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Interview with Egyptian activist Ramy Raoof

Al Jazeera speaks with Ramy Raoof, an Egyptian activist.

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Anger on Cairo’s Tahrir Square

Al Jazeera’s Andrew Simmons has tested the mood among the crowd in Tahrir Square. Protesters say president Mubarak is not listening to the growing anger.

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It looks like Donald Trump wants to run for President because he viciously attacked Obama during his CPAC speech today and listed his creds for the job, but then cluelessly threw Ron Paul under the bus. Boos were showered upon him at the 10:30 mark. Trump fired off a series of tough talking points including declaring that “the world is treating us without respect,” we are “missing quality leadership” and that the “United States is the laughingstock of the world.” Additionally he had some harsh words for President Obama, who Trump declared “came out of nowhere” and didn’t even make an impression on any of his classmates when he went to school, because nobody ever heard of him. Most humorous was watching a large amount of supporters for Republican Congressman Ron Paul who chanted Paul’s name get smacked down by Trump who, with his trademark candor, broke the news to them that “Ron Paul cannot get elected, I’m sorry to tell you.” Instead, Trump was eager to inform everyone “if I ran and if I win, this country will be respected again.” He declared he was pro-life, against gun control, and would fight to end Obamacare and replace it with something that won’t bankrupt the country. I say clueless because if Trump had done his homework he would have known that Paul won CPAC’s straw poll just last year which was news to people who actually follow the news. Mr. Paul, a Republican Congressman from Texas who inspired an intense following for president in 2008, swept the 2012 presidential straw poll Saturday at the Conservative Political Action Conference . He won with 31 percent of the nearly 2,400 votes at the conference, edging out Mitt Romney , the former Massachusetts governor, who won the straw poll last year and who captured 22 percent of the vote. When Mr. Paul’s name was announced in the packed ballroom of a Washington hotel, it elicited hoots and boos along with applause. Although Mr. Romney won fewer votes, he seemed to draw stronger applause. As for The Hair, when he talks about going bankrupt, well that’s something he knows all too well. How Does Trump repeatedly file for Bankruptcy and still stay on top? And there’s this article: How Many Times Has Donald Trump Filed For Bankruptcy? For legendary tycoons, Donald Trump tops the list, but how many times has Donald Trump filed for bankruptcy? The 90’s recession wasn’t picky about who it affected. Donald Trump felt the pinch as well. His decision to use high interest bonds to finance the assembly of the Taj Mahal casino caused life to get very stressful for the tycoon. In 1991, unable to pay a $3.5 billion loan, he declared business bankruptcy. He also came close to filing personal ruin. At the time, his personal debt was estimated to be around $900 million. Due to the bankruptcy, banks and bondholders lost millions. They came to a compromise with Donald Trump. The banks gave him lower interest rates and a longer time frame to repay the debt and Donald Trump gave the investors half the ownership of the Taj Mahal. In mere months the casino was back in business. Not even a year later, Trump Plaza Hotel folded and Donald had to declare bankruptcy. Again, he worked out a deal where he’d give up 49 percent of the hotel to Citibank and the other lenders and he’d get more time to pay the loan back. It took him two years to repay most of his debt with many sacrifices. He had to give up the Trump Shuttle. The bankruptcy saga didn’t stop there. In 2004, Donald filed for bankruptcy protection and restructured his debt. He reduced his ownership of Trump Hotels & Casino Resorts to 27 percent and gave bondholders stocks to help lower his debt and then stepped down as CEO. In 2005, things settled down and Trump Hotels & Casino Resorts came out of bankruptcy with a new name, Trump Entertainment Resort Holdings. Unfortunately the reemergence didn’t last long. On February 17th 2009, Donald Trump filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy with a debt ratio of $50 million in assets to his $500 million in debt. This filing made the third bankruptcy for Trump Enterprises. Trump had all the required right wing talking points down like hating on HCR, gun control and being pro-life, but as for CPAC goes, not so much.

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Angry reactions in Tahrir Square

After two-and-a-half weeks of calls for him to go, president Hosni Mubarak’s TV speech was eagerly anticipated. But hopes they’d be hearing a resignation speech were dashed and Friday prayers are expected to be accompanied by another outcry. Al Jazeera’s Jackie Rowland reports.

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I am shocked, shocked to discover that the Joint Staff’s J2 (intelligence) shop told former SecDef Donald Rumsfeld in September 2002 that it had no idea whether Saddam’s WMD program was actually active or had any stockpiles of chemical or biological weapons. It’s quite amazing, in fact, but here is the briefing in response to the SecDef’s inquiry . If you’ve never seen a Rumsfeld “snowflake,” an example is at the very first page. From Int. Business Times : [Maj. Gen.

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Egypt’s day of rumour and expectation ends in anger and confusion

Vast crowds in Tahrir Square expected a victory party after the departure of Mubarak – but it was not to be Rain is rare in Cairo, thunder even more so. Tahrir Square experienced both, and those on the ground took it as a seal of approval for their revolt. As one demonstrator said, looking skyward: “You don’t bring down a 30-year dictatorship without a bit of hand-clapping from the gods.” But the turbulent weather turned out to be an omen for something else – another night of bitter disappointment and confusion. Tahrir has been no stranger to mood swings over the past 17 days, but none have been as devastating as this. As darkness fell tens of thousands streamed in to join an ocean of songs, drums and flags; with Mubarak’s resignation expected imminently, it seemed as if the Egyptian capital was gearing up for the biggest street party the Arab world has ever seen. By half past 10, when the president finally shuffled on to the stage, a deathly hush swept the square. Everywhere groups huddled round transistor radios, straining to hear his words. Some thrust camera phones high into the air. “I want to capture the very moment of his departure so I can show my future children,” whispered one. That moment never came. With the crowd desperate to hear what he had to say, Mubarak’s staid nationalistic rhetoric squeaked out of a hundred tiny speakers into near silence. There was no interruption when he called for national unity, and only the faintest of tuts when he tried to invoke the memory of those who had died in Egypt’s anti-government uprising, deaths many in the square attribute to his forces. But then he told the listening protesters that he too was a young man once, and could understand their concerns. In an instant, Tahrir shook with fury. Many took off their shoes and waved them in the air (below). Pockets of protesters launched different chants: “Down, Down, Hosni Mubarak” and “We’re not going until he goes”. Soon they coalesced, and the square spoke as one with a single word. ‘Irhal’ (‘Leave’), it cried. “It’s another piece of empty manipulation, the same thing he’s tried time and time again,” said Fakhr El-Sanhoury, a 26-year-old architect who listened to the speech through his earphones and had the unenviable task of relaying Mubarak’s words to a throng of protesters gathered around him. “This time though it won’t work, this emotional rhetoric will not strike a chord with the Egyptian people.” Behind him, a young man yelled at those around him to march to the presidential palace and tear Mubarak out in person. “The response from the people here is massive and direct,” added El-Sanhoury. “He can be as stubborn as he likes, but the will of the people is clear.” Mubarak’s refusal to step down was all the more painful because of the anticipation that preceded it. “It’s been a day of rumour and conjecture,” one demonstrator, Simon Hanna, said earlier. “People started celebrating here and there when reports came through that Mubarak had gone. Then things calmed down, as it was feared there might be a government trick to put that rumour around. But as the day has gone on, there’s is an increasing feeling that Mubarak really is on the way out. The mood is ecstatic. There’ll be celebrations throughout the night, and tomorrow it will all start again.” It was not to be. Those who had come to be at the heart of a party were well aware that their festivities might end in different ways, even in a military coup. But few thought President Mubarak would still try to tough it out. Many said proudly that whatever happened, they felt a corner had been turned. It would now be impossible for any future leader to treat them, the Egyptian people, the way they had been treated for more than a generation. Nisma Said, a secretary aged 26, said: “Some people here worry about what is going to happen next, but I’m not scared. Just like the Tunisians did to Ben Ali, we will follow their example. We have won, whatever comes next.” In the square, Egyptian flags were everywhere, but Tunisian colours could also be seen in significant numbers for the first time since it all began on 25 January, as if to acknowledge the revolt’s parentage as it reached its conclusion. Amid the excitement, some sat on the grass circle at the centre of Tahrir, wrapped in flags and rocking gently as if they couldn’t quite believe that the autocrat would really go. They turned out to be prescient. Some joined in communal chanting, whilst others sang softly to themselves. As Tahrir began to fill, the crowd flowed freely through its entrances, which at one stage had been violent flashpoints. The army was at the main approach, but soldiers waved people through. Past the checkpoints newcomers weaved through welcoming committees, human tunnels of drums and flags with placards denoting entry to “Liberated Egypt”. Some acknowledged, even at the height of the initial celebrations, that they might be in a fool’s paradise, but the communal instinct was to celebrate and deal with tomorrow when it arrived. Lina Attalah, the managing editor of Egyptian media outlet al-Masri al-Youm, said: “At times Tahrir has felt like a political rally. At other times it felt like a festival. Today the festival has become political, and that is an exciting thing to see.” As she spoke, activists moved through the crowd urging people to stay on regardless of what unfolded over the course of the night, and to return if needs be until the protesters had secured concrete constitutional reform. Mostafa Hussein, a rights activist aged 30, said: “It’s hard to describe my emotions. I have to admit I feel anxious about the future. I worry the military will try to control the country with an iron fist. The only thing I can be certain of is that they won’t open fire and try to kill us en masse.” But he remained optimistic. “What you have to understand is that Egypt changed forever on 25 January. The moment we took to the streets in large numbers and beat back Mubarak’s police, this revolution was triumphant.” “Whatever comes next, the politicians know the people can mobilise in an instant,” Hussein added. “The dismantling of the regime started on that day, and it continues with the strikes that have swept the country recently. We are seeing a withering away of the state as we know it … Beyond that, we just don’t know.” Throughout the day, word came of events around the country which confirmed the overwhelming feeling that Egypt had gone beyond the point of no return. Strikes were multiplying across the country – a bus strike in Cairo, electricity staff and service technicians at the Suez canal, textile factories, steel plants, and hospitals. Wael Eskander, a Copt in his 20s, was insistent Mubarak would be forced out and that the reverberations of his downfall would travel far beyond Tahrir Square and Egypt’s borders. “The impact of what we do here today is going to be huge. When Mubarak falls, every country nearby is going to be shaking.” He left frustrated a few hours later, vowing to return the next day. Around him youths banged drums and chanted: ‘For the sake of the martyrs, come back tomorrow – the revolution continues’. Egypt Hosni Mubarak Middle East Jack Shenker Julian Borger guardian.co.uk

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Mubarak’s defiance could spell disaster

The stubbornness of the beleaguered Egyptian president has embarrassed the army and endangered the people Egypt ‘s popular uprising seemed on course for a significant escalation – and possibly for direct military intervention – last night after a defiant Hosni Mubarak handed some powers to his vice-president but again flatly refused to bow to demands that he stand down at once. Mubarak dashed what turned out to be catastrophically misplaced expectations that he was finally about to go – fuelled by apparent signs that the army was stepping in to ensure stability after more than two weeks of unprecedented unrest. The president said he was committed to key constitutional amendments – though he gave no timetable – and announced a bigger, though undefined, role for Omar Suleiman, his newly appointed deputy and veteran intelligence chief. In a bizarre performance on state TV , Mubarak played father to his people, self-centred, angry and above all determined not to be forced from office before September, when new presidential elections are due. Looking grave, he repeated his most memorable line from his last big speech, vowing that he would “not leave this soil until I am buried underneath it” – a sharp reminder, amid speculation about retirement to Sharm al-Sheikh or medical treatment in Germany, that he will not follow in the footsteps of the deposed Tunisian leader Zine al-Abdine Bin Ali, now living in gilded exile in Saudi Arabia. Suleiman, reviled by many opposition supporters as being too close to Mubarak, the US and Israel, pledged in a televised statement of his own that he was committed to an orderly transition, but warned that Egyptians would not be dragged into chaos or used as “tools for sabotage”. Mubarak’s speech came at the end of an extraordinary day during which all the evidence seemed to indicate decisive intervention by the military, with officers telling protesters in Tahrir Square that their demands would be met. Even more significantly, state TV broadcast pictures of the higher armed forces council meeting without Mubarak, the commander-in-chief, reinforcing the impression the generals and the defence minister, Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi , were moving against him. Tantawi is said to be close to and in close contact with the US government. The council’s statement – the title “communique number one” redolent of past military interventions in Egypt and across the Arab world – said it would “remain in continuous session to discuss what measures and arrangements could be taken to safeguard the homeland and its achievements, and the aspirations of the great Egyptian people”. Omar Ashour, an Egyptian academic at Exeter University, said: “We may be seeing factional fighting inside the regime and in the end the Mubarak faction won. Or maybe we see him attempting to cling to power regardless of the views of the military. This is certainly embarrassing for them.” Mohamed ElBaradei , the nearest the fractured opposition has to a single well-known leader, said Egypt’s fate now lay in the hands of the military. “The army must save the country now,” he said. The concessions Mubarak did offer, to amend key provisions of the constitution including hated anti-terrorist laws, are certainly important, but little more than small print in the big picture of thirst for radical change and profound mistrust of the regime’s true intentions. Mubarak portrayed himself as a patriot overseeing a stable and orderly transition until September — the date of an election in which he said last week neither he nor his son and onetime heir apparent Gamal would now stand. Above all, the embattled president sang his own praises, reminding Egyptians – the silent majority – of his sacrifices as a war hero and his defence of the country’s interests in peacetime. “I have lived for this nation,” the former air force commander declared, visibly emotional about his own efforts. “I have exhausted my life defending the land and its sovereignty. I have faced death on my occasions. I never bent under foreign pressure. I never sought false power or popularity. I am certain that the majority of people are aware who Hosni Mubarak is.” He clearly meant that those who were roaring their anger and disapproval for the world’s TV cameras did not. Ibrahaim Arafat, a political scientist at Qatar University, warned that Mubarak’s defiant performance would radicalise the situation. “The more stubborn and defiant the president sounded, the more stubborn and defiant the street becomes,” he told al-Jazeera TV, suggesting an attempt to provoke serious trouble to give the army a pretext to declare martial law. “I think it is strange,” political scientist Osama Ghazli Harb told Reuters news agency. “It means the president doesn’t understand anything. I think it could be catastrophic. His intention is to continue in power in spite of the will of the people. For two weeks people have said, ‘Go.’ Now I’m afraid for the future.” Egypt Hosni Mubarak Protest Middle East Ian Black guardian.co.uk

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Fury in Egypt as Mubarak refuses to leave

Massive protest expected after president hands over some powers to vice-president Suleiman – but remains in office President Hosni Mubarak dashed the hopes of hundreds of thousands of Egyptians waiting for what they thought would be his resignation speech last night by defiantly announcing that he would not bow to domestic or foreign pressure to quit. In a televised address that has set the stage for further confrontation on the streets – as well as heightened tensions with the US – Mubarak said he would hand powers to his deputy, Omar Suleiman, but would stay on as president, with his regime controlling the transition to free elections. Although he appeared to have surrendered much of his power, Mubarak said he will stay in office until an orderly transition to an elected government, planned for September. He repeated a pledge not to seek re-election and said there was no going back on a commitment to long-term political reform, after the two weeks of protests demanding his resignation. But while the president’s surrender of his legal powers was a significant concession, unthinkable just a month ago, it fell far short of the demands of the shocked crowds packed into Cairo’s Tahrir Square, the centre of protests against Mubarak’s 30-year rule. In a day of growing euphoria, many had come to believe he was about to resign entirely after senior government politicians predicted as much. The president’s defiant tone and attempts to paint the revolt as inspired by foreign interference angered the crowds. As the mood turned sour, protesters waved their shoes, a sign of contempt, and chanted: “He must leave” and “We’re off to the presidential palace. We’re going as millions of martyrs.” Opposition leaders said the transfer of power to Suleiman, the former intelligence chief who has played a central role in years of political repression, did not change the regime. They said they will escalate the protests, which in recent days have spread to include strikes that have shut down the public transport system, some hospitals and factories. Mohamed ElBaradei, the Nobel peace prize winner and retired nuclear inspector who is now a leading opposition politician, wrote on Twitter: “Egypt will explode. Army must save the country now.” But the role of the military remained unclear when, earlier, it said it would act to “protect the rights of the people”. Egyptians will be watching to see if the army allows the latest of the mass protests, planned for today, to go ahead without interference. Mubarak’s speech also wrongfooted the US administration, which has been pressuring him to take steps toward democratisation, including lifting the hated state of emergency which has been used to suppress political activity. Last night, Barack Obama convened a meeting with his security team to discuss the crisis. The Egyptian leader appealed to the protesters, suggesting that his refusal to resign was due to national dignity because he was resisting foreign pressure. “Your demands are legitimate and just … There is no shame in hearing your voices and opinions, but I refuse any and all dictations from abroad,” he said. “I have announced my commitment to peacefully hand over power after upcoming elections … I will deliver Egypt and its people to safety.” Mubarak said he would transfer powers to Suleiman to prove that the demands of protesters for political change will be met. Shortly afterwards, Suleiman appeared on television and missed a chance to win over the protesters by announcing immediate and major political changes. Instead, he aggravated tensions by warning that he would not allow the country to be dragged into chaos and appealing for the protesters to return to work. “Youth of Egypt, go back home, back to work, the nation needs you to develop, to create. Don’t listen to foreign radio and TV, whose aim is to tarnish Egypt,” he said. ElBaradei dismissed Suleiman as an alternative to the president. “There is no way that the Egyptian people right now are ready to accept either Mubarak or his vice president,” he told CNN. “Suleiman is considered to be an extension of Mubarak, they are twins. Neither of them is acceptable to the people – even Suleiman is less acceptable.” Stunned protesters listened to Mubarak in disbelief. In the hours before his speech, thousands of pro-democracy activists had poured in to Tahrir Square for an impromptu victory party in expectation that the president was about to quit after the prime minister, Ahmed Shafiq, and other senior politicians said they expected him to announce he would go as the political crisis deepened with the spread of strikes and demonstrations across the country. Hossam Badrawi, the new secretary general of the ruling party, was quoted in the state press as saying he had requested that Mubarak transfer his powers to Suleiman, who had appeared to be running the country in recent days. The mood of optimism had been reinforced when General Hassan al-Roueini, military commander for the Cairo area, told the crowd: “All your demands will be met today.” State television shifted from relentless anti-protester propaganda to showing Tahrir Square, in what was widely seen as reflecting a political change. But, behind the scenes, there appeared to be a struggle involving the army underway over the terms of Mubarak’s departure. Activists have also been demanding an immediate lifting of the 30 year state of emergency that has been used to lock up the government’s opponents without trial. They have also been pressing for parliament, elected in a tainted ballot last year from which leading opponents including the Muslim Brotherhood were barred, to be dissolved. Some opposition leaders have said they would accept an interim administration, controlled by civilians with the military, for up to a year to make constitutional changes to permit free elections and also to allow for the creation of new political parties and to give them a chance to become rooted. Egypt Hosni Mubarak Middle East Chris McGreal guardian.co.uk

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Why They Hate Him — Luntz Focus Group Repeats What They Heard on Fox

Click here to view this media The staff at The Ed Schultz Show did a nice job putting this mash up together explaining just where the people in Frank Luntz’s focus group the other night on Sean Hannity’s show might have gotten some of their ideas about President Obama. Brave New Films’ Robert Greenwald who’s organization has been documenting Fox for years now joined Ed to discuss how their viewers, some of whom were obviously represented in Luntz’s focus group, are propagandized daily and exposed to nothing but a steady stream of hatred and lies. John posted the video of the original segment earlier today.

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‘He’s not going? What the hell does he want?’ Ahdaf Soueif in a packed square in Cairo on the reaction to Mubarak’s speech The clock on the Arab League building said 8.30. Everyone was in Tahrir Square. I stood in front of one of the many impromptu stages – stood isn’t quite right. I bounced. Everybody was clapping, swaying, singing. Wust el-Balad was playing: “Put your shoulder by my shoulder/ we’ll break bread together/ and however hard it is/ we’ll invent/ a modern revolution.” The square was rocking. There was even a half moon nestling in the fronds of a palm tree above us. The air was happy, excited, anticipatory. Now, at midnight, how very different. We stood in the square and listened to Mubarak’s speech over a loudspeaker. Every once in a while someone would start an angry chant but people would shush them. Everyone was listening intently, and no one could believe their ears. Exclamations erupted: “He’s not going? What the hell does he want?” When Mubarak started on the “I was once young like you” riff, a great collective groan went up. As he finished his speech the drums and chanting started: “Don’t you understand? We. Will. Stand!” This was interspersed with the usual “Irhal!” – depart. The dominant feeling at that moment was of disbelief. No one could credit that after millions of people had demanded the departure of the regime and all the scandals that have erupted over the past days, Mubarak could come on and simply repeat the same tired old tropes. Adding to them a further smokescreen about not succumbing to foreign pressure. It defied belief that a president who has alienated and ruined his country by following American policies for 30 years was now staking a claim to independence of foreign influence. The other dominant feeling was that we, the people, had been insulted. Mr Mubarak patronised the protesters – again. And once again, he demonstrated how much less he is than the people he has brutalised for so long. The protests, as the whole world knows, have been open, peaceable, cohesive, good-humoured. Once again, the president played the divisive card: here was a man standing against foreign intervention, worried about the economy, wanting security and stability for his country – every one of these a misrepresentation aimed at discrediting the protests. By choosing this path, Mubarak is deliberately pushing Egypt further into crisis. He is putting the army in a position where they will soon have to confront either the Egyptian people or the president and his presidential guard. He is also ensuring that by the time the revolution is victorious, the military will be in a far stronger position than when all this started. We are on the streets. There is no turning back. Egypt Protest Middle East Ahdaf Soueif guardian.co.uk

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