Peter Walker guardian.co.uk

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Tunisians flock to voting stations for first taste of democracy in 50 years

People queue to vote as candidates from 110 political parties and scores of independents bid to join new 217-seat government At 7am, at the front of a long queue outside a polling station near the Tunis casbah yesterday, shop assistant Samira was impatiently waiting for the doors to open on Tunisia’s first free elections. The 50-year-old had been camped there since 5.45am in order to be the first voter and had not slept a wink all night. “How could I sleep? It’s the first time I’ve ever voted in my life,” she said, rubbing her eyes. “What’s one night when we’ve waited decades for freedom? This ballot box is what we took to the streets for.” Nine months after a people’s revolution ousted the despot Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali and inspired uprisings across the region, Tunisia on Sunday was holding the first vote of the Arab spring. The small country of 10 million was being watched by the Arab world as an experiment in moving from dictatorship to democracy. If the elections usher in a credible new political class after 50 years of a one-party state, they could boost the democratic hopes for neighbouring such as post-Gaddafi Libya and Egypt, where there is profound uncertainty. One common complaint among Tunisians is that they were never able to properly celebrate their revolution with an outpouring of joy. When Ben Ali fled, it was followed by weeks of curfews, uncertainty and violent outbreaks stoked by remnants of the old regime. Then people again took to the streets and occupied the casbah to protest over a succession of weak, discredited and ineffective transition governments featuring faces present under the old regime. Ben Ali is in Saudi Arabia but his state apparatus remains in place: torture and police brutality continues, the justice system is craven and compromised, corruption is rife and unemployment – a main cause of the revolution – is rising. “There’s an overwhelming sense of joy and relief,” said Mehdi Lassoued, a tyre company worker, wrapped in the Tunisian flag. “I feel we are finally moving on, that we can finish this revolution, vote for a legitimate government.” Tunis university professor Ghofrane Ben Miled said: “There’s so much expectation and excitement on the street. I didn’t sleep, I was wired. It felt like the nights during the revolution, but calmer. I’m 42 and I’ve never voted before.” Flag-festooned cars with horns blaring were everywhere and hundreds queued in the sun, wearing home-made paper hats. Asked who the election winner would be, most said: “We all will.” During the 23 years under Ben Ali’s notorious secret police, elections were a farce and few turned out to vote. Those who officially did vote were often in fact dead. Ben Ali would achieve unlikely landslides, such as the 99.91% he announced in 1994. The people’s uprising that began in December with the self-immolation of a poor vegetable seller in a desolate rural town was not led by any party, ideology or religion. So the election is the first test of a new political landscape. There are now 110 political parties and scores of independents. Tunisians will appoint a 217-seat assembly with the specific role of rewriting the constitution to prepare for parliamentary elections next year. A complex proportional representation system means that no one party will dominate the assembly. But the Islamist party, An-Nahda, previously outlawed and brutally repressed, is expected to win an important share of the vote. The party has campaigned as a moderate, pro-democracy force, vowing to respect the diversity of Tunisia – one of the region’s most highly educated countries, with a strong secular tradition and the most advanced women’s rights in the Arab world. An-Nahda likens itself to Turkey’s Islamist-rooted ruling Justice and Development party – liberal and conservative. Secular critics say An-Nahda is an unknown quantity and its hardliners could seek to enforce a more fundamentalist Islam on Tunisia’s civil society. When its leader, Rachid Ghannouchi, who recently returned from 22 years of exile in London, arrived at to vote followed by camera crews he walked straight to the front. But he was jeered by crowds waiting to vote, who shouted: “The queue, the queue! Democracy starts there!” He swiftly took his place in the line and said: “The people have a hunger for democracy.” The assembly is also likely to feature an array of secular centrist parties, such as the centre-left Ettakatol which was in opposition under Ben Ali. Its founder, Mustapha Ben Jaafar, 70 – who is a doctor and professor of medicine – was barred from running for president in 2009 but is tipped to seek a senior position in the new government, perhaps the interim presidency. He faces opposition from Ahmed Nejib Chebbi, 67, of the rival PDP. A new party, the Congress for the Republic, led by long-exiled human rights activist Moncef Marzouki, is also expected to win seats. A high turnout is expected – as high as 80% in some precincts. Full results will be released on Monday. The assembly will face wrangling over who gets the top jobs. Those elected might choose to focus on the vast task of producing a new democratic constitution – to build a new state – while a government of technocrats keeps the country ticking over. With unemployment officially at 19% but thought to be much higher (and over 40% for graduate women), the government will be pressured to kickstart the economy and deal with the huge divide between Tunisia’s golden tourist coast and the poor interior. In Ettadhamen, a poor, densely-populated suburb of Tunis which rose up in the revolution and saw young men killed by Ben Ali’s forces, hundreds were queueing to vote at primary schools. “I’ve never seen anything like this,” said Lameen Muhammed, a teacher. “Nine months ago you couldn’t even talk about politics in the street for fear of the secret police. The stress was unbearable. “Now everyone’s out debating and voting, the stress has lifted. It has been difficult, but we’re leaning towards democracy. With this vote, the people will have spoken.” A 52-year-old builder said he would choose An-Nahda. “They have a history of struggle against the regime, they were treated brutally, their families suffered. I want them to improve security. There are a lot of problems here. Alcohol is sold openly, and there are drugs sold on the street.” A stay-at-home mother, 44, in long robe and headscarf said she had voted for the centrist secular party Ettakatol because she liked what its spokesmen said on TV. Meanwhile, a student had chosen the CPR, “They’re a new party, I trust them. I’m nearly 20 – I’m desperate to think I can hope for some kind of job.” Amid the optimism there was a sense of vigilance. Many said that the people had staged the revolution and they would take to the streets again if they felt they were being cheated or let down. Najila Ahrissi, one of the many cleaners who leave Ettadhamen each day to work in the homes of the rich for about £150 a month, had voted for a small secular party. She said: “In the old days, every election here was fixed. Let’s just hope we can trust the politicians of tomorrow.” Tunisia Arab and Middle East unrest Africa Angelique Chrisafis guardian.co.uk

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Tunisians flock to voting stations for first taste of democracy in 50 years

People queue to vote as candidates from 110 political parties and scores of independents bid to join new 217-seat government At 7am, at the front of a long queue outside a polling station near the Tunis casbah yesterday, shop assistant Samira was impatiently waiting for the doors to open on Tunisia’s first free elections. The 50-year-old had been camped there since 5.45am in order to be the first voter and had not slept a wink all night. “How could I sleep? It’s the first time I’ve ever voted in my life,” she said, rubbing her eyes. “What’s one night when we’ve waited decades for freedom? This ballot box is what we took to the streets for.” Nine months after a people’s revolution ousted the despot Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali and inspired uprisings across the region, Tunisia on Sunday was holding the first vote of the Arab spring. The small country of 10 million was being watched by the Arab world as an experiment in moving from dictatorship to democracy. If the elections usher in a credible new political class after 50 years of a one-party state, they could boost the democratic hopes for neighbouring such as post-Gaddafi Libya and Egypt, where there is profound uncertainty. One common complaint among Tunisians is that they were never able to properly celebrate their revolution with an outpouring of joy. When Ben Ali fled, it was followed by weeks of curfews, uncertainty and violent outbreaks stoked by remnants of the old regime. Then people again took to the streets and occupied the casbah to protest over a succession of weak, discredited and ineffective transition governments featuring faces present under the old regime. Ben Ali is in Saudi Arabia but his state apparatus remains in place: torture and police brutality continues, the justice system is craven and compromised, corruption is rife and unemployment – a main cause of the revolution – is rising. “There’s an overwhelming sense of joy and relief,” said Mehdi Lassoued, a tyre company worker, wrapped in the Tunisian flag. “I feel we are finally moving on, that we can finish this revolution, vote for a legitimate government.” Tunis university professor Ghofrane Ben Miled said: “There’s so much expectation and excitement on the street. I didn’t sleep, I was wired. It felt like the nights during the revolution, but calmer. I’m 42 and I’ve never voted before.” Flag-festooned cars with horns blaring were everywhere and hundreds queued in the sun, wearing home-made paper hats. Asked who the election winner would be, most said: “We all will.” During the 23 years under Ben Ali’s notorious secret police, elections were a farce and few turned out to vote. Those who officially did vote were often in fact dead. Ben Ali would achieve unlikely landslides, such as the 99.91% he announced in 1994. The people’s uprising that began in December with the self-immolation of a poor vegetable seller in a desolate rural town was not led by any party, ideology or religion. So the election is the first test of a new political landscape. There are now 110 political parties and scores of independents. Tunisians will appoint a 217-seat assembly with the specific role of rewriting the constitution to prepare for parliamentary elections next year. A complex proportional representation system means that no one party will dominate the assembly. But the Islamist party, An-Nahda, previously outlawed and brutally repressed, is expected to win an important share of the vote. The party has campaigned as a moderate, pro-democracy force, vowing to respect the diversity of Tunisia – one of the region’s most highly educated countries, with a strong secular tradition and the most advanced women’s rights in the Arab world. An-Nahda likens itself to Turkey’s Islamist-rooted ruling Justice and Development party – liberal and conservative. Secular critics say An-Nahda is an unknown quantity and its hardliners could seek to enforce a more fundamentalist Islam on Tunisia’s civil society. When its leader, Rachid Ghannouchi, who recently returned from 22 years of exile in London, arrived at to vote followed by camera crews he walked straight to the front. But he was jeered by crowds waiting to vote, who shouted: “The queue, the queue! Democracy starts there!” He swiftly took his place in the line and said: “The people have a hunger for democracy.” The assembly is also likely to feature an array of secular centrist parties, such as the centre-left Ettakatol which was in opposition under Ben Ali. Its founder, Mustapha Ben Jaafar, 70 – who is a doctor and professor of medicine – was barred from running for president in 2009 but is tipped to seek a senior position in the new government, perhaps the interim presidency. He faces opposition from Ahmed Nejib Chebbi, 67, of the rival PDP. A new party, the Congress for the Republic, led by long-exiled human rights activist Moncef Marzouki, is also expected to win seats. A high turnout is expected – as high as 80% in some precincts. Full results will be released on Monday. The assembly will face wrangling over who gets the top jobs. Those elected might choose to focus on the vast task of producing a new democratic constitution – to build a new state – while a government of technocrats keeps the country ticking over. With unemployment officially at 19% but thought to be much higher (and over 40% for graduate women), the government will be pressured to kickstart the economy and deal with the huge divide between Tunisia’s golden tourist coast and the poor interior. In Ettadhamen, a poor, densely-populated suburb of Tunis which rose up in the revolution and saw young men killed by Ben Ali’s forces, hundreds were queueing to vote at primary schools. “I’ve never seen anything like this,” said Lameen Muhammed, a teacher. “Nine months ago you couldn’t even talk about politics in the street for fear of the secret police. The stress was unbearable. “Now everyone’s out debating and voting, the stress has lifted. It has been difficult, but we’re leaning towards democracy. With this vote, the people will have spoken.” A 52-year-old builder said he would choose An-Nahda. “They have a history of struggle against the regime, they were treated brutally, their families suffered. I want them to improve security. There are a lot of problems here. Alcohol is sold openly, and there are drugs sold on the street.” A stay-at-home mother, 44, in long robe and headscarf said she had voted for the centrist secular party Ettakatol because she liked what its spokesmen said on TV. Meanwhile, a student had chosen the CPR, “They’re a new party, I trust them. I’m nearly 20 – I’m desperate to think I can hope for some kind of job.” Amid the optimism there was a sense of vigilance. Many said that the people had staged the revolution and they would take to the streets again if they felt they were being cheated or let down. Najila Ahrissi, one of the many cleaners who leave Ettadhamen each day to work in the homes of the rich for about £150 a month, had voted for a small secular party. She said: “In the old days, every election here was fixed. Let’s just hope we can trust the politicians of tomorrow.” Tunisia Arab and Middle East unrest Africa Angelique Chrisafis guardian.co.uk

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Tunisians flock to voting stations for first taste of democracy in 50 years

People queue to vote as candidates from 110 political parties and scores of independents bid to join new 217-seat government At 7am, at the front of a long queue outside a polling station near the Tunis casbah yesterday, shop assistant Samira was impatiently waiting for the doors to open on Tunisia’s first free elections. The 50-year-old had been camped there since 5.45am in order to be the first voter and had not slept a wink all night. “How could I sleep? It’s the first time I’ve ever voted in my life,” she said, rubbing her eyes. “What’s one night when we’ve waited decades for freedom? This ballot box is what we took to the streets for.” Nine months after a people’s revolution ousted the despot Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali and inspired uprisings across the region, Tunisia on Sunday was holding the first vote of the Arab spring. The small country of 10 million was being watched by the Arab world as an experiment in moving from dictatorship to democracy. If the elections usher in a credible new political class after 50 years of a one-party state, they could boost the democratic hopes for neighbouring such as post-Gaddafi Libya and Egypt, where there is profound uncertainty. One common complaint among Tunisians is that they were never able to properly celebrate their revolution with an outpouring of joy. When Ben Ali fled, it was followed by weeks of curfews, uncertainty and violent outbreaks stoked by remnants of the old regime. Then people again took to the streets and occupied the casbah to protest over a succession of weak, discredited and ineffective transition governments featuring faces present under the old regime. Ben Ali is in Saudi Arabia but his state apparatus remains in place: torture and police brutality continues, the justice system is craven and compromised, corruption is rife and unemployment – a main cause of the revolution – is rising. “There’s an overwhelming sense of joy and relief,” said Mehdi Lassoued, a tyre company worker, wrapped in the Tunisian flag. “I feel we are finally moving on, that we can finish this revolution, vote for a legitimate government.” Tunis university professor Ghofrane Ben Miled said: “There’s so much expectation and excitement on the street. I didn’t sleep, I was wired. It felt like the nights during the revolution, but calmer. I’m 42 and I’ve never voted before.” Flag-festooned cars with horns blaring were everywhere and hundreds queued in the sun, wearing home-made paper hats. Asked who the election winner would be, most said: “We all will.” During the 23 years under Ben Ali’s notorious secret police, elections were a farce and few turned out to vote. Those who officially did vote were often in fact dead. Ben Ali would achieve unlikely landslides, such as the 99.91% he announced in 1994. The people’s uprising that began in December with the self-immolation of a poor vegetable seller in a desolate rural town was not led by any party, ideology or religion. So the election is the first test of a new political landscape. There are now 110 political parties and scores of independents. Tunisians will appoint a 217-seat assembly with the specific role of rewriting the constitution to prepare for parliamentary elections next year. A complex proportional representation system means that no one party will dominate the assembly. But the Islamist party, An-Nahda, previously outlawed and brutally repressed, is expected to win an important share of the vote. The party has campaigned as a moderate, pro-democracy force, vowing to respect the diversity of Tunisia – one of the region’s most highly educated countries, with a strong secular tradition and the most advanced women’s rights in the Arab world. An-Nahda likens itself to Turkey’s Islamist-rooted ruling Justice and Development party – liberal and conservative. Secular critics say An-Nahda is an unknown quantity and its hardliners could seek to enforce a more fundamentalist Islam on Tunisia’s civil society. When its leader, Rachid Ghannouchi, who recently returned from 22 years of exile in London, arrived at to vote followed by camera crews he walked straight to the front. But he was jeered by crowds waiting to vote, who shouted: “The queue, the queue! Democracy starts there!” He swiftly took his place in the line and said: “The people have a hunger for democracy.” The assembly is also likely to feature an array of secular centrist parties, such as the centre-left Ettakatol which was in opposition under Ben Ali. Its founder, Mustapha Ben Jaafar, 70 – who is a doctor and professor of medicine – was barred from running for president in 2009 but is tipped to seek a senior position in the new government, perhaps the interim presidency. He faces opposition from Ahmed Nejib Chebbi, 67, of the rival PDP. A new party, the Congress for the Republic, led by long-exiled human rights activist Moncef Marzouki, is also expected to win seats. A high turnout is expected – as high as 80% in some precincts. Full results will be released on Monday. The assembly will face wrangling over who gets the top jobs. Those elected might choose to focus on the vast task of producing a new democratic constitution – to build a new state – while a government of technocrats keeps the country ticking over. With unemployment officially at 19% but thought to be much higher (and over 40% for graduate women), the government will be pressured to kickstart the economy and deal with the huge divide between Tunisia’s golden tourist coast and the poor interior. In Ettadhamen, a poor, densely-populated suburb of Tunis which rose up in the revolution and saw young men killed by Ben Ali’s forces, hundreds were queueing to vote at primary schools. “I’ve never seen anything like this,” said Lameen Muhammed, a teacher. “Nine months ago you couldn’t even talk about politics in the street for fear of the secret police. The stress was unbearable. “Now everyone’s out debating and voting, the stress has lifted. It has been difficult, but we’re leaning towards democracy. With this vote, the people will have spoken.” A 52-year-old builder said he would choose An-Nahda. “They have a history of struggle against the regime, they were treated brutally, their families suffered. I want them to improve security. There are a lot of problems here. Alcohol is sold openly, and there are drugs sold on the street.” A stay-at-home mother, 44, in long robe and headscarf said she had voted for the centrist secular party Ettakatol because she liked what its spokesmen said on TV. Meanwhile, a student had chosen the CPR, “They’re a new party, I trust them. I’m nearly 20 – I’m desperate to think I can hope for some kind of job.” Amid the optimism there was a sense of vigilance. Many said that the people had staged the revolution and they would take to the streets again if they felt they were being cheated or let down. Najila Ahrissi, one of the many cleaners who leave Ettadhamen each day to work in the homes of the rich for about £150 a month, had voted for a small secular party. She said: “In the old days, every election here was fixed. Let’s just hope we can trust the politicians of tomorrow.” Tunisia Arab and Middle East unrest Africa Angelique Chrisafis guardian.co.uk

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Gaddafi’s corpse continues to attract impatient Misrata hordes

Queues continue at the meat cooler that houses the body of deposed dictator Muammar Gaddafi Ritha Mohammed crouched with a napkin to wipe the soles of his daughter’s shoes, which he feared might have picked up the dirt and stench that spilled from Colonel Gaddafi’s corpse, which still lies on public view in Misrata. “Just in case,” he said, as he cleaned the five-year-old. He quickly moved on to dust down the carry cot that held his new-born son who, like the four young girls in their new dresses, he had ushered in to see the dead despot. “I wanted them all to witness this. This will be a day we will all remember.” An impatient crowd seethed around Mohammed, shouting and surging against guards who had linked arms to prevent the meat cooler holding Gaddafi, his son Mutassim and his military chief, from being overrun. The three decaying bodies inside ought to have repelled the hordes. In Misrata, they did just the opposite. A growing throng of at least several thousand snaked throughout the day for a chance to see the ignominious end of a tyrant, who had been so terrifying and out of reach to them all for more than four decades. Now here he was vanquished and shrivelled. Even three days after Gaddafi’s death, it still hardly seemed possible. “He made our lives hell,” said Mohammed. “I wanted to see him dead with my own eyes. Who cares if it’s not dignified for him. That was not his first concern for any of the people here.” Many of the people queuing in the grounds of this vegetable market on the outskirts of Misrata said they had come to see Gaddafi’s corpse for the same reason. The ghoulish scene had an unedifying head-on-a-stake feel to it but it was also a collective closure for residents of a city that had suffered more than any other during eight grinding months of civil war. “There are so many rumours in Libya that it’s difficult to believe anything without verifying it,” said Tareq Zawabi, who had waited 90 minutes for the chance to survey the three corpses. “He didn’t look like I had imagined. He was a lot smaller.” As each day passes, the three bodies are becoming less and less suitable for public view. But uncertainty still surrounds their fate, with Gaddafi’s surviving family in Algeria demanding the remains for burial and Libya’s interim government not yet sure what to do with them. One of many obstacles facing Libya’s provisional leadership is its own human rights record, and the question of whether Gaddafi was killed in the minutes following his capture in Sirte. A forensic report in Misrata on Sunday concluded that Gaddafi had died from a bullet to the head. The finding added to the weight of evidence that suggests he was killed in the frantic minutes after his capture in Sirte, three hours to the east. It is still unclear who fired the fatal shot, and under what circumstances. Dr Othman al-Zintani, Libya’s chief pathologist, carried out the autopsy. He said it was “obvious” Gaddafi had died “from a gunshot wound to the head”. He did not elaborate but appeared to be referring to the neat entry wound clearly visible on the left side of Gaddafi’s head, and shown in numerous shots of his corpse screened around the world. Zintani said: “There are still several issues. We have to pass [the report] to the prosecutor general, but everything will be revealed publicly. Nothing will be hidden.” A Misrata rebel claimed to have witnessed Gaddafi’s final moment. “I was there when he was shot,” said Adam Zwabi, one of thousands of fighters who were chasing the remnants of Gaddafi’s loyalists last Thursday. “I heard the bullet and I saw him after he fell.” Libya’s National Transitional Council has changed its version of Gaddafi’s death, no longer suggesting he was killed in crossfire. Even the unit that captured him, know as Katiba Goran, are sanguine about how Gaddafi died. “Did anyone complain when the Americans shot Osama [bin Laden] in the head?” asked a rebel leader, Moustafa Zoubi, as he twirled on his desk the golden gun seized from Gaddafi’s luggage. “One of the resistance fighters became overcome with anger. He acted before anyone could stop him.” Nevertheless, the rebels have rearranged Gaddafi’s body to hide the bullet wound. His head has been tilted to the left, obscuring the entry point, just above his left ear. All three bodies have been wrapped in new grey blankets. How Gaddafi died does not seem to matter much in a city that seems inured to brutality. Throughout central Misrata, where ravaged buildings line sweeping boulevards, at least 10,000 people are thought to have been killed in months of fierce fighting. “The price for this freedom has been very, very high,” said Radwan Zwabi, as celebratory gunfire rattled nearby. “And I don’t know what’s been left behind. On the one hand, I celebrate this day, but the uncertainty is profound. What has Gaddafi done to these people, these young boys who killed him? They knew nothing else. But now they must learn something else, another way, or we will never move on.” The US secretary of state Hillary Clinton and Britain’s defence secretary, Philip Hammond, both called on Sundayfor a full investigation into the circumstances of Gaddafi’s death. The Libyan revolutionaries’ image had been “a little bit stained” by Gaddafi’s death, Hammond told the BBC. “It’s certainly not the way we do things. We would have liked to see Colonel Gaddafi going on trial to answer for his misdeeds.” Muammar Gaddafi Libya Middle East Africa Arab and Middle East unrest Martin Chulov guardian.co.uk

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Gaddafi’s corpse continues to attract impatient Misrata hordes

Queues continue at the meat cooler that houses the body of deposed dictator Muammar Gaddafi Ritha Mohammed crouched with a napkin to wipe the soles of his daughter’s shoes, which he feared might have picked up the dirt and stench that spilled from Colonel Gaddafi’s corpse, which still lies on public view in Misrata. “Just in case,” he said, as he cleaned the five-year-old. He quickly moved on to dust down the carry cot that held his new-born son who, like the four young girls in their new dresses, he had ushered in to see the dead despot. “I wanted them all to witness this. This will be a day we will all remember.” An impatient crowd seethed around Mohammed, shouting and surging against guards who had linked arms to prevent the meat cooler holding Gaddafi, his son Mutassim and his military chief, from being overrun. The three decaying bodies inside ought to have repelled the hordes. In Misrata, they did just the opposite. A growing throng of at least several thousand snaked throughout the day for a chance to see the ignominious end of a tyrant, who had been so terrifying and out of reach to them all for more than four decades. Now here he was vanquished and shrivelled. Even three days after Gaddafi’s death, it still hardly seemed possible. “He made our lives hell,” said Mohammed. “I wanted to see him dead with my own eyes. Who cares if it’s not dignified for him. That was not his first concern for any of the people here.” Many of the people queuing in the grounds of this vegetable market on the outskirts of Misrata said they had come to see Gaddafi’s corpse for the same reason. The ghoulish scene had an unedifying head-on-a-stake feel to it but it was also a collective closure for residents of a city that had suffered more than any other during eight grinding months of civil war. “There are so many rumours in Libya that it’s difficult to believe anything without verifying it,” said Tareq Zawabi, who had waited 90 minutes for the chance to survey the three corpses. “He didn’t look like I had imagined. He was a lot smaller.” As each day passes, the three bodies are becoming less and less suitable for public view. But uncertainty still surrounds their fate, with Gaddafi’s surviving family in Algeria demanding the remains for burial and Libya’s interim government not yet sure what to do with them. One of many obstacles facing Libya’s provisional leadership is its own human rights record, and the question of whether Gaddafi was killed in the minutes following his capture in Sirte. A forensic report in Misrata on Sunday concluded that Gaddafi had died from a bullet to the head. The finding added to the weight of evidence that suggests he was killed in the frantic minutes after his capture in Sirte, three hours to the east. It is still unclear who fired the fatal shot, and under what circumstances. Dr Othman al-Zintani, Libya’s chief pathologist, carried out the autopsy. He said it was “obvious” Gaddafi had died “from a gunshot wound to the head”. He did not elaborate but appeared to be referring to the neat entry wound clearly visible on the left side of Gaddafi’s head, and shown in numerous shots of his corpse screened around the world. Zintani said: “There are still several issues. We have to pass [the report] to the prosecutor general, but everything will be revealed publicly. Nothing will be hidden.” A Misrata rebel claimed to have witnessed Gaddafi’s final moment. “I was there when he was shot,” said Adam Zwabi, one of thousands of fighters who were chasing the remnants of Gaddafi’s loyalists last Thursday. “I heard the bullet and I saw him after he fell.” Libya’s National Transitional Council has changed its version of Gaddafi’s death, no longer suggesting he was killed in crossfire. Even the unit that captured him, know as Katiba Goran, are sanguine about how Gaddafi died. “Did anyone complain when the Americans shot Osama [bin Laden] in the head?” asked a rebel leader, Moustafa Zoubi, as he twirled on his desk the golden gun seized from Gaddafi’s luggage. “One of the resistance fighters became overcome with anger. He acted before anyone could stop him.” Nevertheless, the rebels have rearranged Gaddafi’s body to hide the bullet wound. His head has been tilted to the left, obscuring the entry point, just above his left ear. All three bodies have been wrapped in new grey blankets. How Gaddafi died does not seem to matter much in a city that seems inured to brutality. Throughout central Misrata, where ravaged buildings line sweeping boulevards, at least 10,000 people are thought to have been killed in months of fierce fighting. “The price for this freedom has been very, very high,” said Radwan Zwabi, as celebratory gunfire rattled nearby. “And I don’t know what’s been left behind. On the one hand, I celebrate this day, but the uncertainty is profound. What has Gaddafi done to these people, these young boys who killed him? They knew nothing else. But now they must learn something else, another way, or we will never move on.” The US secretary of state Hillary Clinton and Britain’s defence secretary, Philip Hammond, both called on Sundayfor a full investigation into the circumstances of Gaddafi’s death. The Libyan revolutionaries’ image had been “a little bit stained” by Gaddafi’s death, Hammond told the BBC. “It’s certainly not the way we do things. We would have liked to see Colonel Gaddafi going on trial to answer for his misdeeds.” Muammar Gaddafi Libya Middle East Africa Arab and Middle East unrest Martin Chulov guardian.co.uk

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